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Studies of party- and party-system stability have often explored the connection between the party-level property of Party Institutionalization (PI) and parties' electoral performance and organizational longevity, yet scholars still have not agreed on a standard measure for this concept. This article argues that the length of party statutes could provide part of such a measure, specifically for the extent to which parties have become routinized (a key dimension of PI) through the formalization of their rules and practices. We validate the plausibility of this measure using data on 303 parties from 49 countries, demonstrating that party statute length varies systematically and in ways predicted by our knowledge of how party organizations reflect their institutional environments and the complexity of internal coalitions. We also show that statute length varies in expected ways with attributes often associated with higher or lower levels of party institutionalization. We conclude that statute length offers a conceptually congruent and objective indicator of formalization, one that could be used either alone or combined with measures of parties' informal practices to advance our understanding of the relationship between PI and democratic development.

This article seeks to expand our understanding of why states use international institutions to manage transboundary rivers. Agreements governing the use and management of international rivers can contain a variety of different institutional features. We address the question of why riparian states choose to include or exclude these features from river treaties. Our explanation focuses on the problem of securing post-agreement compliance. Institutions perform a variety of functions that help states maintain cooperation over time. We analyze this explanation using a data set of river treaties formed between 1950 and 2002. We find that the institutionalization of river treaties is associated with water scarcity, the flow pattern of shared rivers, trade interdependence, and the level of economic development. These findings have important implications for the possibility that rivers will be a source of future conflicts. Adapted from the source document.

This paper analyzes the extent to which the 'world's only elected supranational assembly' has become institutionalized. More specifically, it asks the following question: Has the European Parliament become more complex, autonomous, specialized and universalistic? Using the concepts derived from the theory of institutionalization, I attempt to address this question and develop our knowledge of the institutional evolution of the European Parliament.

This article discusses the institutionalization of Islamic law into national law in Indonesia. The aim is to analyze the possibility of incorporating Islamic Law into the national legal system. This desire is logical, considering that Muslims in Indonesia occupies the majority position (85%) and the community requires appropriate regulations sourced from the teachings of their religion. Based on the results of the 1979/80 BPHN legal review seminar, there are at least 3 (three) main things that could be done, namely; (1) making Islamic law one of the ingredients in the preparation of national law, (2) reviewing and updating national legal products originating from colonial law that is not following the elements of Islamic law. (3) coordinating new regulations which contain Islamic legal norms. This study finds the fact that not all provisions of Islamic law can be incorporated into national law. Only provisions of a civil nature and which are truly correlated with public order (public interest) can be adopted. Apart from that, the law is not only a legal product but also a political product. In other words, the configuration of legal politics in Indonesia shows a very close relationship with the political realm. Therefore, it is necessary to have a strong synergy between Muslim intellectuals and political actors.Keywords: Islamic law, legal politics in Indonesia, political configuration.

A new theoretical development for examining the institutionalization of party systems is proposed in this article. We build on electoral coordination theories to disaggregate volatility into the vote transfers that occur between or towards parties that are in equilibrium (which we call endogenous volatility) and those that are not (exogenous volatility). The former captures accountability, and the latter reflects the number of voters who are not acting in accordance with the existing equilibrium in the party system. Exogenous volatility measures the institutionalization of party systems. We also show that endogenous volatility depends on government performance, while exogenous volatility is a function of institutional openness. The empirical evidence comes from an original data set that includes 448 electoral cycles in lower-house elections in 66 countries between 1977 and 2011. ; This work was supported by the Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad of Spain under the research project CSO2017-85024-C2-1-P and ICREA.

Contrary to expectations, it is suggested that formal rather than informal politics characterize elite political behavior in reform-era China. Formal politics is described as patterns of political behavior that have become institutionalized & governed by established norms & procedures, vs the personal connections, purges, factionalism, & other extralegal forces that shape informal politics. Changes in the process of elite selection in the reform era are analyzed & argued to demonstrate increasing institutionalization. The choice of hierarchy vs functional differentiation by the political elite as its primary ruling instrument is also shown to vary with formal vs informal politics. 17 References. K. Hyatt Stewart