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Abstract.This paper questions both realist and restorative conceptions of truth commissions, to the extent that both of those conceptions neglect the internal links between truth commissions and criminal trials. Interpreting the requirements of retribution, responsibility and truth-telling, the paper argues that trials and truth commissions should be placed at points on a spectrum rather than in distinct categories, and that the circumstances of political transition explain the divergences in their respective practices. We may see truth commissions and trials as expressing the same aims of justice, though in contextually differentiated ways that modify both the subordinate principles required by the aims of justice and also their institutional expression.Résumé.Cet article remet en question la conception réaliste et la conception réparatrice des commissions de vérité, dans la mesure où toutes les deux négligent les liens internes entre les commissions de vérité et les procès criminels. Interprétant les exigences de rétribution, de responsabilité et de véracité, l'article avance que les procès et les commissions de vérité devraient être situés en divers points du même spectre plutôt que dans des catégories distinctes et que les circonstances de transition politique expliquent les différences entre leurs pratiques respectives. On peut considérer les commissions de vérité et les procès comme traduisant une même "poursuite de la justice", bien que les différences de contexte modifient dans chaque cas les principes subalternes qu'impose la recherche de la justice et, de ce fait, changent aussi leur expression institutionnelle.

"Ideas of collective responsibility challenge the doctrine of individual responsibility that is the dominant paradigm in law and liberal political theory. But little attention is given to the consequences of holding groups accountable for wrongdoing. Groups are not amenable to punishment in the way that individuals are. Can they be punished - and if so, how - or are other remedies available? The topic crosses the borders of law, philosophy, and political science, and in this volume specialists in all three areas contribute their perspectives. They examine the limits of individual criminal liability in addressing atrocity, the meanings of punishment and responsibility, the distribution of group punishment to a group's members, and the means by which collective accountability can be expressed. In doing so, they reflect on the legacy of the Nuremberg Trials, on the philosophical understanding of collective responsibility, and on the place of collective accountability in international political relations"--

Written by an international team of renowned scholars, this volume addresses the multitude of factors that may lead to the deadly breakdown of ethnic relations. The book Draws on real-world case studies, such as Rwanda, Sudan, and the Second Palestinian Intifada Brings together original contributions and theoretical perspectives by a team of experts in psychology and related disciplines such as sociology and political science Identifies events and processes that can break down inhibitions against violence, and lead to mass killings and genocide Examines explanations that must be considered

AbstractArguments for tolerance, and criticisms of it, regularly produce paradoxes and other kinds of conceptual difficulty. We seek to show that these paradoxes are unnecessary, and that they arise from misconceptions of what a theory of tolerance is required to justify. Imagined as a "virtue," tolerance is simply confused with other concepts; understood in the framework of a theory of "rights," the element of choice essential to the concept is wholly neglected; explaining the concept in terms of some theory of fallibilism leads to a confusion of pragmatic with cognitive standards. Moreover, such mistaken approaches often arise from an equation of tolerance with liberalism or pluralism: the authors maintain, however, that justifications of tolerance do not rest on a commitment to any political theory or ideology, but imply only a recognition of the political situation itself.

AbstractSocialism is often defined in terms of "community," or, as Professor John Wilson once put it, as a "society of friends." Thus defined, it is contrasted with the competitive relations of bourgeois society. But in some recent theory and practice, political competition is taken to be a defining feature of a legitimate socialist order. The persistence of political institutions is thus stressed, both by Western socialist theorists and by reformers in Eastern and Central Europe, and the orthodox view that "state" is to be superseded by "community" is sharply rejected. These two critiques differ, however, in one major respect: for Western socialists, the state is to be legitimated by the principles of socialist rationality, while for many reformers of Eastern and Central Europe it is to be legitimated by political life itself. From this second point of view, neither "friendship" nor "rationality" responds to the tensions which a socialist polity, no less than any other, will face: for both these concepts, to the extent that they are taken to set pre-established norms, constrict the "space for political action, " and thus remove the necessary conditions for legitimacy.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Introduction to the Transaction Edition -- I: The Demand for Freedom -- II: The Basis of Democracy -- III: A Guild in Being -- IV: The Guild System in Industry -- V: The Consumer -- VI: The Civic Services -- VII: The Structure of the Commune -- VIII: The Working of the Commune -- IX: Guild Socialism in Agriculture -- X: Evolution and Revolution -- XI: The Policy of Transition -- XII: The International Outlook -- A: Note on Books -- Index

This volume contributes to the growing literature on the morality of procreation and parenting. About half of the chapters take up questions about the morality of bringing children into existence. The other half of the volume considers moral and political questions about adoption and parenting. This collection builds on existing literature by advancing novel perspectives on existing debates. It also raises new issues deserving of our attention

Preface; 1. Heine's 'Various Concepts of History' Hanna Spencer 2. Unity and Diversity in Politics: Cassirer's Mythic Mode Revisited Willard A. Mullins 3. The Fatherland in Machiavelli Anthony Parel 4. Rousseau: Will and Politics J. M. Porter 5. A Public Goods Approach to the Theory of The General Will David Braybrooke 6. The Rise and Fall of Marxist Ideology in Communist Countries Eugene Kamenka 7. The Decline of Utopian Ideas in the West Isaiah Berlin 8. Moral Pluralism and the Liberal Mind Richard Vernon 9. Pluralism, Community and Human Nature Caroline McCulloch and Geraint Parry 10. Frederick M. Barnard: A Bibliography Janet Menard; Index