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Just as medieval municipal republics surrendered to national sovereigns in the past, incumbent states may be replaced in the future by an alternate, global public order. Citizens and merchants would obtain more equal rights, better market infrastructures, and a more efficient provision of public goods at all levels of government, from the local to the global. This proposition is supported by an agent-based, incentive-compatible model where individual rights--economic and political--are established within an ongoing bargain with rulers. Enfranchisement then shapes the autonomous dynamics of civil society and markets and, over time, allows for feedback of interests and preferences into the core bargain on rights. Hence dynamics of social change and economic growth are derived from the logic of delegation. Globalization results from a capacity to trade and associate that extends far beyond home jurisdictions, yet on the basis of differentiated, local or national franchises. Therefore, in this representation, the world is anarchic, pluralistic, unequal, and growing. Although it is not state-centered, long-term change is driven by the attempts and failures of states and citizens to establish a more coherent normative infrastructure and to respond to new social demands. From this account, we derive four scenarios of global reordering, among which maximal integration would see the classical nation-state split into two parts: a decentralized, federal structure of government; and a unified legal order that would warrant equal rights and generalized open access throughout the world.

Just as medieval municipal republics surrendered to national sovereigns in the past, incumbent states may be replaced in the future by an alternate, global public order. Citizens and merchants would obtain more equal rights, better market infrastructures, and a more efficient provision of public goods at all levels of government, from the local to the global. This proposition is supported by an agent-based, incentive-compatible model where individual rights--economic and political--are established within an ongoing bargain with rulers. Enfranchisement then shapes the autonomous dynamics of civil society and markets and, over time, allows for feedback of interests and preferences into the core bargain on rights. Hence dynamics of social change and economic growth are derived from the logic of delegation. Globalization results from a capacity to trade and associate that extends far beyond home jurisdictions, yet on the basis of differentiated, local or national franchises. Therefore, in this representation, the world is anarchic, pluralistic, unequal, and growing. Although it is not state-centered, long-term change is driven by the attempts and failures of states and citizens to establish a more coherent normative infrastructure and to respond to new social demands. From this account, we derive four scenarios of global reordering, among which maximal integration would see the classical nation-state split into two parts: a decentralized, federal structure of government; and a unified legal order that would warrant equal rights and generalized open access throughout the world.

Our contribution deals with the emotional and cognitive foundations of resistance to persuasive information. We rely on an original quasi‐experimental protocol that simulates the flow of information and the respondents' reactions to persuasive arguments on global climate change. Respondents in a representative sample (N = 604) were asked if they supported reduction of economic activity to reduce climate warming and were then provided, based on their support or disapproval for this first argument, with counterattitudinal arguments to test their resistance to persuasion. This article highlights that sophistication strengthens resistance to persuasion, whereas anxiety has a double effect: directly, it decreases resistance; indirectly, it interacts with political sophistication and makes sophisticates less likely to resist persuasion when facing arguments inconsistent with their previous beliefs. Nonanxious citizens, in turn, are more likely to resist persuasion when their political sophistication increases. We also provide evidence that the joint effect of anxiety and sophistication is moderated by the ideological identification of respondents.

Cet article dresse la carte des questions à poser quand on conçoit une simulation. Il examine les effets des formats adoptés sur les enseignements qu'en tirent joueurs et chercheurs (découvrir que les conditions d'une prise de décision sont plus complexes qu'on ne le croit ; trancher entre méthodes, théories ou concepts rivaux). Simuler appelle l'empathie pour des points de vue autres que le sien, accroit la capacité à maîtriser le raisonnement contrefactuel, révèle les effets de la procédure sur les résultats, enrichit la compréhension des obstacles éthiques à la réalisation d'expériences en sciences sociales. En contrepartie, l'exercice exige des ressources nouvelles pour le concevoir, le préparer, le réaliser, l'évaluer et l'améliorer.

This article maps the questions to ask when conceives a simulation. It examines the effects of formats adopted on lessons learned by players and researchers (discover that the conditions for decision-making are more complex than we think, decide between methods, theories or concepts rivals). Simulate calls empathy for views other than his own, increases the ability to master the counterfactual reasoning reveals the effects of the procedure on the results, enriches the understanding of ethical obstacles to the realization of experiences in social sciences. In return, the exercise requires new resources for the design, the prepare, the realize, evaluate and improve the. Adapted from the source document.

« La Méditerranée a été la matrice de grandes civilisations, de grandes idées philosophiques et aussi un des lieux des grandes guerres mondiales du XXe siècle. Mais elle a aussi été le théâtre de conflits fondés sur l'intolérance aux idées d'autrui, l'occupation des territoires, la possession des richesses ou la confrontation pour des perceptions différentes des valeurs de liberté et de croyance. Qu'en est-il aujourd'hui ? La Méditerranée est-elle toujours un espace important de la géopolitique mondiale ? Son intérêt stratégique a-t-il faibli suite au développement des technologies, à l'apparition de nouveaux centres économiques et géopolitiques notamment en Amérique et en Asie ? Ce livre explore les évolutions géopolitiques récentes et leurs enjeux sur les équilibres en Méditerranée" « (Verlagsbeschreibung)