Suchergebnisse

In this paper, the results of the 2005 autonomous election in Galicia are analyzed. After a review of the political context & the campaign, we present & analyze the results at electoral & institutional level explain the main reasons behind the defeat of the Popular Party after 16 years of absolute majority in the Galician Parliament & discuss its implications for the political system at the Galician & Spanish levels. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

Résumé Cet article cherche à comprendre comment le mouvement nationaliste galicien, rassemblé au sein du Bloque Nationalista Galego (BNG), est parvenu à sortir la marginalité politique dans laquelle il était cantonné depuis la transition démocratique et disputer aujourd'hui au parti socialiste Galice la place de seconde force politique régionale. Au-delà des préconditions historiques et des opportunités politiques du processus autonomique, les auteurs mettent en exergue ici la capacité organisationnelle et stratégique des acteurs nationalistes. En effet, si la fédéralisation progressive de l'Espagne constitue indiscutablement une structure d'opportunités favorables, il faut également prendre en compte d'autres facteurs comme la capacité d'organisation, le charisme du leader ainsi que le répertoire de mobilisation, orienté vers une modération des revendications. Plus particulièrement l'article analyse : (i) la stratégie réussie de réalignement des cadres idéologiques durant les années 1990 et (ii) la progressive coordination électorale de toutes forces nationalistes pré-existantes autour du BNG.

AbstractObjectiveAlthough there is a huge literature examining how diversity affects group performance, an important limitation is the lack of evidence at the employee level. This article tries to fill this gap. We focus on professional football given the high ethnic diversity of football squads, the nonexistence of language barriers to hire players, and the granularity of data.MethodsRelying on data from 1528 professional footballers joining a new club in the 2021–2022 season in five European countries, we run ordinary least squares cross‐sectional regressions with standard errors clustered by club.ResultsWe find that ethnic backgrounds do not make a difference in the performance of professional football players in their new clubs. However, newcomer players with a different ethnic background than natives in their new clubs do better the younger they are and when subgroup imbalance in the squad is high.ConclusionOur results support the approach integrating the social categorization and the information/decision‐making perspectives. From the players' recruitment or renovation perspective, our results can help managers and coaches to make correct recruitment decisions.

The conditions under which women's national football teams do better or worse in international tournaments remains an open question. Using data from 116 countries worldwide, we have examined three arguments accounting for the gender gap in international football success, focusing on positive externalities from economic development and women's empowerment, and the active policies promoting women's football. Our findings show that the international performance of women's national football teams compared to men's national football teams increases with women's empowerment and in countries committed to the promotion of women's football, while economic development is not relevant. The general question we address is whether gender gaps disappear because of economic and social development, or if active policies promoting women are required to achieve gender equality.

The aim of this study is to examine the relationship between migrating soccer players and the annual ranking of the national teams according to the World Football Elo Rating. The sample includes annual data for 243 countries over the period 1994–2018. Migration is captured with the number of migrating players by country in the "big-five" leagues. The causal relationship between the two variables is examined by using Granger causality test. Four control variables are included: the political regime, per capita income, population, and regional soccer confederations. It was hypothesized that (i) the better the ranking of the national teams in the Elo rating, the higher the number of migrating players in the "big-five" leagues (shop-window hypotheses) and that (ii) while the shop-window effect takes place in the short-run, the annual Elo rating of a national team is positively affected by expatriate players in the medium or long-run, but not in the short-run (blending hypotheses). The results shed light on two crucial issues. First, causality mainly goes from national soccer performance to migrating soccer players rather than the other way around. Second, the timing of the two effects is quite different. While those players giving an outstanding performance when their national team is doing well are immediately bought by clubs from more highly ranked leagues (the shop-window effect), it takes at least 4 years for the additional skills acquired by migrated players to have a positive effect on the national soccer performance (the blending effect).

ObjectivesWe show that decentralization of economic and political power makes a substantial difference in football. Decentralization increases the competitive balance of domestic football leagues and creates an advantage for clubs from decentralized countries in international competitions.MethodsWe run pooled cross‐sectional time‐series analyses using data from 35 European countries over the period 1950–2010 and logistic regressions with data from the first 18 editions of the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) Champions League.ResultsWe find that regional autonomy boosts the competition among clubs from different regions and results in a greater competitive balance of domestic football leagues. Clubs from decentralized countries have a greater chance of winning, or at least playing in the final, than those from centralized countries.ConclusionsThe degree of countries' political and economic decentralization positively increases the likelihood of winning football international trophies.

Social fractionalisation has been omitted in most influential cross-sectional studies on turnout, and when it has been included, evidence is, at best, mixed. This article addresses this gap from two perspectives. First, using aggregated data from 22 countries we show that turnout is inversely related to ethnolinguistic fractionalisation, even after controlling for institutional, political and socioeconomic determinants. Second, we rely on data from elections in two multilingual territories, Catalonia and Quebec, to examine both the direct and indirect causal mechanisms for which voting and the sense of duty of vote are affected by the individuals' aversion to the opposite ethnicity and the relative size of ethnicities. Analyses show that those relatively more averse to mixing with others who are different to themselves have a lower propensity to vote and are less likely to construe voting as a civic duty when they belong to the minority group.