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Ten years after the fall of Gaddafi's regime, Libya still has not adopted a permanent constitution. Over the last decade, both national bodies and transnational actors have taken part in constitution-making; however, all efforts have been unsuccessful so far. While the scholarship on post-2011 Libya has mainly focused on the impact of local events and national actors on this process, this essay outlines the recent history of Libya's constitution-making by stressing the intermingling of the activities of local bodies and transnational actors. By using the theorical lens of transnational legal orders (TLOs), it claims that two TLOs – the Western liberal democratic TLO and the Islamic one - will coexist if the 2017 draft constitution is adopted. Nevertheless, both TLOs would be necessary to reinforce the legitimacy of the constitution before, on the one hand, international organisations and Western countries and the Libyan population, on the other. ; Ten years after the fall of Gaddafi's regime, Libya still has not adopted a permanent constitution. Over the last decade, both national bodies and transnational actors have taken part in constitution-making; however, all efforts have been unsuccessful so far. While the scholarship on post-2011 Libya has mainly focused on the impact of local events and national actors on this process, this essay outlines the recent history of Libya's constitution-making by stressing the intermingling of the activities of local bodies and transnational actors. By using the theorical lens of transnational legal orders (TLOs), it claims that two TLOs – the Western liberal democratic TLO and the Islamic one - will coexist if the 2017 draft constitution is adopted. Nevertheless, both TLOs would be necessary to reinforce the legitimacy of the constitution before, on the one hand, international organisations and Western countries and the Libyan population, on the other.

In cities that are pursuing climate change adaptation actions, transnational actors are critical catalysts for financing programs, generating public awareness, and legitimizing the agenda. However, scholars of urban climate adaptation have yet to understand whether such external interventions have long-lasting effects on the sustainability and equity of urban governance processes, particularly when placed in context with competing development priorities across the global South. In this paper, I draw on experiences from three cities in India – Surat, Indore, and Bhubaneswar – to analyze the multilevel dynamics that link local adaptation actions with their supporting transnational networks and funders. Drawing on a comparative multi-scale case study methodology, I find that current capacity deficits in Indian cities indeed allow external actors to catalyze adaptation, but this relationship becomes more dialectical farther into the planning and implementation stages. The governance of climate adaptation in fact involves embedding adaptation into bureaucratic practices, financial processes, spatial plans, and institutional cultures. The interaction between these four pathways results in the coproduction of knowledge, co-creation of options, and inter- institutionalization of standards, practices, and behaviors. A particular actor's ability to exert authority over how interventions are framed, financed, bureaucratized, and built across the urban landscape then yields different patterns of adaptation. This finding therefore reasserts the role of urban political actors operating within the global climate governance regime and the marketplace for climate finance.

Transnational actors are often assumed to be autonomous in their attempts to influence states. But whenever both share common interests, opportunities for mutual influences exist and states can try to use transnational actors to further their own objectives. Whereas the theoretical discussion in IR has largely overlooked this possibility, it is no stranger to scholars of diasporas and nationalism. Informed by this literature, we apply our notion of state-influenced non-governmental organizations to the field of transnational diaspora politics with its complex relationships between diasporas and their homeland and host states. Our historical case study demonstrates how Israel, via its secret office 'Nativ', significantly influenced the Jewish diaspora and other transnational actors in the mobilization for Soviet Jewish emigration during the Cold War. States are thus not only targets of transnational actors — they can also influence and even initiate transnational movements. In our conclusion, we discuss why such reciprocal relationships should be generally taken into account in the study of transnational relations.

Transnational actors are often assumed to be autonomous in their attempts to influence states. But whenever both share common interests, opportunities for mutual influences exist and states can try to use transnational actors to further their own objectives. Whereas the theoretical discussion in IR has largely overlooked this possibility, it is no stranger to scholars of diasporas and nationalism. Informed by this literature, we apply our notion of state-influenced non-governmental organizations to the field of transnational diaspora politics with its complex relationships between diasporas and their homeland and host states. Our historical case study demonstrates how Israel, via its secret office 'Nativ', significantly influenced the Jewish diaspora and other transnational actors in the mobilization for Soviet Jewish emigration during the Cold War. States are thus not only targets of transnational actors -- they can also influence and even initiate transnational movements. In our conclusion, we discuss why such reciprocal relationships should be generally taken into account in the study of transnational relations. Figures, References. [Reprinted by permission; copyright 2005 Sage Publications Ltd. & ECPR-European Consortium for Political Research.]

Many studies have highlighted benefits of international volunteering, particularly the positive impacts for the volunteers themselves. Adding to this scholarship, the papers in the collection fill an important gap in our understanding of the impact of international development volunteering from the perspective of partner organization staff who work collaboratively with international development volunteers to promote gender equality and women's empowerment. The collection provides insights into negotiated spaces and mutual learning as well as the unique role international development volunteers play as transnational actors by working closely with staff in development organizations.

After the end of the Cold War, the idea of peacebuilding has been central to the main narrative within the study of international peace. For a significant period, the narrative was dominated by liberal and secular approaches which put state as the primary actor in peacebuilding processes. Nevertheless, many cases show that non-state actors, in particular faith-based transnational actors, might have contributed significantly to the conflict transformation mechanism through their faith-based peacebuilding activities. This article explores the modification that Rüland, von Lübke, and Baumann have made on Lederach's concept on peacebuilding, which categorises peacebuilding processes into two dimensions: conflict evolution and crisis intervention. The first dimension of conflict evolution focuses on the identification of the root causes of the conflict and its development, while the second dimension is more concerned with the management of conflict and its transformation, as well as its impacts to the peace establishment process in certain areas. Referring to the Indonesian Nahdlatul Ulama's involvement in the Afghanistan peacebuilding process, this article shows how the model offered by Rüland, von Lübke, and Baumann can well explain the opportunity transnational non-state actors have to contribute significantly to promote the establishment of peace in conflict areas.

Der Autor untersucht die Einflussnahme amerikanischer Juden auf die bilateralen Beziehungen zwischen den USA und Israel während der Suezkrise von 1956-57. Er geht im besonderen auf zwei Gruppen ein: das American Jewish Committee (AJC) und prominente Einzelpersonen, wie Rabbi Abba Hillel Silver, Rabbi Israel Goldstein und David Sarnoff. Wie der Autor darlegt, gelang es der "zionistischen Lobby" informelle Beziehungen herzustellen, welche die formellen Beziehungen zu beeinflussen suchten und sowohl von den USA als auch von Israel instrumentalisiert wurden. (DÜI-Mjr)