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"Wisdom Engaged demonstrates how traditional knowledge, Indigenous approaches to healing, and the insights of Western bio-medicine can complement each other when all voices are heard in a collaborative effort to address changes to Indigenous communities' well-being. In this collection, voices of Elders, healers, physicians, and scholars are gathered in an attempt to find viable ways to move forward while facing new challenges. Bringing these varied voices together provides a critical conversation about the nature of medicine; a demonstration of ethical commitment; and an example of successful community relationship building."--

Traditional Indigenous knowledge is increasingly recognised and incorporated both in and beyond the university. In Canada's Northwest Territories, this recognition has been manifest as policy mandating that scientists incorporate the knowledge of elders and hunters into their environmental and climate change research. However, the recognition of traditional knowledge has not always been met with acceptance and understanding. This article analyses the book Disrobing the Aboriginal Industry by Francis Widdowson and Albert Howard (2008), which is highly critical of traditional knowledge. Widdowson and Howard advocate for cultural assimilation by arguing that traditional knowledge is incompatible with, and inferior to, modern Western science. In their line of reasoning, the current application of traditional knowledge transplants ‗neolithic' culture into modernity and stunts the ability of Aboriginal peoples to participate in modern Canadian (and dominant Western) culture. While other critics argue against the racialised and inflammatory discourse, I try to salvage insight from the authors' misunderstandings; Widdowson and Howard's failed grasp on traditional knowledge actually illuminates a fundamental problem. The problem is not in meshing Indigenous and scientific knowledge; rather, the problem is in bridging the gap between Indigenous and scientific ways of knowing. I engage the work of A. Irving Halowell, Tim Ingold and scholars of Dene knowledge and traditional lifeways to discuss how Indigenous religion and worldview create a unique approach to knowledge.

Given the limits of resources and time established for this project, this report should not be considered a comprehensive overview of all available documented Traditional Knowledge for this watershed. The Athabasca River Watershed comprises both Treaty #8 and Treaty #6. There are at least nine Aboriginal groups with historic or contemporary connections to this watershed. Many of these groups relocated to British Columbia with the settlement of Alberta in the 19th century. Definitions, methods, and formats of documented Traditional Knowledge vary significantly. While libraries, the internet, and scholarly journals house some sources of knowledge, there are many kinds of reports prepared by and for Aboriginal communities that are not available to the public for political, cultural, and socio-economic reasons. There are many kinds of Traditional Knowledge indicators of ecosystem health and ecological change; some of these indicators are synergistic with Western Science. Other kinds of indicators are unique to Traditional Knowledge and may be difficult to integrate into a standardized 'State of the Watershed Report.' There is significant spatial differentiation related to where such knowledge is documented; some communities in the lower Athabasca have been more active in documenting Traditional Knowledge due, in part, to the resources and pressures to do so that have come with planning, assessment, and monitoring of oil sands mining and its impacts.

. The Gwich'in are the most northerly of the Athapaskan peoples occupying parts of the Yukon River drainage in Alaska and the Yukon Territory, and the northern Mackenzie Basin of the Northwest Territories. The project described here was sponsored by the Gwich'in who reside in the Northwest Territories. Traditionally their lands extended from the interior of the Yukon into the Mackenzie Basin and included the watersheds of the Peel, Mackenzie, and Arctic Red Rivers. Today, most NWT Gwich'in live in the four communities of Aklavik, Fort McPherson, Inuvik, and Tsiigehtchic (formerly called Arctic Red River). These communities all fall within the Gwich'in Settlement Area that was established by the Gwich'in Comprehensive Land Claim Agreement signed in 1992 with the Government of Canada. People in the Gwich'in Settlement Area are greatly interested in materials that were collected in earlier times and are now housed throughout the world in museums, archives, and private collections. These items represent a bygone era and have great historical, cultural, and sometimes spiritual meaning. Of particular interest is traditional Gwich'in summer clothing made of white caribou hides, sewn with sinew, and decorated with porcupine quills, trade beads, silverberry seeds, finges, and ochre. Distinctively styled and striking to look at, these garments are a testament to Gwich'in women's great skill and artistic expression. . It has been well over 100 years since Gwich'in traditional caribou skin clothing was made, and there are no examples of this clothing in either the Gwich'in communities or the Northwest Territories today. It has been over 50 years since porcupine quillwork was used as the primary decorative motif on Gwich'in jackets, slippers, and gloves. For the past two years, the Gwich'in Social and Cultural Institute (GSCI) has worked in partnership with the Prince of Wales Northern Heritage Centre (PWNHC) to create five replicas of a multipiece 19th-century Gwich'in traditional summer outfit that is housed at the Canadian Museum of Civilization (CMC). The project has given us an opportunity to document, understand, and appreciate how this clothing was manufactured and the extraordinary amount of time, knowledge, and skill that Gwich'in women needed to clothe their families and protect them from the elements. It has also helped to repatriate skills and knowledge no longer practiced in the Gwich'in Settlement Area.

Workshop Biodiversity in Oceania, Nouméa, NCL, 24-/06/2019 - 25/06/2019 ; The diversity of life in Oceania is rich and exceptional in many ways, but is increasingly vulnerable to many risks of natural or anthropogenic origin. An effective and efficient legal framework for the conservation, access and valorization of this biodiversity requires taking into account the plurality of social, political, economic, cultural and legal situations. Although all Pacific Island Countries and Territories have more or less elaborated environmental legislation, it is worth highlighting, as shown in the IPBES 2019 report, that biodiversity degradation is still ongoing.

Workshop Biodiversity in Oceania, Nouméa, NCL, 24-/06/2019 - 25/06/2019 ; The diversity of life in Oceania is rich and exceptional in many ways, but is increasingly vulnerable to many risks of natural or anthropogenic origin. An effective and efficient legal framework for the conservation, access and valorization of this biodiversity requires taking into account the plurality of social, political, economic, cultural and legal situations. Although all Pacific Island Countries and Territories have more or less elaborated environmental legislation, it is worth highlighting, as shown in the IPBES 2019 report, that biodiversity degradation is still ongoing.

Workshop Biodiversity in Oceania, Nouméa, NCL, 24-/06/2019 - 25/06/2019 ; The diversity of life in Oceania is rich and exceptional in many ways, but is increasingly vulnerable to many risks of natural or anthropogenic origin. An effective and efficient legal framework for the conservation, access and valorization of this biodiversity requires taking into account the plurality of social, political, economic, cultural and legal situations. Although all Pacific Island Countries and Territories have more or less elaborated environmental legislation, it is worth highlighting, as shown in the IPBES 2019 report, that biodiversity degradation is still ongoing.