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There is a growing amount of studies that prove the fact that negative and positive outcomes of traumatic experience can exist in coherence. Positive outcomes are defined as posttraumatic growth (PTG). Tedeschi and Calhoun (1996) were the first to offer the concept of posttraumatic growth. Posttraumatic growth is defined as positive change that the individual experiences as a result of the struggle with a traumatic event and difficulties following it. Posttraumatic growth is reported in three major domains: change in the sense of self, change in philosophy of life and change in relationships with others. The aim of this study was to evaluate posttraumatic growth experience among political repression survivors in Lithuania and identify the relation between PTG and trauma symptoms, traumatic experience and the factors that helped to overcome traumatic experience. 205 survivors of political repression participated in the survey: 1) PTG group: the ones who reported positive outcomes of political repression and gave qualitative information about this experience (N = 107); 2) non PTG group: the ones who did not report positive changes related to political repression (N = 98). The methods used: The first part of the Harvard Trauma Questionnaire (HTQ-I), Lithuanian version (Mollica et al., 1992; Gailienė, Kazlauskas 2005); Lithuanian version of Trauma Symptom Checklist (TSC-35) (Gailienė, Kazlauskas, 2005); some questions were given: 1) about the traumatic experience of political repression and difficulties when returned home; 2) about the factors that helped to overcome difficult experience of repression; 3) about the positive aspects of traumatic experience of repression (Kazlauskas, 2006). Theoretical thematic analysis was used for analyzing the qualitative information (Braun, Clarke, 2006). The results revealed that experience of posttraumatic growth among political repression survivors in Lithuania corresponds to the theoretical model of PTG. It was also defined that personal strength is most commonly reported by political repression survivors. The results showed that two more aspects are common to PTG experience of political repression survivors: stronger patriotism, appreciation of homeland and freedom, and also a stronger believe in future and ability not to lose hope. It was also defined that posttraumatic growth is related to more intense traumatic experience, and that negative and positive outcomes of traumatic experience can exist in coherence. Those political repression survivors who report posttraumatic growth mention more factors that helped them to overcome difficult repression experience: they mention hope, spiritual strength, faith in God and other factors more often.

There is a growing amount of studies that prove the fact that negative and positive outcomes of traumatic experience can exist in coherence. Positive outcomes are defined as posttraumatic growth (PTG). Tedeschi and Calhoun (1996) were the first to offer the concept of posttraumatic growth. Posttraumatic growth is defined as positive change that the individual experiences as a result of the struggle with a traumatic event and difficulties following it. Posttraumatic growth is reported in three major domains: change in the sense of self, change in philosophy of life and change in relationships with others. The aim of this study was to evaluate posttraumatic growth experience among political repression survivors in Lithuania and identify the relation between PTG and trauma symptoms, traumatic experience and the factors that helped to overcome traumatic experience. 205 survivors of political repression participated in the survey: 1) PTG group: the ones who reported positive outcomes of political repression and gave qualitative information about this experience (N = 107); 2) non PTG group: the ones who did not report positive changes related to political repression (N = 98). The methods used: The first part of the Harvard Trauma Questionnaire (HTQ-I), Lithuanian version (Mollica et al., 1992; Gailienė, Kazlauskas 2005); Lithuanian version of Trauma Symptom Checklist (TSC-35) (Gailienė, Kazlauskas, 2005); some questions were given: 1) about the traumatic experience of political repression and difficulties when returned home; 2) about the factors that helped to overcome difficult experience of repression; 3) about the positive aspects of traumatic experience of repression (Kazlauskas, 2006). Theoretical thematic analysis was used for analyzing the qualitative information (Braun, Clarke, 2006). The results revealed that experience of posttraumatic growth among political repression survivors in Lithuania corresponds to the theoretical model of PTG. It was also defined that personal strength is most commonly reported by political repression survivors. The results showed that two more aspects are common to PTG experience of political repression survivors: stronger patriotism, appreciation of homeland and freedom, and also a stronger believe in future and ability not to lose hope. It was also defined that posttraumatic growth is related to more intense traumatic experience, and that negative and positive outcomes of traumatic experience can exist in coherence. Those political repression survivors who report posttraumatic growth mention more factors that helped them to overcome difficult repression experience: they mention hope, spiritual strength, faith in God and other factors more often.

Focuses on state legislation against dissent on university campuses; US; based on conference paper. Relationship between public opinion and public policy.

An analysis of the relationship between mass & elite political intolerance & the adoption of repressive public policies by the states of the US. Focus is on statutes adopted by the states during the Vietnam War era that were designed to quash dissent on university campuses. Analysis reveals that repressive public policy reflected neither the intolerance of the mass public nor the political elites in the state. Instead, restrictions on campus protest seemed to be a direct response to levels of disruption on the campuses. Somewhat paradoxically, political tolerance seems to have created the conditions for dissent to occur, but it failed to block repressive reactions when dissent became disruptive. More intolerant states did not act repressively, in part because the climate of intolerance discouraged dissent in the first place. These findings are contrasted to earlier research on repression (see Gibson, J. L., "Political Intolerance and Repression during the McCarthy Red Scare," American Political Science Review, 1988, 82, 511-529) & are used to impugn the elitist theory of democracy. 3 Tables, 1 Figure, 1 Appendix, 55 References. HA

The subject of the study undertaken in 2019–2020 by the method of in-depth sociological interviews with the descendants of persons suffered of massive political repressions, including the dispossessed peasants, is the social memory of the population of the Republic of Mordovia about the mass political repressions of the 1920s – 1940s. The aims of the study were to identify the main strategies for dealing with collective trauma in families of repressed in a regional society, the main subjects of social memory about traumas of repression, strategies for remembering and forgetting, and social factors that influence their choice, strategies for group self-identification of the descendants of the repressed, prerequisites (or their lack) for the consolidation of broader traumatized communities, as well as the underlying cultural modalities of discussing trauma and repressions in terms of detraumatization or retraumatization. The results of the study show that the families of the repressed are the main social subjects that preserve the memory of mass repressions in Mordovia. At the same time, the descendants of the repressed do not show a tendency to form wider traumatized communities based on remembering the repressions and identifying their perpetrators. There are three main strategies for dealing with collective trauma in families of the repressed. The first one is silence which is typical mainly for the commemorative strategies of families that have not changed their place of residence, contributing to the individualization of trauma and its intergenerational transmission. The second strategy is "talking cure" the trauma of repressions in terms of legal and moral assessment, based in the Soviet period on the assimilation of the self-identification of the "Soviet person" instead of the former group identity destroyed by repressions. The third strategy is the creation of an anti-communist counter-narrative about mass repressions based on the least stable in intergenerational perspective strategy of family self-segregation. Family narratives about traumatic experience are dominated by detraumatizing modalities of historicization and mythologization, which do not question the value of group identities acquired due to the integration of the descendants of the repressed into the structure of Soviet society. In local communities, the predominant model for dealing with the traumatic past remains "dialogical oblivion".

This article, based on 60 in-depth interviews with the descendants of survivors of political repression, aims at finding out how making sense of a collective traumatogenic experience differs in the case of Evangelical (Baptist and Pentecostal) communities compared with the rest of the cohort. The authors conclude that, in the case of people without religious affiliation, an intergenerational memory transmission mechanism is absent ; descendants up to the fifth generation envision the suffering of their ancestors as accidental and meaningless for the present and future. As a result, most descendants refuse to participate in the process of trauma creation. Alternatively, in the final master narrative of the Pentecostals and Baptists, the persecution was an inevitable result of faith. Evangelical descendants construct cultural trauma around a providential event needed to ensure individual salvation and to prevent secularization of the church ; for them suffering remains meaningful for the present and future. This allows for the transformation of the stigma that was spoiling their collective identity into a badge of honor, into stigmata, revealing that these believers follow the way of Christ.

On the basis of qualitative and quantitative data, I show that nonviolent protests against politically motivated repression in Mexico were more significant, both in terms of their histories and their political impact over time, than the literature suggests. I document that Mexico had human rights movements prior to the late 1980s that have been overlooked because activists since 1968 framed their struggles in terms of amnesty for political prisoners as well as the reappearance of, and accounting for, the disappeared. I further show that their 25-plus years of struggle were effective in the passage of two amnesties for political prisoners (1971 and 1978) as well as the emergence of an ombudsman called the National Human Rights Commission (CNDH circa 1989/1990), along with the negotiated settlement of the Zapatista uprising in Chiapas. This evidence suggests that even against strong odds, and even in the context of ongoing repression, nonviolent social movements of relatively powerless people can independently influence nondemocratic governments not only to pass favorable policy, but also to restructure the polity.

Mofokeng's volume of short stories, Leetong [On a Journey], is traditionally read as satire on repression in general and on South Africa in particular. The title, Leetong, has become a part of the conceptual political lexicon of the Sesotho language to refer to the corruption of apartheid ideology. This collection of short stories constitutes a body of protest fiction based on inferences from situations rather than actual incidents. Collectively the eight short stories combine to form one voice in contention with the political dispensation of oppressed South Africans during a particular historical era of political oppression, known as the apartheid era. The dehumanisation of black South Africans has not stopped since the apartheid era because the dominant image of black South Africans continues to be that of heathens. This article postulates the notion that the scheme of the short story volume Leetong [On a Journey] has created a powerful metonymy, to the extent that whenever one alludes to the title, one conjures up images associated with oppression. ; http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02564718.2012.676336 ; http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02564718.2012.676336#.VQFkYeG2qJU

Mofokeng's volume of short stories, Leetong [On a Journey], is traditionally read as satire on repression in general and on South Africa in particular. The title, Leetong, has become a part of the conceptual political lexicon of the Sesotho language to refer to the corruption of apartheid ideology. This collection of short stories constitutes a body of protest fiction based on inferences from situations rather than actual incidents. Collectively the eight short stories combine to form one voice in contention with the political dispensation of oppressed South Africans during a particular historical era of political oppression, known as the apartheid era. The dehumanisation of black South Africans has not stopped since the apartheid era because the dominant image of black South Africans continues to be that of heathens. This article postulates the notion that the scheme of the short story volume Leetong [On a Journey] has created a powerful metonymy, to the extent that whenever one alludes to the title, one conjures up images associated with oppression ; Mofokeng se bundel kortverhale, Leetong ["Op reis"], kan tradisioneel gelees word as 'n satire oor onderdrukking oor die algemeen en spesifiek in Suid-Afrika. Die titel Leetong het deel geword van die konseptuele politieke leksikon van die Sesotho-taal en verwys na die korrupsie van die apartheidsideologie. Sy bundel kortverhale is 'n versameling van protesfiksie gebaseer op gevolgtrekkings uit situasies eerder as werklike gebeure. Die agt verhale vorm saam een stem in stryd met die politieke bedeling van onderdrukte Suid-Afrikaners gedurende 'n spesifieke historiese era van politieke onderdrukking, bekend as apartheid. Die ontmensliking van swart Suid- Afrikaners duur sedert die apartheidsera steeds voort omdat die oorheersende beeld van swart Suid-Afrikaners steeds dié van heidene is. Hierdie artikel maak aanspraak op die idee dat die intrige van die kort-verhaalbundel Leetong 'n kragtige metonimie skep, soseer dat die titel beelde oproep wat met onderdrukking geassosieer word.

The referendum of October 1st, 2017 on self-determination in Catalonia was called by the Catalan government, but it was possible thanks to the popular organization. A judicial ban and the police violence and brutality were the State's response to the call. This political repression would be followed by the opening of several legal cases, the most important of them is known as the "trial of the process", which would end with accusations of very serious crimes, with imprisonment and with political exile on the part of the Catalan government and social leaders. In this article we analyze the "frames of reference" and the "repertoires of action" of the collective action of the voters of October 1st. We use these same constructs to analyze the political and judicial responseof the Spanish State. This analysis allows us to discover that the political conflict around the events of October 1st, is the expression of a transitional confrontational divide between a social bloc that defends conservative, authoritarian and ultra-nationalist values with another social bloc that wants to expand the democratizing limits and, therefore, rights and freedoms. We also note that the political repression of the State has functioned as a factor that increases meanings and imaginations linked to the need to broaden and deepen democracy, at the same time, it has shown that the principles of authority and Spain's indissoluble unity are deeply rooted. ; El referéndum del 1 de octubre de 2017 sobre la autodeterminación en Catalunya fue convocado por el gobierno catalán, pero la jornada fue posible gracias a la organización popular. Una prohibición judicial y la violencia y la brutalidad policial fueron la respuesta del Estado a la convocatoria. A esta represión política, le seguirían la apertura de varias causas judiciales, la más importante de ellas la que se ha conocido como "juicio del proceso", que acabarían con acusaciones de delitos muy graves, con encarcelamientos y con el exilio político de par-te del gobierno catalán y de líderes sociales. En este artículo analizamos los "marcos de referencia" y los "repertorios de acción" de la acción colectiva de los votantes del 1 de octubre, y usamos esos mismos constructos para analizar la respuesta política y judicial del Estado español. Este análisis nos permite descubrir que el conflicto político alrededor de los hechos del 1 de octubre, es la expresión de una divisoria de confrontación transicional entre un bloque social que defiende unos valores conservadores, autoritarios y ultranacionalistas con otro bloque social que quiere ampliar los límites democratizadores y, por lo tanto, derechos y libertades. Constatamos, además, que la represión política del Estado ha funcionado como un factor acrecentador de unos significados e imaginarios ligados a la necesidad de ampliar y profundizar en la democracia, a la vez, que ha puesto de manifiesto que los principios de autoridad y de la indisoluble unidad de España están muy arraigados.