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RECENT CHANGES IN POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN DENMARK ARE ANALYZED. A DISTINCTION IS MADE BETWEEN THE MOBILIZATION AND THE SUPPLEMENTARY THEORY OF PARTICIPATION. APPLYING DATA FROM SAMPLES OF YOUNGER GENERATIONS FROM 1979 AND 1988, THIS ARTICLE SHOWS THAT A STRONG COLLECTIVE MOBILIZATION OF THE NEW MIDDLE CLASS OF WELL-EDUCATED PUBLIC SECTOR EMPLOYEES TOOK PLACE THROUGH GRASS-ROOTS ACTIVITIES DURING THE 1970. THIS CHANGED DURING THE 1980S WHEN GRASS-ROOTS PARTICIPATION INCREASINGLY BECAME A SUPPLEMENT TO MORE CONVENTIONAL FORMS OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION.

The paper discusses differences in industrial relations systems between the 'winners' and 'losers' of the auto industry's restructuring period in the 1970s and 1980s. It describes a set of sometimes counter-intuitive relationships between economic success in turbulent markets, product strategies, the use of modern technology, work organization, industrial relations 'rigidities', and patterns of skills and skill generation. Arguing that specific institutional constraints imposed by industrial relations may induce and, indeed, compel managements and firms to exploit new economic opportunities, the paper urges students of industrial relations to define their subject more broadly and, in particular, not to exclude central issues such as economic efficiency and competitiveness from their concerns.

Abstract: Throughout the 1960s, the Anglican and United Churches of Canada, influenced by global secularization, international theology trends, and their declining role in the Indian residential school system, sought to examine their Indigenous-church policies and shift away from assimilation and paternalism and toward supporting Indigenous leadership. This article explores two outcomes of their reforms: the creation of (1) specialized Indigenous ministry training and (2) Indigenous-driven church governance structures. Meaningful reforms that extended beyond performative measures, although slow, difficult, and resisted by some, were spearheaded by Indigenous church leaders who fought to have their voices heard and effect change. Their efforts laid the groundwork for future Anglican and United Church Indigenization and reconciliation processes. Abstract: Au cours des années 1960, les Églises anglicane et unie du Canada, influencées par la sécularisation mondiale, les tendances théologiques internationales et le déclin de leur rôle dans le système des pensionnats pour Autochtones, ont cherché à examiner leurs politiques relatives à la présence des populations amérindiennes en leur sein, et à s'éloigner de l'assimilation et du paternalisme pour soutenir le leadership de ces dernières. Cet article se penche sur deux résultats de ces réformes : la création (1) d'une formation autochtone spécialisée au ministère pastoral et (2) des structures de gouvernance ecclésiale dirigées par des Autochtones. Bien que lentes, difficiles et contestées par certains, des réformes significatives allant au-delà de mesures purement exécutoires ont été menées par des responsables autochtones qui se sont mobilisés pour faire entendre leur voix et obtenir des changements. Leurs efforts ont permis de jeter les bases des processus ultérieurs d'indigénisation et de réconciliation de l'Église anglicane et de l'Église unie.

Germany in the 1970s was subject to a wave of terrorist activities in which women such as Ulrike Meinhof and Gudrun Ensslin played a significant role. The mass media and public discourse in general struggled with women's participation in these cases of extreme physical violence. In this article, I explore the articulations of the discourses of gender, nation, and violence in the German news magazine Der Spiegel , Ulrike Meinhof's television play Bambule , and Traude Bührmann's Flüge über Moabiter Mauern (Flights over Moabit's Walls), in order to illuminate representations of female insurgency. My argument centers around their different uses of deviance and the changing character of social criticism in the 1970s and 1980s.

International audience ; The concept of leisure offers an interesting prism for the analysis of the community arts movement in Britain. The emergence of community arts from the late 1960s was closely related to a critique of the exclusive character of mainstream art appreciation and practice and to the struggle for people's access to the means of cultural production. As a tool, leisure was used by practioners to enable the expression of usually unheard voices, thus fostering processes of "authorisation". Instead of being considered as a secondary claim, access to leisure, with its rich associations with play, "fun" and recreation, was given pride of place in the movement's practical and political framework. It became a political aim: that of opening alternative spaces and of harnessing the dynamic and subversive dimension of creative expression in the encouragement of collective action at a local level. In a crucial way, community arts projects asserted the equal validity of all cultural forms and signifying practices, therefore challenging classical definitions of art. The cultural pluralism advocated by community artists confronted the distinction between "high" and "low" culture and sought instead to redefine art around the concept of expression, away from the figure of the individual artist and towards the possibility of co-authorship in the production of collective meanings. The article analyses the politics of leisure produced by community arts organisations both in discourse and practice. Based on archival sources from several organisations as well as interviews with former members, the study offers a survey of different practices and identifies core principles of the movement: accessibility, collective action, empowerment, and cultural democracy. These themes were jeopardized in the 1980s, in the context of the successive Conservative governments.

International audience ; The concept of leisure offers an interesting prism for the analysis of the community arts movement in Britain. The emergence of community arts from the late 1960s was closely related to a critique of the exclusive character of mainstream art appreciation and practice and to the struggle for people's access to the means of cultural production. As a tool, leisure was used by practioners to enable the expression of usually unheard voices, thus fostering processes of "authorisation". Instead of being considered as a secondary claim, access to leisure, with its rich associations with play, "fun" and recreation, was given pride of place in the movement's practical and political framework. It became a political aim: that of opening alternative spaces and of harnessing the dynamic and subversive dimension of creative expression in the encouragement of collective action at a local level. In a crucial way, community arts projects asserted the equal validity of all cultural forms and signifying practices, therefore challenging classical definitions of art. The cultural pluralism advocated by community artists confronted the distinction between "high" and "low" culture and sought instead to redefine art around the concept of expression, away from the figure of the individual artist and towards the possibility of co-authorship in the production of collective meanings. The article analyses the politics of leisure produced by community arts organisations both in discourse and practice. Based on archival sources from several organisations as well as interviews with former members, the study offers a survey of different practices and identifies core principles of the movement: accessibility, collective action, empowerment, and cultural democracy. These themes were jeopardized in the 1980s, in the context of the successive Conservative governments.