Suchergebnisse

En su momento, por su crecimiento económico, los "pequeños dragones asiáticos", así como la India, desviaron la atención de la academia y de los analistas internacionales hacia el sur y el sudeste de Asia. El aumento de las clases medias, la emergencia de estos países densamente poblados y la lucha entre China y Estados Unidos por el liderazgo en la zona son los temas más estudiados en esta parte del mundo. Sin embargo, los focos de violencia interreligiosos y culturales que surgen en países como Myanmar o India nos abren los ojos sobre futuros conflictos en la región.Para analizar el surgimiento de los problemas interreligiosos en la zona podemos agrupar a los países en cuatro grupos. Primero debemos destacar las naciones con mayoría abrumadora musulmana como son Malasia (60%), Indonesia (86%) y Bangladesh (89%). Un segundo grupo para destacar son los países en donde predomina el budismo, tales como Camboya (96%), Tailandia (94%), Myanmar (89%), Sri Lanka (69%) y Laos (67%). A India la consideramos como un tercer polo en la región por su magnitud en términos de población. Este gigante tiene una predominancia hinduista pero con un 13% de musulmanes, lo que supone alrededor de 140 millones de fieles del Islam. Por último destacamos a Filipinas, único enclave cristiano en la zona debido a la histórica influencia colonial española.Los problemas en MyanmarEn los últimos meses la exBirmania fue noticia por el conflicto entre budistas y musulmanes. Los enfrentamientos se habían reanudado el año pasado en el norte del país, generando miles de refugiados y más de 200 muertos. Sin embargo en setiembre la novedad fue la firma de la paz que se estableció entre ambas comunidades. Myanmar, con sus 60 millones de habitantes, fue gobernado desde 1962 a 2012 por una dictadura militar y actualmente posee un gobierno que podría calificarse de crecientemente reformista. En dicho país viven los "rohingya", musulmanes de origen bangladeshí, que son quizás la etnia, sin estado "propio" o que los reconozca, más numerosa de Asia (800 mil). Este sector de la población acusa al gobierno actual, encabezado por Thein Sein, de realizar una campaña de limpieza étnica en su contra. Además, cuentan con el apoyo de la comunidad internacional que insta al mandatario a normalizar la situación dentro de los cambios que se están emprendiendo para reformar y convertir a Myanmar en una democracia.Un grupo nacionalista religioso, encabezado por el monje budista Ashin Wiratho, apodado el "Bin Laden Birmano", y preso hasta el año pasado por incitar al odio religioso, realizó en los últimos tiempos propaganda islamófoba que provocó un espiral de violencia y dejó cientos de muertos. Estos nacionalistas buscan proteger su cultura, la seguridad nacional y asocian al Islam con el control extranjero de las finanzas. Para evitar su intromisión en el país proponen limitar los matrimonios interreligiosos. En agosto de este año decenas de casas fueron destruidas en un barrio de mayoría musulmana tras la supuesta violación de una mujer budista por parte de un seguidor del Islam. Esta persecución obliga a los musulmanes a huir a países como Malasia o al vecino superpoblado Bangladesh, en donde si bien hay campos de refugiados, los rohingyas no han sido del todo bien recibidos ya que son considerados inmigrantes ilegales. Se estiman que son alrededor de 200.000 rohingyas alojados en espacios improvisados. Con la mejora de la situación en los últimos meses, algunos refugiados, con la ayuda de las Naciones Unidas, comenzaron a retornar a sus hogares.Con los desplazamientos de esta comunidad se exportó un conflicto local a parte de la región. Muestra de ello es el asesinato en diciembre del año pasado de tres budistas birmanos en la capital de Malasia, Kuala Lumpur, un hecho que fue señalado como represalia por lo que sucede en Myanmar. Escaramuzas similares a la de Malasia ocurren en Indonesia, el país con más seguidores del Islam y donde opera Jemaah Islamiyah, rama de Al Qaeda. En abril de este año se produjo un choque entre refugiados birmanos en la región de Sumatra y un mes después, en la capital del país Yakarta, dos activistas musulmanes fueron acusados de querer atacar la Embajada de Myanmar. Indonesia, en donde la tolerancia religiosa forma parte de la identidad nacional, se profesa un Islam moderado. Sin embargo después del 11 de setiembre de 2011 sufrió varios ataques del terrorismo elevando la preocupación tanto de los Estados Unidos como de Australia.Las últimas noticias provienen de IndiaLos hechos que ocurrieron en Myanmar tuvieron repercusión también en India. En agosto del 2012 miles de musulmanes marcharon en Mumbai para protestar por las matanzas registradas en la región de Assam y en la ex Birmania, manifestación que terminó en problemas con la Policía. En julio de este año en el noroeste de India nueve bombas explotaron en el templo budista Bodh Gaya, lugar sagrado para la religión. Además, en el último tiempo, al menos 15 personas murieron en enfrentamientos entre musulmanes e hindúes en el norte, en el estado de Uttar Pradesh, tras el ataque de un grupo hindú a una mezquita. El Ejército tiene órdenes de reprimir las revueltas luego de la matanza interreligiosa que dejó 28 muertos en el distrito de Muzaffarnagar. Por su cercanía con Pakistán, país musulmán donde operan grupos integristas, la estabilidad de India es fundamental para la región. Según el gobierno hindú su vecino es epicentro del terrorismo regional y es con quien debe controlar la violencia en Cachemira.En el resto de los países de la zona las situaciones son diversas pero todas con un denominador común: un futuro de tensión por la convivencia de religiones. Tailandia es noticia desde hace ocho años por la revuelta separatista de corte islámico en las provincias del sur, provocando la huída de miles de familias budistas. Los musulmanes se sienten discriminados por el gobierno tailandés y exigen la creación de un Estado islámico en las provincias de Pattani, Yala y Narathiwat, regiones que configuraban el antiguo sultanato de Pattani que Tailandia anexó hace un siglo atrás. Tras la firma en febrero de un acuerdo para iniciar conversaciones y poner fin a la violencia, las negociaciones de paz fueron suspendidas por discrepancias. A comienzos de octubre la explosión de una bomba en una de las conflictivas regiones dejó varios muertos. Los asesinatos y ataques con armas son moneda corriente a pesar del gran despliegue de las fuerzas de seguridad.En Filipinas se desarrolló por más de 40 años un conflicto en el sur del país entre el gobierno y los rebeldes musulmanes, con un saldo de 100.000 muertos y 2 millones de desplazados. A fines del 2012 se firmó un acuerdo de paz que prevé para 2016 la creación de una región autónoma en Mindanao, sin embargo los combates continúan. A mediados de setiembre el Frente Moro de Liberación Nacional se enfrentó al Ejército en la ciudad de Zamboanga, localidad de casi un millón de personas en el sur de Filipinas. El objetivo, al entrar en los barrios costeros, es sabotear las conversaciones con el otro grupo radical, Frente Islámico Moro de Liberación, ya que se sienten dejados de lado. Esta situación pone en vilo el acuerdo alcanzado el año pasado. Los distintos grupos musulmanes llevan décadas luchando por la región de Mindanao, zona fértil y rica en recursos naturales, tierra que consideran natal antes de la llegada los españoles.En Sri Lanka, país que dejó atrás 25 años de conflicto armado entre el gobierno y la guerrilla de la minoría Tamil, surgió la organización budista radical Bodu Baka Sena. Este grupo predica la intolerancia al Islam y realizó boicots a los comercios de los musulmanes, que representan el 10% de los 22 millones de habitantes. De esta forma se produjeron ataques contra mezquitas y manifestaciones para prohibir el sistema de clasificación de alimentos halal. En Camboya, la minoría musulmana (los cham) posee excelentes relaciones con el gobierno. Sin embargo cierto sector se está viendo influenciado por las tradiciones islámicas extranjeras que llegan al país, lo cuál genera mayor atención por las posibles infiltraciones de ramas integristas.ConclusionesEn definitiva el panorama interreligioso en el Sur y Sudeste de Asia aparece desafiante para las próximas décadas. Las situaciones en los países son diversas y cambian constantemente pero la convivencia entre las comunidades será clave para la estabilidad de la región. Décadas atrás las tensiones que se suscitaban se debían a asuntos locales en el campo social y político, sin embargo el 11 de setiembre de 2001 cambió la lógica y le agregó la aparición de grupos integristas islámicos.El Islam llegó a la región en el siglo XII a través del comercio, reemplazando en cierta forma al hinduismo y al budismo. Si bien el común ciudadano musulmán de esta zona del mundo condena los ataques a la población civil en forma de terrorismo, el peligro es que los habitantes reciban influencias yihadistas. La persecución a los fieles del Islam genera un resentimiento y una unión en la comunidad de creyentes, la cual se denomina UMMA. Más allá de las jerarquías y divisiones que existen dentro de la religión, que un musulmán sea hostigado provoca una posible reacción de aquellos que están buscando cualquier excusa para continuar con su guerra santa.Hoy el foco está puesto en Medio Oriente pero no debe impresionarnos que el mismo problema aparezca dentro de algunas décadas en el sur y sudeste asiático. Atentados de Al Qaeda en Bali (2002) y Yakarta (2005) supone que ninguna región está exenta del terrorismo islámico. Sin embargo no debemos confundirnos. Los peligros no solo provienen de los fanáticos del Islam sino que como vimos, las persecuciones incluyen a grupos radicales budistas e hindúes. Además, estos conflictos no suponen un odio entre dos o tres religiones sino la lucha por el sentido de pertenencia a un lugar que se considera propio. Los problemas en esta zona del mundo no suponen el hecho de matar en nombre de Dios sino una reacción de una población que se siente invadida y considera que está perdiendo su cultura. Lo seguro es que de no solucionarse prontamente los conflictos como el de Myanmar, Tailandia Filipinas e India, los augurios no son buenos para la región en materia de seguridad. Sobre el autorLic. en Estudios InternacionalesUniversidad ORT- Uruguay

Relations between the Philippines and northern Australia date back to the early years of European settlement. Filipinos made a significant contribution to the development of north Australia throughout the nineteenth century, while a small number of Australians were involved in commerce in the Philippines. In north Australia, where some Filipinos intermarried with Aboriginal people and European settlers, this heritage is reflected in the incidence of Filipino names in present-day northern communities. In more recent years the Northern Territory, and to a lesser extent northern communities in Western Australia and Queensland, have come to see their futures inextricably linked to developments in the countries to their immediate north, particularly Indonesia and the Philippines, and have sought increasingly to strengthen social, cultural and sporting, as well as commercial, ties. For Australians, some commonalities of language, predominant religion, Western cultural experience, and democratic traditions have contributed to making the Philippines especially attractive as a place to visit and to do business with; for Filipinos, Australia has been seen since the 1970s as a desirable destination for migration and, increasingly, as a source of education and training. Over the past decade, trade between Australia and the Philippines has grown substantially, if from a low base, and the Philippines has become the fourth largest recipient of Australian. development assistance. For north Australia, trade with the Philippines is still small, and dominated by live cattle exports to the Philippines. This is in large part due to the small market and relatively low level of manufacturing activity which north Australia represents, but the infrequency and high cost of shipping and lack of direct air links are also major inhibiting factors. Nevertheless, the possibilities for expanded trade and investment flows, particularly through the provision of services and through joint ventures in small and medium-sized enterprises, appear to be considerable. With the issue of expanded commercial relations primarily in mind, and with a delegation from the Northern Territory about to visit the Philippines in conjunction with Australia's 'All the Best from Australia' presentation in Manila, a workshop on 'North Australia-Philippines Relations' was held at the Australian National University's North Australia Research Unit on 25 September 1998, in association with the Northern Territory University's Centre for Southeast Asian Studies and the NT International Business Council. The workshop followed an earlier conference on 'Government-Business Relations Between Eastern Indonesia and the Northern Territory'. This volume is an outcome of the September 1998 workshop. An opening chapter by Philippines Minister and Consul General in Australia, Edwin Bael, provides an overview of relations between Australia and the Philippines, with particular reference to north Australia and the southern Philippine island of Mindanao (regions which share an interest in the development of the Brunei/ Indonesia! Malaysia/Philippines-East ASEAN Growth Area (BIMP-EAGA). Subsequent chapters by Dennis Shoesmith, R.J. May, and William Brummitt and Frances Perkins (the latter from the Department of Foreign Mfairs and Trade's East Asia Analytical Unit) review, respectively, the historical context of north Australia-Philippines relations and the political and economic contexts of the Philippines. Relations between the Northern Territory and the Philippines are surveyed in the chapter by Ian Watts, from the NT Department of Asian Relations, Trade and Industry (DART!). Darwin-resident businessman Pascual Tantengco then presents the viewpoint of a Filipino businessman operating in north Australia, while papers by Michael Kilgariff (of the NT International Business Council), William Cordingley, Steve Ellison, Chris Healey and Kym Handberg discuss various aspects of north Australian business and academic relations with the Philippines, including the live cattle trade, which has maintained its importance in the Australia-Philippines relationship notwithstanding the effects of the Asian financial crisis (which have severely affected the trade between Australia and Indonesia). Further chapters survey the role and functions of the Australia-Philippines Business Council, the principal features of trade relations between Australia and the Philipines, and the main components of Australia's development assistance programme in the Philippines. Finally, The Philippines Honorary Consul General for the Northern Territory, Robert Matthewson, provides an overview of the workshop proceedings and suggests some possible lines of future development. Collectively, the various papers give some indication of the extent and dynamics of north Australia-Philippines relations and point to the possibilities of a much more detailed study of the relationship. In organizing the workshop and bringing this volume to publication, I am indebted to my longstanding Filipinist NTU colleague, Dennis Shoesmith, and to the encouragement and support received from NARU director Christine Fletcher and NARU staff Janet Sincock, Melissa Sue and Paula Fennel; DARTI officers Ian Watts, Patrick Markwick-Smith, John McCue and Steve Sanderson; director of DFAT's Northern Territory office, Keith Gardiner(who presented the Brurmnitt and Perkins paper in the absence of the author) and Ross Ainsworth, of the Northern Territory Livestock Exporters Association, who was unable to attend the workshop due to commitments in the Philippines. Bill Cordingley, of Meat and Livestock Australia, though not present at the workshop, provided a paper at very short notice, and Aurora Quinn, of the Office of Ethnic Affairs, Department of the Chief Minister, Darwin, kindly agreed to the reproduction of sections of her 'Background on Philippines-born Territorians'. In Canberra, Claire Smith and Allison Ley carried the burden of converting a collection of written and recorded presentations into a publication, with characteristic efficiency.

In 48 Artikeln - überwiegend zu gesellschaftspolitischen Themen - wird in dem vom Verein "philippinenbüro" betreuten Buch die gegenwärtige Situation auf den Philippinen dargestellt. In populärwissenschaftlichem Stil und in gut verständlicher Sprache werden viele fundierte Basisinformationen, aber auch aktuelles Insiderwissen problemorientiert vermittelt. Soziale Gerechtigkeit und Armut sind dabei die Leitthemen, die durch eine Vielzahl von Einzelaspekten (z.B. Landreform, Umweltzustand, Gesundheitswesen, Sextourismus, Bürgerrechte, Religion oder Entwicklungshilfe) analysiert werden. Das Werk ist aber eher ein Lesebuch und verfügt über recht wenige (schwarz-weiße) Abbildungen. Besonders mehr und bessere Karten wären wünschenswert gewesen. Unter dem Strich ist es trotzdem ein wertvolles Buch für den Asien-Bestand, da es mit Schülern, Studenten, Touristen, kirchlichen und Entwicklungshilfegruppen eine große Zahl von potentiellen Nutzern anspricht. (2 S)

Coconut is one of the top agricultural commodities in the country providing a significant contribution, particularly in terms of employment and export earnings. Globally, the Philippines is included as one of the major producers of coconut and was ranked 2nd with Indonesia at first place and India as third last 2014. According to PSA (2016), the top-producing regions in the country from 2010-2014 are Davao Region, Northern Mindanao, Zamboanga Peninsula and Eastern Visayas. Quezon has been consistently leading among all the provinces. Due to this, the province has been a frequent subject of research related to coconut and coconut products. This study aimed to determine the present conditions of the coconut farms in the top-producing municipalities in Quezon. Specifically, it intends to: 1) present the profile of the coconut farms and farmers 2) determine the status of the coconut farms in terms of their business functions 3) identify problems and issues encountered by the farms as well as opportunities available to them and 4) provide recommendations for the improvement and development of the farms, farmers and the industry. Eighty-two coconut farmers were interviewed, with 30 respondents from Lopez and 52 respondents from Catanauan. The average age of the respondents was 59 reflecting an aging workforce that can serve as a threat for the continuity of the farms. The average household size and number of children was four. Furthermore, almost half (49%) only reached secondary education. On the average, the respondents have devoted 35 years in coconut farming with varying farm performances. Majority (81%) of the respondents claimed that their major source of income was coconut, earning an average of Php 38, 026 per year. Their other sources of income were livestock production, planting intercrops, rice production, fishing, employment with DPWH, LGU and local government among others, store ownership and buying of coal. Most of the farmers were affiliated with local organizations such as Kasaganaan sa Ilalim ng Niyogan, Kaunlaran ng Bayan (KAANIB), Lapitan Ito ng Maliliit na Magniniyog ng Babaeng Silangan (LIMBAS) and farmers" organizations in their area. The mean farm size computed was 5.23 ha with only 4.8 ha being fully utilized. Majority (75%) of the farms were inherited by the farmers from their parents. The types of land ownership included purchased land, inherited plus purchased land and land given by institutions as well as other tenurial status such as being tenant and being a caretaker. Flat and sloping features were both present in most of the farms and the common spacing used was 7x7 meters. The average number of trees per ha was 224. Meanwhile, the average number of young trees of all the respondents was 306 and old trees, 607, existing for an average of 50 years. Most of the farmers harvest coconuts six times a year. According to the farmers, the peak month was August and the lean months, February and March. Among the three main products of the farms - copra, matured coconut and young coconut - the most labor-intensive was copra due to the additional labor and needed time for the copra making while in terms of price, it received the highest value. As for fertilizer and pesticide application, the farmers mainly relied on the chemicals provided by government institutions. Generally, the farms were located far from the main market. More than half (52%) of the producers did not incur delivery costs because their buyers picked up the former"s harvest. The other 48% deliver their products by: renting a truck or tricycle, or using their own vehicles, or paying for horses and carabao. The farmers did not need to promote their products since all of their harvests were usually bought by the buyers. The farmers were all paid in cash after they delivered the coconuts. An average of one worker per hectare was employed by a coconut farm and were paid per day or per a certain number of pieces. The wage rate ranged from Php 200 to 350 a day or per 1000 pieces. In terms of capital use, the usual investments were land, production tools and vehicles. It was observed that the farms were lacking in terms of Management Information Systems and in Research and Development as they were still practicing the conventional farming methods. They had access only to information regarding potential market and current prices, and new technologies or processes such as new hybrids or varieties and production of coconut products, were not yet adapted in the farms. The common problems cited by the farmers were: calamities, supply of fertilizer, drought and pest and diseases for production aspect unstable and low prices, farm-to-market roads in marketing aspect loans, source of capital and low income for finance aspect and unpaid salaries and labor-intensive work for the personnel aspect. The identified problems for MIS and R&D were absence of recording system, lack of knowledge on new farming practices or technologies and reliance on subsistence farming. Some of the opportunities that the farmers can take advantage of are the high demand for coconut products in the domestic and export markets, the availability of high-yielding varieties that can replace their aging trees, and the continuous support from government institutions. The recommendation for the coconut farmers and the village traders is for them to engage in coconut processing to add value to their products and consequently increase their profits and for them to penetrate niche markets. In addition, a strong relationship with the farmers and their customers should be maintained by the village traders and byaheros for the former to be ensured of continuous supply of coconuts. Lastly, government institutions should implement programs and activities to assist the farmers financially, technically and logistically. Local organizations should link the farmers to government institutions and monitor the programs and action plans being implemented for the farmers.

Coconut is one of the top agricultural commodities in the country providing a significant contribution, particularly in terms of employment and export earnings. Globally, the Philippines is included as one of the major producers of coconut and was ranked 2nd with Indonesia at first place and India as third last 2014. According to PSA (2016), the top-producing regions in the country from 2010-2014 are Davao Region, Northern Mindanao, Zamboanga Peninsula and Eastern Visayas. Quezon has been consistently leading among all the provinces. Due to this, the province has been a frequent subject of research related to coconut and coconut products. This study aimed to determine the present conditions of the coconut farms in the top-producing municipalities in Quezon. Specifically, it intends to: 1) present the profile of the coconut farms and farmers 2) determine the status of the coconut farms in terms of their business functions 3) identify problems and issues encountered by the farms as well as opportunities available to them and 4) provide recommendations for the improvement and development of the farms, farmers and the industry. Eighty-two coconut farmers were interviewed, with 30 respondents from Lopez and 52 respondents from Catanauan. The average age of the respondents was 59 reflecting an aging workforce that can serve as a threat for the continuity of the farms. The average household size and number of children was four. Furthermore, almost half (49%) only reached secondary education. On the average, the respondents have devoted 35 years in coconut farming with varying farm performances. Majority (81%) of the respondents claimed that their major source of income was coconut, earning an average of Php 38, 026 per year. Their other sources of income were livestock production, planting intercrops, rice production, fishing, employment with DPWH, LGU and local government among others, store ownership and buying of coal. Most of the farmers were affiliated with local organizations such as Kasaganaan sa Ilalim ng Niyogan, Kaunlaran ng Bayan (KAANIB), Lapitan Ito ng Maliliit na Magniniyog ng Babaeng Silangan (LIMBAS) and farmers" organizations in their area. The mean farm size computed was 5.23 ha with only 4.8 ha being fully utilized. Majority (75%) of the farms were inherited by the farmers from their parents. The types of land ownership included purchased land, inherited plus purchased land and land given by institutions as well as other tenurial status such as being tenant and being a caretaker. Flat and sloping features were both present in most of the farms and the common spacing used was 7x7 meters. The average number of trees per ha was 224. Meanwhile, the average number of young trees of all the respondents was 306 and old trees, 607, existing for an average of 50 years. Most of the farmers harvest coconuts six times a year. According to the farmers, the peak month was August and the lean months, February and March. Among the three main products of the farms - copra, matured coconut and young coconut - the most labor-intensive was copra due to the additional labor and needed time for the copra making while in terms of price, it received the highest value. As for fertilizer and pesticide application, the farmers mainly relied on the chemicals provided by government institutions. Generally, the farms were located far from the main market. More than half (52%) of the producers did not incur delivery costs because their buyers picked up the former"s harvest. The other 48% deliver their products by: renting a truck or tricycle, or using their own vehicles, or paying for horses and carabao. The farmers did not need to promote their products since all of their harvests were usually bought by the buyers. The farmers were all paid in cash after they delivered the coconuts. An average of one worker per hectare was employed by a coconut farm and were paid per day or per a certain number of pieces. The wage rate ranged from Php 200 to 350 a day or per 1000 pieces. In terms of capital use, the usual investments were land, production tools and vehicles. It was observed that the farms were lacking in terms of Management Information Systems and in Research and Development as they were still practicing the conventional farming methods. They had access only to information regarding potential market and current prices, and new technologies or processes such as new hybrids or varieties and production of coconut products, were not yet adapted in the farms. The common problems cited by the farmers were: calamities, supply of fertilizer, drought and pest and diseases for production aspect unstable and low prices, farm-to-market roads in marketing aspect loans, source of capital and low income for finance aspect and unpaid salaries and labor-intensive work for the personnel aspect. The identified problems for MIS and R&D were absence of recording system, lack of knowledge on new farming practices or technologies and reliance on subsistence farming. Some of the opportunities that the farmers can take advantage of are the high demand for coconut products in the domestic and export markets, the availability of high-yielding varieties that can replace their aging trees, and the continuous support from government institutions. The recommendation for the coconut farmers and the village traders is for them to engage in coconut processing to add value to their products and consequently increase their profits and for them to penetrate niche markets. In addition, a strong relationship with the farmers and their customers should be maintained by the village traders and byaheros for the former to be ensured of continuous supply of coconuts. Lastly, government institutions should implement programs and activities to assist the farmers financially, technically and logistically. Local organizations should link the farmers to government institutions and monitor the programs and action plans being implemented for the farmers.

In March 1906, U.S. forces attacked a group of Moros and killed more than 900 men, women, and children at the top of Mt. Dajo on the island of Jolo in the southern Philippines. Even though the death toll was higher than at well-known massacres committed by American soldiers at Wounded Knee and My Lai, the massacre at Bud Dajo has been all but forgotten outside the Philippines.Recovering the history of this event is the subject of an important new book by historian Kim Wagner, "Massacre in the Clouds: An American Atrocity and the Erasure of History." The book is a masterful reconstruction of the events leading up to the lopsided slaughter on the mountain, and Wagner sets the massacre in its proper historical context during the age of American overseas colonialism at the start of the 20th century. It also offers important lessons about how the dehumanization of other people leads to terrible atrocities and how imperial policies rely on the use of brutal violence.In the years leading up to the massacre, the U.S. had been extending its control over the southern Philippines after it had annexed the northern islands and defeated local pro-independence forces in the Philippine-American War (1899-1902). U.S. relations with the Sultanate of Sulu were initially regulated by the Bates Treaty of 1899, but within a few years the U.S. abrogated that treaty and sought to impose direct rule. The U.S. tossed the treaty aside on the recommendation of Gen. Leonard Wood, who was the local military governor based on Mindanao at the time.The massacre was part of a larger history of violent American expansionism, and it was the result of an imperial policy that sought to impose colonial rule on the Philippines. The U.S. effort to collect the cedula tax provoked significant resentment and opposition among the Moros. (The Moro name was the one given to the Muslim Tausugs of the Sulu archipelago by the earlier Spanish colonizers, and it was the one that the Americans continued to use.) As Wagner explains, Moro opposition to the tax was rooted in a defense of their religious identity, which they believed would be compromised and weakened if they submitted to a tax imposed by non-Muslim rulers.The Moros that sought refuge at Bud Dajo were protesting the encroachment of a new colonial power and resisting interference in their way of life. The U.S. authorities there perceived them and cast them as outlaws, and under the command of the same Gen. Wood, U.S. forces proceeded to wipe almost all of them out. As Daniel Immerwahr comments in "How to Hide an Empire," "Massacres like this weren't unknown in the United States. …Yet Bud Dajo dwarfed them all."The atrocity was initially the cause of some controversy at home, and anti-imperialist critics of American rule in the Philippines tried to use it to attack the Roosevelt administration's policies. The criticism was short-lived, and no one involved with the massacre at any level faced any penalties later. The massacre was quickly rationalized and normalized with the familiar appeals to "necessity" and an exceptionalist belief in America's expansionist mission.The similarities with crimes committed by the military against Native Americans led most Americans to justify the slaughter at Bud Dajo rather than condemn it. The similarities with crimes committed by contemporary European colonial powers didn't cause most Americans to reconsider the expansionist project, but instead it led them to retract their earlier criticisms of European atrocities. Merely exposing an atrocity abroad often has no political effect if most people at home are determined to ignore or excuse it.Wagner details how Wood and the Roosevelt administration tried to control the flow of information about the massacre, but the massacre was never a secret. There was never an attempt at a cover-up because the massacre became so widely accepted as "necessary." The officers and soldiers involved in the killing wrote letters home about what they had seen and done at Bud Dajo, and their correspondence is one of the sources that Wagner uses for reconstructing what happened on the mountain. The dehumanization of the Moros in the eyes of most Americans was so complete that the photographic evidence of the victims was turned into popular postcards for soldiers and tourists to buy.The photograph of the aftermath of the massacre taken by Aeronaut Gibbs stands out in Wagner's account. The photograph shows a trench filled with the bodies of dead Moros with a group of American soldiers posing alongside them. This is the picture that Wagner comes back to several times in the book to capture the brutality of the event and to illustrate how thoroughly the victims of the massacre had been dehumanized. The trench photo is an image of the atrocity "through the eyes of the perpetrators," as Wagner puts it, and he explains that the "image is not just evidence of a massacre—in the way that we might consider a crime-scene photo—but is itself an artifact of violence." American rule over the Philippines had been inspired by the example of European colonialism in Asia and Africa, and the American administrators of the overseas empire looked to copy the methods of European empires in suppressing local opposition by force. Today some proponents of American dominance still look back to this era of direct colonial rule as evidence of America's benevolent imperialism, but this ignores the record of brutal violence that was used to establish and maintain that rule. Bud Dajo was a shocking example of that violence, and it was the product of a system that routinely demanded and justified such violence against the people living under American rule. Though few Americans remember them, the U.S. wars in the Philippines were responsible for the deaths of up to one million people.Americans need to remember this period of U.S. history, but it is also important to recognize that many political leaders today use the same kinds of rationalizations to justify modern atrocities, whether they are committed by U.S. forces or client states acting with U.S. support.As Wagner puts it, "Whereas the actual history of US atrocities in the southern Philippines has been largely forgotten, the racialized logic that underpinned the violence of March 1906 has not." Just as the expansionists did 118 years ago, some supporters of American dominance continue to excuse war crimes by dehumanizing the victims and blaming them for their own demise.

Several changes in the rice and other crop production landscape in the Philippines have occurred since an account of the status of agricultural mechanization was reported forty-five years ago in the first issue (Spring 1971) of Agricultural Mechanization in Southeast Asia, now AMA (Lantin, 1971). Part I of the two-part article on agricultural mechanization in the Philippines provides the brief background of its development. Part II will discuss the current status of agricultural mechanization and the formulation of strategies after having set out a firm policy as provided by the Agriculture and Fisheries Mechanization (AFMech) Law of 2013. Historically, the following chronology of development events related to agriculture and agricultural mechanization that have been unfolding through the years and marked by milestones, have had significant impact on shaping the present status of agricultural mechanization in the Philippines: Before 1521 (Pre-Spanish era) • Blacksmithing and metalworking technologies, probably acquired from Chinese traders, are used for making weapons, household metal wares, hand tools and paraphernalia for fishing and rudimentary agriculture; • Inhabitants thrive on hunting, fishing and little agriculture; natural resources are abundant and more than enough for a small population of tribes sparsely distributed throughout the archipelago; • Ifugao rice terraces in the mountains of Luzon and cultivation techniques have already been well-developed and sustained through the culture of the Indigenous People since about 2,000 years ago. 1521-1898 (Spanish colonial regime) • Spaniards introduce single animal-drawn wooden plow with cast-iron plowshare and moldboard, carabao (water buffalo)-drawn carts for agricultural produce transport and horse-drawn calesas (carriage) for personnel transport; • Spaniards introduce processing technologies such as for making chocolate tablets from cacao, concrete and wood construction technologies for structures such as churches and public buildings and blacksmithing such as for horses a cart and carriage wheels, hand tools and plow accessories. 1902-1940 (American colonial regime) • US military and investors first used three-wheel tractors in abaca (banana fiber crop) plantations in Mindanao to produce cordage for maritime usage and for export; • US mechanization technologies transferred to Philippines such as the tractor-powered stationary rice thresher - the "McCormick" thresher or "trilladora". 1941-1945 (Japanese occupation, World War II • Japan introduces household gadgets such as lamps, cooking appliances • No technology transfer on agricultural mechanization as Japan also uses draft animals in farm operations. 1950-1970 • President Elpidio. Quirino (1948-1953) pursues industrialization making Philippine economy second only to Japan in Asia by early 1960s; unfortunately, this pursuit was not sustained by the succeeding administrations; • Large grain silos for storage of paddy and corn are installed in Northern and Central Luzon but turned out to be "white elephants" and later dismantled; • Human and animal farm power sources are predominant; agricultural mechanization and labor productivity levels are low; • Small landholdings of up to 3 ha constitute 62.3 % of total farms in 1960; • Four-wheel tractor sales are driven by credit programs and high sugar prices; • IRRI is established in 1960 at the University of the Philippines College of Agriculture campus, now UP Los Baños (UPLB); the green revolution starts; IRRI develops IR8 or "miracle rice" in 1966; • Hand tractors from Japan are introduced in early 1960s; Land-master tractor from UK fits as workhorse for multiple cropping project by IRRI; • President Ferdinand Marcos (1965- 1986) builds infrastructures such as roads, ports, dams for irrigation and power generation as foundation for industrialization originally envisioned by President Quirino to support agriculture. 1971-1980 • Agricultural Mechanization in Southeast Asia (now AMA) launches its maiden issue -Spring 1971; • IRRI Agricultural Engineering Department undertakes the Small Farm Machinery Development Program under USAID grant; the axial-flow thresher makes obsolete the traditional pedal drum and manual threshing methods; • President Marcos declares martial law; Masagana-99 rice program enables export of rice; GO 47 strategy for corporate rice produc- tion fails; the barangay as basic political unit is organized; • Institution-building and strengthening start: AMTEC in 1977; PhilRice in 1985; Philippines hosts the Regional Network for Agricultural Machinery (RNAM) at UPLB with the Agricultural Mechanization Development Program (AMDP) as country counterpart, which advocates agricultural mechanization policy; • First fuel crisis occurs in 1973 and a second one in 1979. 1981-1990 • IRRI-AED releases more designs of small farm machines and devices; • UPLB-based RNAM actively conducts regional activities on agricultural machinery and mechanization; • SV Agro-industries in Iloilo develops floating power tiller; IRRI-AED modifies it into hydrotiller; both designs are adopted by farmers; • Delta Motor Corporation with technology backstopping of Toyota Motor Corporation of Japan landmark manufactures 1,000 units of 10-hp diesel engine, the first in Southeast Asia; • People's Power Revolution in 1986 causes political turmoil and economic downturn; cuts short the Marcos strategy of infrastructure development to support industrialization which in turn was aimed at supporting agriculture. 1991-2000 • IRRI-AED releases design of the rice stripper-gatherer SG800 based on stripper rotor technology developed by the UK Silsoe Research Institute; • IRRI phases out design and development of rice production machinery and focuses instead on postharvest technologies starting in late 1990s; • PhilRice-Rice Engineering and Mechanization Division (REMD) and the Bureau of Postharvest Research and Development (BPRE) sustain research, development and extension (RDE) activities of rice production and postharvest machinery; • Functions of the Department of Agriculture and other government agencies are devolved to local government units (LGUs) 2001-2016 • The Agriculture and Fisheries Mechanization (AFMech) Law is passed in 2013; this landmark legislation now firms up the policy of modernizing Philippine agriculture through agricultural mechanization; • The Philippines starts deliberate shifting from labor-intensive and low labor-productive farm operation methods to mechanized farming; • PHilMech implements the Department of Agriculture's Rice Mechanization and Postharvest Program (RMPP) for 2011-2016; promotes production and postharvest machinery among Farmers' Associations on favourable procurement terms; • The Philippines imports some 200,000 single-cylinder gasoline and diesel engines in 2013 alone (AMMDA, 2014) mostly from US, China, Thailand, Indonesia and Vietnam; • A new National Agro-fishery Mechanization Program (NAF-MP) is being formulated by the Bureau of Agricultural and Fisheries Mechanization Engineering (BAFE); • Level of mechanization is still low with work animals still the predominant power source for small landholdings, which have presently increased in number, further reduced in size and been widely scattered because of partitioning among heirs, inter-regional marriages, land reform and sale/conversion for non-agricultural uses. • Small landholdings of up to 3 ha constitute 88.4% of total farms in 2012 • Power tillers are gradually replacing the carabao through increasing availability of custom hire services, but not as rapidly as desired because of high prices of imported engines • Imported four-wheel tractors, rice transplanters and combines start getting popular • Foreign exchange remittances by overseas Filipino workers and professionals slowing down due to Middle East crisis, low fossil fuel prices and economic growth rate slowdown - may affect importation of agricultural power and machinery • Killer typhoon Haiyan or Yolanda devastates Leyte, Samar and other Northern Visayan provinces killing some 10,000 people (unofficial estimate) in 2013 Beyond 2016 The following are some issues to consider in the formulation of agricultural mechanization policies and strategies: • Deliberate pursuit of national industrialization to support agriculture; • National Agro-fisheries Mechanization Program (NAFMP) to continue distributing power and machinery which are "Made not in the Philippines?" • Local manufacture of engines; development of renewable and environment friendly farming technologies; • RDE on technologies for land levelling and precision agriculture, automation and robotics but not to neglect the classic designs for transition from traditional to high-tech agricultural mechanization; • Overhaul of polices and laws for farmland inheritance, land forming and terracing for soil and water conservation as well as for agricultural mechanization; • Building of infrastructures for irrigation and drainage, transport (roads, railways, cableways and ports) for efficient agricultural mechanization; and • Other issues that may crop up.

ABSTRACTCharacteristics of the border region is often described as the outermost regions are isolated, backward, and so forth. With the myriad of issues concerning the welfare of society in general were below the poverty line with low levels of education. But life does not always belong to border communities in naming above, Miangas for example, the community has its own traditions how to survive in conditions of isolation and backwardness, have skills in producting seafood, farming and other skills. Long before the existence of state power, the unit from Miangas sides of residence lives bound by customs and a sense of shared identity. Results from this research show that, due to the presence of markers of the state's power infrastructure in this locations, many facilities built by the government in Miangas impressed as empty and wasteful projects that looks abandoned. As well as the presence of power by government intervention ultimately weaken the social institutions in lives of indigenous people, and tends to make people more spoiled and more pragmatic, and left the local wisdom and traditional values that have been practiced for generations by their ancestors and was bequeathed to offspring. Conclusion of this study, the Miangas known as hard working people, many skills are acted by people in meeting their needs, such as reliable in making boats, intelligent processing of marine products such as making wooden fish (smoked fish) and salted fish being traded to the island- Talaud large island in the district. But when the excessive government interference in the end there is a change in society itself and shift traditional values. Neglect of traditional values by society, increasingly indicates that the presence of state power in Miangas, indicating the government has failed in maintaining traditional values, language and traditions into local wisdom as mandated in the constitution of this country, which is poured into 1945. Should society and government both have important roles in maintaining the integrity and sovereignty of the Republic of Indonesia to maintain local knowledge as part of the national defense. PENDAHULUANKarakteristik wilayah perbatasan bagi sebagian orang seringkali digambarkan sebagai wilayah terluar yang terisolir, terbelakang, halaman belakang, pagar belakang, penuh dengan segudang permasalahan menyangkut tingkat kesejahteraan masyarakat yang pada umumnya berada di bawah garis kemiskinan dengan tingkat pendidikan yang rendah.Namun dalam penamaan ini yang seringkalidilupakan oleh sebagian orang bahwa kehidupan masyarakat di wilayah perbatasan tidak selamanya tergolong apa yang disebutkan diatas, disetiap wilayah masyarakat memiliki budaya dan tradisi berbeda bagaimana bertahan hidup dalam kondisi keterisolasian dan ketebelakangan. Seperti yang di ungkapkan oleh Ralp Linton dimana kegiatan-kegiatan kebudayaan atau culture activity di bagi ke dalam trait complex, misalnya sebagai contoh masyarakat memiliki ketrampilan dalam proses pencaharian hidup dan ekonomi, dengan mengandalkan hasil alam seperti melaut, bercocok tanam dan peternakan (Ralp Linton, 1936: 397). Apabila dicermati hal ini merupakan kearifan lokal.Demikian halnya jauh sebelum adanya program pembangunan di wilayah perbatasan, masyarakat yang oleh Koentjraningrat disebut sebagaii suatu kesatuan hidup manusia yang bersifat mantap dan terikat oleh satuan adat istiadat dan rasa identitas bersama(Koentjraningrat, 2009:120). Wilayah perbatasan sebagai garis pangkal penentu kedaulatanNKRI, perlu adanya perhatian khusus baik dari segi pembangunan infrastruktur dansuprastruktur, pembangunan kualitas sumber daya manusia, sampai pada pembangunan pusat penyelenggara kekuasaan negara yang memberi pelayanan terhadap masyarakat. Namun persoalan yang dihadapi sekarang wilayah perbatasan yang diwacanakan sebagai "beranda depan" ternyata masih jauh dari harapan dan tinggallah sebuah wacana.Dengan adanya kehadiran kekuasaan negara bukan memoles wilayah perbatasan menjadi wilayah terdepan, malah cenderung membuat masyarakat untuk terus bergantung kepada pemerintah dan meninggalkan tradisi-tradisi yang dulu terpelihara, seperti nilai-nilai atau norma-norma adat-istiadat dan keterikatan oleh suatu rasa identitas komunitas (Maciver dan Page dalam Koenjtraningrat, 2009:119). Seperti yang dikatakan oleh Burhan Bugin kajian tentang masyarakat sipil atau civil society penting di kaji setelah dominasi kekuasaan negara begitu kuat. Selain menjadikan masyarakat sipil tidak berdaya, dominasi kekuasaan negara dapat menunjukan fakta bahwa seakan-akan pembangunan yang dilakukan oleh Negara ditunjukan bagi kepentingan rakyat (Burhan Bugin, 1993: 6), namun kenyataannya malah kekuasaan Negara yang pada umumnya terlalu dominan lebih cederung memberikan efek negatif terhadap kearifan lokal masyarakat adat di Miangas, di sisi lain masyarakat sendiri tidak mampu untuk mempertahankan kearifan lokal yang ada.Rumusan Masalah1. Bagaimana kekuasaan negara terhadap struktur adat masyarakat Miangas?2. Mengapa terjadi perubahan atau pergeseran nilai adat ketika pemerintah melakukan intervensi kekuasaan di Miangas?Manfaat dan Tujuan Penelitian.a. Adapun tujuan dari penelitian ini, adalah:1. Untuk mengetahui sejauh mana kekuasaan negara terhadap struktur adat masyarakat Miangas!2. Untuk mengetahui Sejauhmana terjadinya perubahan atau pergeseran nilai-nilai adat ketika pemerintah melakukan intervensi kekuasaan di Miangas!b. Manfaat Ilmiah, bahwasannya penelitian ini kiranya dapat memberikan kontribusi berarti untuk pengembangan ilmu pengetahuan bagi Jurusan Ilmu Pemerintahan terlebih khusus bagi Program Studi Ilmu politik.Manfaat praktis,diharapkan hasil penelitian ini dapat memberikan kontribusi bagi terselenggaranya program pemerintahpusat dan daerah dalam pembangunan kawasan perbatasan yang sesuai dengan karakteristik wilayah perbatasan, agar ke depan program pembangunan yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah pusat dan daerah tepat dan berguna bagi masyarakat perbatasan, guna untuk menjaga tetap tegaknya keutuhan dan kesatuan NKRI.KERANGKA KONSEPTUALKonsep Kekuasaan1. Menurut Robert M. Mac Iver,kekuasaanadalah kemampuan untuk mengendalikan tingkah laku orang lain, baik secara langsung dengan jalan memberi perintah, maupun secara tidak langsung dengan mempergunakan segala alat dan cara yang tersedia (Robert M. Mac Iver, 1961:87).2. Menurut Negel, kekuasaan adalah suatu hubungan kausal nyata atau potensial antara yang disukai oleh yang berbuat sehubungan dengan hasil dan hasil itu sendiri (Negel dalam Robert Dahl "Analisis Politik Modern, 1980; 169).3. Menurut Selo Soemardjan dan Soelaeman Soemardi, kekuasaan adalah hubungan antara yang berkuasa dan yang di kuasai, atau dengan kata lain antara pihak yang memiliki kemampuan untuk melancarkan pengaruh dan pihak lain yang menerima pengaruh ini, dengan rela atau karena terpaksa (Selo Soemardjan dan Soelaeman Soemardi, 1964:337).4. Menurut Soerjono Soekanto, kekuasaan adalah suatu kemampuan memerintah (agar yang diperintah patuh) dan juga memberikan keputusan-keputusan yang secara langsung maupun tidak langsung mempengaruhi tindakan-tindakan pihak-pihak lainnya (Soerjono Soekanto, 1981:163)5. Menurut Max Weber, kukuasaan adalah kesempatan dari seseorang atau sekelompok orang-orang untuk menyadarkan masyarakat akan kemauan-kemauannya sendiri, dengan sekaligus menterapkannya terhadap tindakan-tindakan dari orang-orang atau golongan-golongan tertentu (Max Weber (Max Weber, Essay in Sociology, translated and edited by H-H Gerth and C. Wright Mills. 1946: 180).6. Gilbert W. Fairholm mendefinisikan kekuasaan sebagai "kemampuan individu untuk mencapai tujuannya saat berhubungan dengan orang lain, bahkan ketika dihadapkan pada penolakan mereka" (Gilbert W. Fairholm, Organizational Power Politics: Tactics in Organizational Leadership, 2009:5).7. Stephen P. Robbins mendefinisikan kekuasaan sebagai ". kapasitas bahwa A harus mempengaruhi perilaku B sehingga B bertindak sesuai dengan apa yang diharapkan oleh A. Definisi Robbins menyebut suatu "potensi" sehingga kekuasaan bisa jadi ada tetapi tidak dipergunakan. Sebab itu, kekuasaan disebut sebagai "kapasitas" atau "potensi" (Stephen P. Robbins, 2009:15).8. Menurut Harold D Laswell dan Abraham Kaplan mendefinisikan kekuasaan adalahsustu hubungan di mana seseorang atau kelompok orang dapat menentukan tindakanseseorang atau kelompok orang dapat menentukan tindakan seseorang ataukelompoklain agar sesuai dengan tujuan dari pihak pertama.(Harold D Laswell dan Abraham Kaplan dalam Leo Agustino, 2007:72).Unsur-Unsur dan Saluran-Saluran Kekuasaan Kekuasaan dapat di jumpai dalam hubungan sosial di antara manusia maupun antar kelompok, adapun menurut (Soerjono Soekanto 1981:164-166) membaginya sebagai berikut:1. Rasa takut2. Rasa cinta3. Kepercayaan4. PemujaanSelain dari keempat unsur diatas, di dalam masyarakat Soerjono Soekanto membagi serta membatasinya ke dalam beberapa saluran-saluran, antara lain sebagai berikut;1. Saluran Militer2. Saluran Ekonomi3. Saluran Politik4. Saluran Tradisi5. Saluran Ideologi6. Saluran-saluran lainnyaBentuk Pelapisan-pelapisan Kekuasaan Adapun menurut Soekanto sosiolog dari Indonesia, memandang bentuk kekuasaan pada satu pola umum dari sekian banyak pola dalam masyarakat.Yaitu, bahwa dalam bentuk dan sistem kekuasaan selalu menyesuaikan dirinya pada masyarakat dengan adat-istiadat perikelakuannya (Soerjono Soekanto, 1981:169).Adapun bentuk pelapisan-pelapisan kekuasaan sebagai berikut: Wewenang Menurut Soerjono Soekanto, wewenang adalah hak yang telah ditetapkan dalam suatu tata tertib untuk menetapkan kebijaksanaa, menentukan keputusan-keputusan mengenai masalah-masalah yang penting dan untuk menyelesaikan pertetangan-pertentangan ( Soerjono Soekanto, 198:172).1. Wewenang kharismatis, tradisionil dan rasionil (legal).2. Wewenang resmi dan tidak resmi3. Wewenang pribadi dan territorial4. Wewenang terbatas dan menyeluruhKonsep NegaraHakekat pengertian tentang Negara pada dasarnya merujuk pada konsep kebangsaaan, dimana dari kata dasar "Bangsa".Dalam Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia edisi kedua, Depdikbud halalam 89, bahwa bangsa adalah orang-orang yang memiliki kesamaan asal keturunan, adat, bahasa dan sejarah serta berpemerintahan sendiri(Sumarsono, dkk. "Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan", 2005:8).Menurut Parangtopo (1993) kebangsaan adalah sebagai tindak-tanduk kesadaran dan sikap yang memandang dirinya sebagai suatu kelompok bangsa yang sama dengan keterikatan Sosiokultural yang disepakati bersama untuk hidup bersama membentuk organisasi yang disebut negara (Idup Suhady dan A.M. Sinaga, 2009:4).Adapun beberapa konsep negara sebagai organisasi kekuasaan politik menurut para ahli sebagai berikut:1. George Jellinek, Negara adalah organisasi kekuasaan dari sekelompok manusia yang telah berkediaman diwilayah tertentu (George Jellenik dan Efriza, 2008:43).2. Menurut Miriam Budiardjo, negara adalah bagian dari integrasi kekuasaan politik dan merupakan oraganisasi kekuasaan politik, yang merupakan alat (agency) dari masyarakat yang mempunyai kekuasaan untuk mengatur hubungan-hubungan manusia dalam masyarakat dan menertibkan gejala-gejala kekuasaan dalam masyarakat (Miriam Budiardjo, 2006; 38).3. Menurut R. Djokosoetono, negara adalah suatu organisasi manusia atau kumpulan manusia yang berada dibawah suatu pemerintahan yang sama (R. Djokosoetono dalam Indup Suhady dan A. M. Sinaga, 2009:6).4. Menurut Harold J. Laski, negara adalah suatu masyarakat yang diintegrasikan karena mempunyai wewenang yang bersifat memaksa dan secara sah lebih agung daripada individu atau kelompok yang merupakan bagian dari masyaraka(Harold J. Laski dalam Miriam Budiardjo,2006: 39).5. Menurut Epicurus, negara adalah merupakan hasil daripada perbuatan manusia, yang diciptakan untuk menyelenggarakan kepentingan anggota-anggotanya (Epicurus dalam Soehino, 1986:31).6. Menurut Norberto Bobbio, negara adalah dimana kekuasaan public diatur oleh norma-norma umum (yang fundamental maupun konstitusional) dan ia harus dijalankan dalam pengaturan undang-undang, di mana warga Negara mempunyai hak perlindungan dari jalan-jalan lain untuk menuju kepada satu pengadilan yang mandiri dalam upaya meneggakan aturan main dan berjaga dari penyalahgunaan atau tindakan berlebihan dari kekuasaan (Norberto Bobbio dalam Ali Sugihardjanto,dkk. 2003; 154).7. Menurut Thomas Aquinas berangkat dari pemikiran klasiknya, negara adalah lembaga sosial manusia yang paling tinggi dan luas yang berfungsi menjamin manusia memenuhi kebutuhan-kebutuhan fisiknya yang melampaui kemampuan lingkungan sosial lebih kecil, seperti desa dan kota (Thomas Aquinas Efriza, 2008:43).8. C.F. Strong seorang pemikir modern, dimana dalam perumusannya negara merupakan masyarakat yang terorganisir secara politik, negara sebagai suatu masyarakat teritorial yang dibagi menjadi yang memerintah dan di perintah (C.F. Strong, 2004; 5-7).Menurut Ahli berkebangsaan Inggris L. Oppenheim, sebuah negara berdiri bila suatu bangsa telah menetap di suatu negeri dibawah pemerintahannya sendiri", defenisi ini mencakup 4 unsur yang sangat jelas, rakyat, wilayah, pemerintahan dan sifat kedaulatannya (Oppenheim dalam J. Frankel, 1991: 9-13), adapun penjelasan unsur-unsur negara menurut Oppenheim sebagai berikut:1. Rakyat2. Wilayah3. Pemerintahannya4. KedaulatanSelain apa yang disebutkan diatas, negara memiliki tujuan dan fungsi negara. Adapun tujuan negara sebagai berikut;1. Menurut Miriam Budiardjo negara dipandang sebagai asosiasi manusia yang hidup dan bekerjasama, dimana tujuan akhir negara adalah menciptakan kebahagiaan bagi rakyatnya (Miriam Budiardjo, 2006:45).2. Negara sebagai organisasi kekuasaan teori ini dianut oleh H.A.Logemann dalam bukunya Over De Theorie van Eeen Stelling Staatsrecht. Dikatakan bahwa keberadaan negara bertujuan untuk mengatur serta menyelenggarakan masyarakat yang dilengkapi dengan kekuasaan tertinggi (H. A. Logemann, 1948).3. Menurut Roger H. Soltau, tujuan negara ialah memungkinkan rakyatnya "berkembang" serta menyelenggarakan daya ciptanya sebebas mungkin" (R. H. Soltau dalam Miriam Budiardjo,2006:45).Selain daripada tujuan dan fungsi diatas, Negara yang oleh Soekanto pada umumnya memiliki kekuasaan yang secara formil negara mempunyai hak untuk melaksanakan kekuasaan tertinggi, kalau perlu dengan paksaan; juga negaralah yang membagi-bagikan kekuasaan yang lebih rendah derajatnya (Soerjono Soekanto, 1981:164). Konsep MasyarakatDalam bahasa Inggris masyarakat adalah society berasal dari bahasa latin, societas, yang berarti hubungan persahabatan dengan yang lain. Societas diturunkan dari kata socius yang berarti teman (Konjtraningrat,2009:16).1. Menurut Koentjaraningrat, pengertian masyarakat adalah kesatuan hidup manusia yang berinteraksi menurut suatu sistem adat-istiadat tertentu yang bersifat kontinu dan yang terikat oleh suatu rasa identitas tertentu (Koenjtraningrat, 2009;118).2. Menurut Mac Iver dan Page, masyarakat adalah suatu sistem dari kebiasaantata-cara, dari wewenang dan kerjasama antara berbagai kelompok dan penggolongan, dari pengawasan tingkah laku serta kebebasan-kebebasan manusia, keseluruhan yang selalu berubah ini kita namakan masyarakat. Masyarakat merupakan jalinan hubungan sosial, dan masyakat selalu berubah (R. M. Mac Iver and Charles H. Page, 1961: 5).3. Menurut S. R. Steinmetz, masyarakat adalah sebagai kelompok manusia yang tebesar dan yang meliputi pengelompokkan yang lebih kecil, yanng mempunyai hubungan erat dan teratur (S. R. Steinmetz dalam Harsojo, 1967: 145).4. Menurut Miriam Budiardjo, masyarakat adalah suatu kelompok manusia yang hidup dan bekerjasama untuk mencapai terkabulnya keinginan-keinginan mereka bersama (Miriam Budiardjo, 2006;39).5. Menurut Warner,masyarakat adalah "suatu kelompok perorangan yang berinteraksi timbal balik(Warner dalam Pokok-pokok Antropologi Budaya. Editor , T.O Ihromi, 1996;107).6. J. L.Gillin dan J. P. Gillin dalam buku mereka Cultural Sociology (1954:139), bahwa masyarakat atau society adalah "the largest grouping in which common customs, traditions, attitudes and feelings of unity are operative". (J. L. Gillin dan J.P. Gillin dalam Koenjtraningrat, 2009; 118).Organisasi Sosial atau Struktur Masyarakat Melville J. Herskovits,antropolog berkebangsaan Amerika, mengemukakan bahwa organisasi sosial atau struktur masyarakat dapat dilihat dari pranata-pranata yang menentukan kedudukan lelaki dan perempuan dalam masyarakat, dan dengan demikian menyalurkan hubungan pribadi mereka (Melville J. Herskovits dalam Ihromi, 1996;82). Melvillemembagi lagi pranata-pranata dalam dua kategori yaitu, pranata yang tumbuh dari hubungan kekerabatan dan pranata dari hasil ikatan antara individu berdasarkan keinginan sendiri.Pranata Sosial Atau Lembaga Kemasyarakatan Menurut Koenjtraningrat, pranata adalah suatu sistem norma khusus menata suatu rangkaian tindakan berpola mantap guna memenuhi suatu keperluan pola khusus dari manusia dalam kehidupan masyarakat (Koenjtraningrat, 2009:133). Dari semua hal mengenai apa yang telah dijabarkan oleh Koenjtraningrat diatas, kesemuanya itu dapat tercapai karena adanya interaksi sosial antarindividu dan kelompok dalam kehidupan masyarakat.Menurut Soerjono Soekanto, dikatakan bahwa unsur-unsur pokok dalam struktur sosial adalah interaksi sosial dan lapisan-lapisan sosial (Soerjono Soekanto, 1981:192).Adapun ciri-ciri umum lembaga kemasyarakatan atau pranata sosial menurut (Gillin and Gillin dalam Soerjono Soekanto, 1981:84), sebagai berikut:1. Suatu lembaga kemasyarakatan adalah suatu organisasi daripada pola-pola perikelakuan yang terwujud melalui aktivitas kemasyarakatan dan hasil-hasilnya.2. Suatu tingkat kekekalan tertentu merupakan ciri dari semua lembaga kemasyarakatan.3. Lembaga kemasyarakatan mempunyai satu atau beberapa tujuan tertentu.4. Lembaga kemasyarakatan mempunyai alat-alat perlengkapan yang akan digunakan untuk mencapai tujuan dari lembaga yang bersangkutan.5. Adanya lambang-lambang biasanya juga merupakan ciri khas dari lembaga kemasyarakatan.6. Suatu lembaga kemasyarakatan, mempunyai suatu tradisi yang tertulis ataupun yang tidak tertulis, yang merumuskan tujuannya, tata-tertib yang berlaku dan lain-lain.Selain daripada ciri-ciri lembaga kemasyarakatan diatas, Gillin dan Gillin mengklasifikasikan beberapa tipe lembaga kemasyarakatan dari berbagai sudut pandang, sebagai berikut:1. Crescive institutions dan enacted institutions yang merupakan klasifikasi dari sudut perkembangannya.2. Dari sudut sistem nilai-nilai yang diterima masyarakat, timbul klasifikasi atas Basic institutions dan subdiary institutions.3. Dari sudut penerimaaan masyarakat dapat dibedakan aaproved atau social sanctioned-institutions dan unsanctioned institutions.4. Perbedaan antara general istitutions dengan restricted institutions, timbul apabila klasifikasi timbul didasarkan pada faktor penyebarannya.5. Akhirnya dari sudut fungsinya, terdapat perbedaan operative institutions dan regulaitve institutions.Intervensi Politik (Negara) dalam Struktur Masyarakat Adat Di Indonesia Dalam konteks NKRI, di zaman orde baru (Soeharto) negara dijalankan dengan skema totaliter berbasis militer, hal ini telah memberikan pengaruh besar pada penciptaan tatanan kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. Di era reformasi ada pergesaran serta adanya dekadensi terhadap nilai-nilai adat dalam komunitas masyarakat, hal ini diakibatkan adanya campur tangan (intervensi) negara yang berlebihan terhadap pranata sosial didalam masyarakat. Menurut Adumiharja Kusnaka, bahwa selama ini para perencana pembagunan nasional di Indonesia menganggap nilai budaya masyarakat sebagaisimbol keterbelakangan. Dengan adanya UU No 72 Tahun 2005 tentang perubahan atas UU No 15 Tahun 1999 "Tentang Pemerintahan Desa", adalah "puncak" dari kebijakan intervensi Negara sejak masa kolonial hingga nasional sekarang yang melumpuhkan kekuatan modal sosial, dan sekaligus merampas hak-hak komunal yang melekat pada ulayat (wilayah kehidupan) dari entitas sosial yang disebut "masyarakat hukum adat" di Negara ini (Zakaria, 2000).Menurut Imam Soetiknya, akibat pemerintah menyalahgunakan UUPA No. 5 Tahun 1960, maka yang terjadi adalah suku-suku bangsa dan masyarakat adat yang tidak mandiri lagi, tetapi sudah merupakan bagian dari satu bangsa Indonesia di wilayah Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia, yang wewenangnya berdasarkan hak rakyat yang berhubungan dengan hak-hak atas tanah, yang dahulu mutlak berada di tangan kepala suku atau masyarakat hukum adat sebagai penguasa tertinggi dalam wilayahnya, dengan sendirinya beralih kepada pemerintah pusat sebagai penguasa tertinggi, pemegang hak menguasai tanah ulayat wilayah Negara (Imam, Soetiknya, 1990; 20). Di dalam UUD 1945 Amandemen IV, pasal 28I ayat 3, pasal 32 ayat 1 dan ayat 2, serta UU Nomor 32 Tahun 2004. Dimana negara menghormati dan menghargai serta memelihara bahasa, budaya masyarakat tradisional sebagai budaya nasional yang selaras dengan perkembangan zaman. Masyarakat Adat dan Kelembagaan Adat Konsep Masyarakat Adat Istilah masyarakat adat mulai mendapat perhatian dunia setelah pada tahun 1950-an sebuah badan dunia di PBB bernama ILO (International Labour Organization) mempopulerkan isu tentang "Indigenous peoples" dimana istilah ini digunakan ILO untuk sebutan terhadap entitas "penduduk asli" (ILO dalam Keraf, 2010). Keraf menyebutkan beberapa ciri yang membedakan masyarakat adat dari kelompok lainnya (Keraf, 2010:362), adapun ciri-cirinya sebagai berikut:1. Mereka mendiami tanah-tanah milik nenek moyangnya, baik seluruhnya atau sebagian.2. Mereka mempunyai garis keturunan yang sama, berasal dari penduduk asli daerah tersebut.3. Mereka mempunyai budaya yang khas, yang menyangkut agama, sistem suku, pakaian tarian, cara hidup, peralatan hidup, termasuk untuk mencari nafkah.4. Mereka memiliki bahasa sendiri.5. Biasanya hidup terpisah dari kelompok lain dan menolak atau bersikap hati-hati terhadap hal-hal baru yang berasal dari luar komunitasnya.Masyarakat dengan pola orientasi kehidupan tradisional, yang tinggal dan hidup di desa. Menurut Suhandi ada beberapa sifat umum yang dimiliki masyarakat tradisional (Suhandi dalam Ningrat, 2004:4):1. Hubungan atau ikatan masyarakat desa dengan tanah sangat erat.2. Sikap hidup tingkah laku sangat magis religius.3. Adanya kehidupan gotong-royong.4. Memegang tradisi dengan kuat.5. Menghormati para sesepuh.6. Kepercayaan pada pemimpin loka dan tradisional.7. Organisasi yang relatif statis.8. Tingginya nilai-nilai sosial.Lembaga Adat Ratu mbanua dan Inangngu wanuaDi Zaman dahulu pemerintahan desa dilaksanakan secara adat oleh Ratumbanua dan Inangnguwanua, mereka dianggap oleh sebagian masyarakat Talaud dan Miangas khususnya sebagai kepala yang membawahi beberapa suku atau klan, dan dianggap sebagai pemimpin dari beberapa kepala suku.Istilah pemerintah desa adat tersebut disesuaikan dengan kemauan penguasa pada saat itu, dan setelah adanya perkembangan pembagian wilayah Zending, maka terjadilah keputusan Residen Manado pada tanggal 1April 1902 yang mencantumkan pengakuan terhadap wilayah ke-jogugu-andi kepulauan Talaud maka saat itu juga di mulai pemerintahan desa.1. Ratuntampa adalah seseorang yang memegang tampuk pimpinan adat yang membawahi pimpinan adat, (Ratunbanua dan Inangnguwanua dari beberapa desa/kampung).2. Inangngu tampa sama dengan ratuntampa hanya di bedakan tugas dan fungsinya.3. Ratu mbanua adalah seseorang yang memegang tampuk pimpinan adat bersama-sama Inangngu wanua di suatu desa/kampung.4. Inangngu wanua adalah seseorang yang memegang pimpinan adat bersama Ratu mbanua di kampung, dia sebagai wakilnya Ratu mbanua.5. Timade ruanga/Inangngu ruanga adalah seseorang yang memimpin rumpun keluarga yang disebut suku.Adapun istilah ruanga dalam istilah Indonesia adalah panguyuban, rukun, atau suku (Hoetagaol dkk, 2012:19). Ratu mbanua dan Inangngu wanua dalam Struktrur Pemerintahan Desa Pada era demokrartisasi sebagaimana tengah berjalan di desa, masyarakat memiliki peran cukup sentral untuk menentukan pilihan kebijakan sesuai dengan kebutuhan dan aspirasinya. Masyarakat memiliki kedaulatan yang cukup luas untuk menentukan orientasi dan arah kebijakan pembangunan yang dikehendaki (Setiawan, 2009).Desa sebagai kesatuan masyarakat hukum terkecil yang memiliki batas-batas wilayah yang berwenang untuk mengatur dan mengurus kepentingan masyarakatnya berdasarkan asal-usul dan adat istiadat setempat yang diakui dan dihormati oleh negara. Masuknya ratu mbanua sebagai pemangku adat dalam keanggotaan BPD memperjelas peranan ratumbanua dalam penetapan peraturan desa bersama Kepala desa, termasuk menampung dan menyalurkan aspirasi masyarakatnya.Selain posisi ratu mbanua dalam keanggotaan BPD, ada beberapa kelembagaan desa dimana Ratumbanua serta perangkatnya berperan di dalamnya yang sudah dikenal dalam rangka pembangunan daerah pedesaan adalah Lembaga Ketahanan Desa (LKMD) dan Koperasi Unit Desa.Hubungan ratu mbanua sebagai lembaga adat dalam lembaga kemasyarakatan secara hukum nasional Indonesia maka kedudukan tugas dan fungsi Lembaga adat ratu mbanuasebagai mitra pemerintahan desa.METODE PENELITIANJenis Penelitian Penelitian ini tergolong dalam jenis penelitian deskriptif kualitatif, yang artinya "masalah" yang dibawa dalam penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengobservasi, dan memahami suatu situasi sosial, peristiwa, peran, interaksi dalam kelompok masyarakat. Dalam penelitian ini juga masih bersifat holistik, belum jelas, kompleks, dinamis dan penuh makna serta bersifat alamiah (Sugiyono, 2011:9). Metode pendekatan yang dipakai adalah pendekatan Antropologi politik dimana kajian ini memusatkan perhatiannya pada"Hubungan antara struktur dan masyarakat dengan struktur dan tebaran kekuasaan dalam masyarakat tersebut (Koentjaraningrat " Sejarah Teori Antropologi, hal 196-226).Instrumen Penelitian Dalam penelitian kualitatif-naturalistik peneliti akan lebih banyak menjadi instrumen, karena dalam penelitian kualitatif peneliti merupakan key isnstruments (Sugiyono, 2011;92). Lokasi Penelitian Sesuai dengan judul penelitian ini dan yang mengacu pada fokus masalah yang terjadi di Miangas, maka penelitian ini berlokasi di Desa Miangas Kecamatan Khusus Miangas Kabupaten Kepulauan Talaud. Fokus Penelitian Pada penelitian ini, dengan berbagai pertimbangan antara lain, faktor jarak yang ditempuh, tenaga, waktu, dan dana, maka peneliti memfokuskan penelitian hanya di Kecamatan Khusus Miangas, Desa Miangas, Dimana fokus kajianya adalah melihat fenomena dari kekuasaan negara dalam struktur adat masyarakat Miangas dan mengapa terjadi perubahan atau pergeseran nilai adat ketika pemerintah melakukan intervensi kekuasaan di Miangas. Jenis Data Pada penelitian ini, data yang digunakan terdiri dari data primer dan data sekunder. Menurut Sugiyono di dalam pengumpulan data ada dua sumber data, pertama sumber primer adalah sumber data yang langsung memberikan data kepada pengumpul data, dan sumber sekunder merupakan sumber yang tidak langsung memberikan data kepada pengumpul data, misalnya lewat orang lain atau dokumen, hasil yang diperoleh dari hasil studi kepustakaan (Sugiyono; 224). Informan Penelitian Menurut Sugiyono (2011), dalam penelitian kualitatif tidak menggunakan populasi, karena penelitian berangkat dari kasus tertentu yang ada pada situasi sosial tertentu dan hasil kajiannya tidak akan diberlakukan ke populasi (Sugiyono, 2011:216).Mengutip juga pendapat Spradley dalam penelitian kualitatif, tidak menggunakan istilah populasi, tetapi oleh Spradley dinamakan "social situation" atau situasi sosial yang terdiri atas tiga elemen yaitu: tempat (place), pelaku (actors), dan aktivitas (activity) (Spradley dalam Sugiyono, 2011:215).Dimana penulis sendiri sebagai instrumen dalam penelitian ini, penulis turun langsung ke tempat dimana menjadi fokus penelitian, mewawancarai nara sumber, partisipan, informan yang dianggap tahu dengan situasi dan kondisi Miangas, atau yang lebih berkompeten dan memiliki pengaruh di tempat itu. Serta mengamati secara langsung aktivitas warga masyarakat yang ada di Miangas. Penentuan sumber data orang-orang yang diwawancarai yaitu dipilih dengan pertimbangan tertentu, dan masih bersifat sementara. Informan dalam hal ini kepala desa, ketua BPD, Ratumbanua dan Inangnguwanua, tokoh masyarakat dan tokoh adat. Teknik pengumpulan data Dalam penelitian ini yang digunakan dalam pengumpulan data adalah teknik observasi, wawancara dan dokumentasi.Prosedur Analisis Data Menurut Sugiyono, analisis data adalah proses mencari dan menyusun secara sistematis data yang diperoleh dari hasil wawancara, catatan lapangan dan dokumentasi. Dalam proses analisis data pada penelitian kualitatif dilakukan sejak sebelum memasuki lapangan, selama di lapangan, dan setelah selesai di lapangan. Analisis data kualitatif bersifat induktif, yaitu suatu anilisis berdasarkan data yang diperoleh (Sugiyono, 2011; 245).HASIL PENELITIAN DAN PEMBAHASANFenomena Pembangunan Di Miangas Pengalaman pahit Indonesia kalah dari Malaysia dalam memperebutkan Sipadan dan Ligitan di Mahkamah Internasional (Ulaen, dkk. 2012;164), membuat pemerintah ekstra hati-hati dalam menjaga wilayah teritorialnya.Pasca Soeharto, adanya pergeseran pencitraan atas Miangas dan pulau perbatasan lainnya, kalau dulu Miangas dianggap sebagai wilayah terluar, dan pos pintu keluar-masuk para pelintas-batas, maka sekarang dalam setiap program pembangunan diwacanakan sebagai "beranda depan" benteng Pancasila. Begitu banyak fasilitas yang dibangun oleh pemerintah di wilayah paling utara Sulawesi utara ini. Namun banyak fasilitas-fasilitas aparatur sipil yang dibangun untuk menunjang pelayanan terhadap masyarakat hanya terbengkalai dan dibiarkan kosong akibatnya rusak dan terkesan hanyalah proyek mubazir. Selain hal diatas ada beberapa bangunan yang disediakan pemerintah sebagai tempat penampungan kebutuhan pokok masyarakat seperti, depot logistik, 4 buah tangki BBM. Sejak dibangun pada tahun 2007 sampai sekarang terbengkalai dan hanya menjadi tempat penyimpanan karung semen dan menjadi tempat bagi rayap dan kepiting laut. Perhatian pemerintah terhadap pulau Miangas yang jumlah penduduknya sebanyak 209 KK, yang didalamnya berjumlah 762 jiwa, dengan disediakannya berbagai fasilitas oleh pemerintah, apabila dilihat sepintas memang terkesan negara dan orang-orang yang bernaung didalamnya begitu serius dalam menangani persoalan di wilayah perbatasan. Namun dari segi lain malah terlihat berlebihan, jika dibandingkan dengan pulau-pulau yang berdekatan dengan Miangas yang dulunnya merupakan satu kesatuan administratif dari kecamatan Nanusa, seperti pulau Marampit dan kecamatan Nanusa sendiri yang juga sebagai pulau terluar. Para Pelaut Handal Dari Utara NKRIGenerasi tua di Miangas merupakan generasi terakhir pendukung "tradisi bahari", mereka merupakan para pelaut-pelaut handal tanpa harus menggunakan layar disaat tidak berangin untuk mencapai pulau-pulau terdekat, seperti pulau-pulau yang ada di selatan daratan Filipina (Mindanao). Dimana tujuan mereka adalah menjajakan hasil olahan tangkapan mereka dilaut dan hasil lain dari masyarakat Miangas seperti tikar-pandan, kopra (Ulaen,dkk. 2012;67-68). Tradisi bahari yang sejak dulu ada dikalangan generasi tua di Miangas, sekarang mulai kehilangan identitas sebagai pelaut handal, pembuat perahu, dan ulet dalam pekerjaan khususnya sebagai seorang nelayan yang mahir dalam membaca perbintangan. Masyarakat lebih memilih menjadi buruh di pelabuhan disaat ada kapal yang masuk, dengan gaji seadanya asalkan dapat memenuhi kebutuhan hari ini, di sisi lain Miangas yang kaya akan sumberdaya kelautan tidak dimanfaatkan secara optimal. Tradisi yang dilakoni oleh generasi tua kini tidak lagi dipraktekkan oleh paragenerasi muda Miangas yang ada hanyalah kenangan manis yang tersirat dan tidak pernah tertuliskan. Tradisi Mamancari Sebagai Strategi Bertahan Hidup Masyarakat Miangas. Pada zaman dulu hingga pertengahan abad ke 20, masyarakat Miangas sama seperti halnya masyarakat yang ada di bagian bumi manapun pada umumnya, manusia memiliki strategi atau cara bagaimana harus bertahan hidup. Masyarakat Miangas pada umumnya di zaman dulu mengandalkan hasil laut, pertanian dan hasil kerajinan tangan yang dijual baik di pulau-pulau Talaud maupun di pulau-pulau daratan Mindanao, namun sekarang tradisi melaut mulai hilang sejak adanya bantuan pemerintah berupa sembilan bahan pokok di Miangas, kalaupun ada yang melaut itu hanya untuk keperluan makanan. Sedangkan hasil seperti keterampilan membuat ikan kayu (ikan asap) yang mereka dapat disaat mereka bekerja di perusahan ikan Jepang yang ada di Filipina, dan kerajinan tangan seperti tikar serta topi anyaman dari daun pandan tidak lagi ditemukan. Masyarakat lebih memilih membuka warung untuk berjualan, sementara tempat bertumbuhnya kelapa sebagai sumber mata pencaharian dan laluga atau puraha sebagai bahanmakanan yang mereka andalkan disaat kehabisan bantuan, sekarang menjadi tempat landasan pacu pesawat dimana proyek pemerintah cukup menelan biaya besar. Kelembagaan Adat (Ratu mbanua Dan Inangngu wanua) Di Miangas Politik tidak lepas dari persoalan kekuasaan, wewenang, kebijaksanaan dan pembagian yang pada umumnya berada pada negara, sejauh negara merupakan organisasi kekuasaan. Namun tidak bisa dipungkiri ada gejala-gejala kekuasaan yang sifat dan tujuannya sewaktu-waktu dapat mempengaruhi negara. Sifat dan tujuan dari gejala kekuasaan yang nonnegara dalam hal ini salah satunya adalah lembaga adat. Pranata sosial atau lembaga masyarakat inilah yang membentuk negara sebagai organisasi kekuasaan. Struktur Pemerintahan Desa Dan Struktur Kepemimpinan Adat Di Miangas Miangas di zaman keresidenan Manado, merupakan satuan wilayah adaministratif ke-jogugu-an Nanusa, semenjak adanya keputusan pemerintah pusat (Surat Menteri Dalam Negeri No. 5/1/69 tertanggal 29 April 1969), pemukiman warga Miangas dinamakan desa dan dipimpin oleh kapitelaut atau sehari-harinya disebut apitaᶅau ditemani jurutulis. Secara politis kapitenlaut ini pada umumnya dipilih berdasarkan keputusan dari 12 suku yang ada di Miangas dan tidak melalui proses dan mekanisme kerajaan yang pemimpinnya berdasarkan garis keturunan. Selain struktur kepemimpinan formal dalam hal ini pemerintah desa, ada juga struktur kepemimpinan tradisional. Kepemimpinan tradisional di Talaud pada umumnya dan Miangas khususnya di warisi secara turun-temurun dan oleh warga di sebut "kepemimpinan adat" di Miangas seperti yang telah dijelaskan diatas terdapat 12 (suku), Ratumbanua dan Inangnguwanua merupakan yang membawahi 12 suku, dan setiap kelompok suku dipimpin oleh tetua yang disapa Timaddu ruangnga/ kepala suku, atau pemangku adat. Peran Ratu mbanua dan Inangngu wanua Dalam Struktur Pemerintahan Desa di MiangasDalam struktur adat di Miangas ratu mbanua dan inangngu wanua, sebelum adanya struktur pemerintahan desa dan struktur keagamaan, sangat dihargai dan dihormati, serta memiliki perannya masing-masing. masalah pertahanan dan pemerintahan dalam wilayahitulah tugas dari ratumbanua, kalau inangguwanua tugas dan perannya adalah membantu ratumbanua dalam menjalankan roda-roda pemerintahan adat, dimana tugas dan perannya adalah menyangkut masalah kesejahtraan masyarakatnya, menjembatani konflik dalam keluarga serta mencari jalan keluar dari masalah kedua belah pihak yang berkonflik, dimana bukan pada persoalan mencari letak kesalahan atau mencari siapa yang menyebabkan konflik untuk diberikan sanksi (hukum adat). Melainkan baik ratumbanua dan inangnguwanua merupakan mediator dalam mengumpulkan tetua adat serta masyarakatnya untuk menyelesaikan persoalan diatas dengan cara kekeluargaan. Dengan adanya struktur pemerintahan desa, lembaga adat yang ada di Miangas mulai dilebur menjadi bagian dari struktur kelembagaan desa. Peran ratumbanua dan inangnguwanua hanya sekedar simbolisasi dalam mengisi acara seremonial. Seperti upacara adat, kunjungan pejabat, dan acara perkawinan. Dari amatan peneliti serta hasil wawancara dengan narasumber, bahwa kelembagaan adat serta peran ratu mbanua dan inangngu wanua sebagai primus inter pares. Tidak lagi seperti dulu, dimana peran ratumbanua dan inangnguwanua serta kelembagaan adat pada umunya menjadi lemah dengan hadirnya beberapa struktur kelembagaan kekuasaan di dalam negara, sehingga apa yang disebut sebagai "kearifan lokal" tidak terpelihara malah dari hari-kehari semakin terkikis. Didalam UUD 1945 Amandemen IV, pasal 28I ayat 3 dan pasal 32 ayat 1 dan Ayat 2. Serta UU No 32 Tahun 2004 "Tentang Pemerintah Daerah" Bab I pasal 2 ayat 9. Negara Indonesia dengan kemajemukannya memiliki kewajiban untuk mengakui, menghormati, menjamin dan memelihara serta memajukan identitas budaya dan masyarakat tradisional yang didalam terdapat nilai-nilai budaya seperti, hukum adat, bahasa daerah yang selaras dengan perkembangan zaman, sejauh nilai-nilai budaya itu hidup dan sesuai dengan prinsip NKRI. Di Miangas Misalnya, dalam penamaan ratu mbanua dan inangngu wanua mereka alih bahasakan kedalam istilah jawa yaitu, mangkubumi I dan Mangkubumi II, sepintas istilah mangkubumi terkesan enak di dengar, namun apabila peneliti meninjau kembali baik dari UUD 1945 dan UU No. 32 Tahun 2004, penamaan mangkubumi yang dipakai oleh para pejabat yang berkunjung atau para penyelenggara kekuasaan negara di Miangas dalam menyapa ratu mbanua dan inangnguwanua, tentunya menyalahi apa yang menjadi aturan perundang-undangan Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia diatas.PENUTUPKesimpulan1. Sebagai "beranda depan" ataupun penamaan lain yang teralamatkan, seperti "benteng Pancasila", "garda terdepan", sampai didirikannya 4 buah tugu sebagai penanda supremasi pertahanan bangsa oleh pemerintah, hanyalah sebatas membangkitkan phobia nasionalisme semata, dan sekedar wacana dari pemerintah untuk mengisi lembar halaman dalam media cetak maupun online.2. Program pembangunan yang telah diagendakan oleh pemerintah baik pusat maupun daerah, secara kasat mata memberi kemudahan bagi masyarakat di Miangas. Fasilitas yang telah disediakan oleh pemerintah, hanya fasilitas yang menunjang kerjasama antar kedua negaralah yang sampai sekarang selalu siap ditempat. Sedangkan fasilitas-fasilitas yang dibangun untuk pelayanan akan kebutuhan masyarakat hanyalah proyek mubazir, kosong dan hanya menjadi tempat rayap dan kepiting laut,selain itu Keterbatasan akan kebutuhan pendidikan dengan minimnya tenaga pengajar tidak menjadi perhatian serius dari pemerintah.3. Dengan adanya penempatan beberapa personil aparatur sipil dan aparatur pertahanan keamanan di Miangas dari luar daerah, mempengaruhi struktur sosial masyarakat Miangas, contohnya penamaan Ratu mbanua dan Inangngu wanua dialih bahaskan ke dalam istilah Jawa "Mangkubumi I dan Mangkubumi II semakin mengambarkan adanya dominasi kekusaan negara. dimana wilayah yang kecil tidak berimbang dengan adanya penempatan beberapa personil aparatur negara. Hal ini merupakan pelemaham terhadap nilai-nilai bahasa daerah sebagai budaya nasional.4. Pengabaian terhadap nilai-nilai adat oleh masyarakat, menandakan pemerintah gagal didalam memelihara nilai-nilai adat, bahasa dan tradisi yang menjadi kearifan lokal seperti yang diamanatkan di dalam konstitusi negara ini, yang dituangkan ke dalam UUD 1945. Seyogyanya masyarakat dan pemerintah sama-sama mempunyai peran penting dalam menjaga keutuhan dan kedaulatan NKRI dengan memelihara kearifan lokal sebagai bagian dari ketahanan nasional.5. Masyarakat cenderung pragmatis dan bersikap selalu bergantung dan berharap kepada pemerintah, sehingga terjadi pergeseran nilai-nila kearifan lokal yang dulu dilakoni oleh para generasi sebelumnya tidak ditemukan lagi.6. Dengan adanya pembangunan infrastruktur dan struktur kelembagaan desa, peran lembaga adat (ratu mbanua dan inangngu wanua) mulai direduksi dalam struktur kekuasaan negara dan terkesan hanyalah simbolisasi dalam mengisi acara-acara seremonial.7. Dengan hadirnya kekuasaan negara di Miangas, bukan memudahkan pelayanan kepada masyarakat. Malah oknum-oknum penyelenggara kekuasaan negara dengan mengatasnamakan negara untuk kepentingan pribadi dan golongan.8. Ditengah-tengah keterisolasian dan keterbelakangan dengan faktor ekonomi yang rendah dan minimnya sumberdaya manusia, serta jauh dari pusat perekonomian yang tidak ditunjang dengan sarana transportasi yang memadai, tidak adanya ketersediaan BBM untuk melaut, serta ketidaktersediaanya infrastruktur yang memadai membuat perekonomian masyarakat terlihat stagnan. Sehingga dengan adanya pengaruh budaya materialisme dan pemanjaan oleh pemerintah pusat dan daerah mengakibatkan terjadi pergeseran nilai-nilai kearifan lokal masyarakat Miangas.Saran1. bahwa dengan harapan ke depan hasil karya ilmiah ini dapat menjadi referensi, serta panduan bagi para peneliti yang akan mengembangkan studi tentang wilayah perbatasan.2. Pemerintah seharusnya lebih mengutamakan pembangunan sumber daya manusia dengan melaksanakan program-program yang tepat guna, membekali masyarakat dengan berbagai keterampilan sesuai dengan karakteristik wilayah, sehingga masyarakat lebih diorientasikan pada pembangunan ekonominya.3. Lebih memperhatikan masalah yang menyangkut kebutuhan dasar masyarakat, seperti penyediaan BBM bagi para nelayan agar mereka dapat melaut, menyediakan tempat penampungan sementara dari hasil tangkapan, seperti gudang es (cool store). Menyediakan fasilitas air bersih bagi masyarakat, memperlancar sistem komunikasi dan transportasi ke Miangas, agar kedepan masyarakat semakin diberdayakan.4. Pemerintah seharusnya menggali kembali keterampilan yang ada di dalam masyarakat berupa hasil-hasil kerajinan tangan, seperti topi dan tikar anyaman dari pandan. Hasil-hasil ini kemudian menjadi tambahan pendapatan bagimasyarakat dan menjadikan masyarakat lebih mandiri, dan tidak selamanya bergantung pada pemerintah.5. Pemerintah seyogyanya menjaga dan menghormati lembaga adat sebagai mitra pemerintah sesuai dengan yang diatur oleh perundangan-undangan. Menghargai nilai-nilai budaya serta memelihara kearifan lokal yang tumbuh berkembang di dalam masyarakat, perlu adanya penguatan kembali terhadap pranata sosial serta membangkitkan kembali identitas sosial untuk menjaga keutuhan dan kedaulatan NKRI.6. Diharapkan masyarakat lebih menjaga tradisi yang ada, seperti upacara adat, hukum adat, dan bahkan tradisi mancari atau mamancari untuk bertahan hidup. Agar tidak selamanya harus bergantung kepada pemerintah.7. Harapan terakhir peneliti agar para penyelenggara kekuasaan negara di Miangas, diharapkan menjalankan tugas sesuai dengan peraturan yang sudah dibuat dan tidak memanfaatkan atau mengatasnamakan negara hanya untuk sekedar kepentingan pribadi dan golongan.DAFTAR PUSTAKAAbubakar, Mustafa Menata Pulau-pulau Kecil di Perbatasan. Belajar dari Kasus Sipadan, Ligitan dan Sebatik. Penerbit Buku Kompas, 2006 Agustino, Leo. 2007. Perihal Memahami Ilmu Politik. Yogyakarta: Graha Ilmu Asosiasi Ilmu Politik Indonesia, Jurnal Politik 16. Penerbit, PT. Gramedia Pustaka Utama, Jakarta:1996. Bara, Gusti Andre "Miangas: Cerita, Fakta dan Harap dari Utara" dalam Cyber Sulut (www.cybersulut.com/PeopleExpertColumn/8991246) Budiardjo, Miriam 2006. Dasar- Dasar Ilmu Politik. Penerbit, PT Gramedia Pustaka Utama, Jakarta: 2006. ________________, 1984. Aneka Pemikiran Tentang Kuasa dan Wibawa.Jakarta : Sinar Harapan. Bugin, Burhan. Bangsa Diantara Nasionalisme dan Primordialisme, Harian Surya, 21 Desember 1993, hlm. 6 Collins, T. James, 2005. Bahasa Melayu Bahasa Dunia, Sejarah Singkat. KITLV-Jakarta, Yayasan Obor Indonesia, Jakarta Dahl, Robert, A. Analisis Politik Modern. Diterjemahkan oleh Bayu Suryaningrat., (Dewaruci Press, Jakarta: 1980). ______________, Modern Political Analysis. Fifth printing. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall Inc., 1965. 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M and Page, Charles. H. Society. New York: Barnes and Noble College Outline Series, 1960.Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat Republik Indonesia "Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945" Sekretariat Jendral MPR RI, 2007. Madjowa Verrianto: "Warga Miangas Butuh Tambahan Guru", Tempo interaktif, Rabu, 23 Mei 2007 Pokok-Pokok Antropologi Budaya/editor T.O Ihromi.-ed.8.- ( Jakarta Yayasan Obor Indonesia, 1996) Rusadi Kantaprawira. 1988. Sistem Politik Indonesia: Suatu Model Pengantar.Bandung: Sinar Baru Salindeho & Sombowadile, 2008.Kawasan Sangihe-Talaud-Sitaro: Daerah Perbatasan, Keterbatasan, Perbatasan. Puspad, Jogja. Sarundajang, S.H, 2011. Arus Balik Kekuasaan Pusat Ke Daerah. Cetakan ketiga edisi revisi, (Kata Hasta Pustaka, Jakarta; 2011). Selo Soemardjan- Soelaeman Soemardani (eds). Setangkai Bunga Sosioloogi. Edisi Pertama. Djakarta: Jajasan Badan Penerbit Fakultas Ekonomi Universitas Indonesia, 1964. Sjamsuddin, N, 1989. Integrasi Politik Di Indonesia. 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Issue 52.2 of the Review for Religious, March/April 1993. ; re lig oIJS C~stian Heritages and: Contemporary Living MARCH-APRIL 1993 . VOLUME 52' ¯ NUMBER 2 Review for Religious (ISSN 0034-639X) is published bi-monthly at Saint Louis University by the Jesuits of the Missouri Province. Editorial Office: 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, Missouri 63108-3393. Telephone:314-535-3048 ¯ FAX: 314-535-0601 Manuscripts, books for review, and correspondence with the editor: Review for Religious ¯ 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, Missouri 63108-3393. Correspondence about the Canonical Counsel department: Elizabeth McDonough OP ¯ 5001 Eastern Avenue ¯ P.O. Box 29260 ~.Vashington, D.C. 20017. POSTMASTER Send address changes to Review for Religious ¯ P.O. Box 6070 ¯ Duluth, MN 55806. Second-class postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri, and additional mailing offices. SUBSCRIPTION RATES Single copy $5 includes surface mailing costs. One-year subscription $ l 5 plus mailing costs. Two-year subscription $28 plus mailing costs. See inside back cover for more subscription information and mailing costs. 01993 Review for Religious for religious Editor Associate Editors Canonical Counsel Editor Assistant Editors Advisory Board David L. Fleming SJ Philip C. Fischer SJ Michael G. Harter SJ Elizabeth McDonough OP Jean Read Mary Ann Foppe Joann Wolski Corm PhD Mary Margaret Johanning SSND Iris Ann Ledden SSND Edmundo Rodriguez SJ Se~in Sammon FMS Wendy Wright PhD Suzanne Zuercher OSB Christian Heritages and Contemporary Living MARCH-APRIL 1993 " VOLUME 52 ¯ NUMBER 2 contents 166 feature Leadership, Authority, and Religious Government Mary Linscott SNDdeN clarifies the interrelati6nship of leader-ship, authority, and religious government in the development of religious life up to the present. 194 202 213 220 226 evangelizing The Meaning of Evangelization Today Janice McLaughlin MM suggests that in the light of her experi-ence in Africa evangelization involves us in a process of change and choices which turn us upside down. Broken African Pots and a Mission Spirituality Mario I. Aguilar SVD proposes that African pottery making pro-vides a model that fits our need for spiritual fulfillment and the j3resence of God in our lives. aging in christ A Spirituality of Aging Michael D. Moga SJ invites the elderly to explore a spirituality well suited for their final years. Soul Making and Life's Second Half Anne Brennan CSJ and Janice Brewi CSJ encourage people in mid-life and beyond to open themselves to the fullness of their inner lives. Life Review, Families, and Older Religious James J. Magee DSW offers a model of life review for older reli-gious to modify their own anxiety in the face of family issues and to help other family members also to work with the issues. 162 Review for Religious 236 238 241 living religiously Hope in Loneliness James Martin SJ searches the emptiness of loneliness and finds space for God and others. Thoughts from Death and Life Vera Gallagher RGS offers a personal reflection on dealing with a serious diagnosis of illness. May I Love You, Lord John Patrick Donnelly SJ provides the first English translation of a psalm-prayer composed by the fifteenth-century Dominican Girolamo Savonarola. 247 259 275 283 visioning religious life Galile£n Perspectives on Religious Life Anne Hennessy CSJ suggests that the sometimes blurred focus on the person and message of Jesus Christ can be helped by a Galilean perspective. Religious Life in Nigeria Today Mary Gerard Nwagwu gives a summary picture of the various forms and influences of consecrated life now common in Nigeria and their influence on society. I Have Kept Faith: Clare of Assisi Karen Karper PCPA highlights some incidents in Clare's spiritual growth and the approval of her religious rule of life. report U.S. Hispanic Catholics: Trends and Works 1992 Kenneth Davis OFM Cony reviews the various events and writings in the Catholic Hispanic experience. departments 164 Prisms 304 Canonical Counsel: Common Life 311 Book Reviews March-April 1993 163 prisms a~tican Council II is frequently described as a watershed event in the history of the Catholic Church. Certainly through our eyes now and even in its actual hap-pening the council was one of those precious creative moments which take place randomly, but consistently, in our human affairs. Just as consistently, creative moments are followed by a period of consolidation. A common example (perhaps too easily caricatured) from the history of religious life is the creative action of St. Francis of Assisi in calling forth his gospel-based mendicant group and the later consolidation efforts of Brother Elias to establish solidly this ideal in a lasting community form. Some would term the present period in the Roman Catholic milieu a period of consolidation. As evidence they would point to the promulgation of the Codes of Canon Law for both the Latin Church (replacing the first Code of 1917) and the Eastern Churches (the first for-mulation of a Code). The publication of the new Universal Catechism is another piece of evidence for a consolida-tion movement. With the 1994 Synod of Bishops sched-uled to consider consecrated life, there appears to be a completing of the review of all the groupings which make up the People of God. Consolidation periods lack the euphoria and excite-ment of the creative moments, but they are just as impor-tant if life is to keep its direction and to flourish. We may have a fear of consolidation movements because they seem to represent a rigidity and to forebode an age-long immutability. Others of us may too readily desire consol-idation as a way of returning to the way things were, of rejecting a certain period of time as an aberration. 164 Review for Religio~s Consolidation, after a period of creativity, is meant neither to set in stone the present reality nor to throw aside recent history and return to a fixated tradition. Consolidation is meant much more to be a plateau where gains and losses are assessed, directional lines reviewed and discerned anew, and energies replenished for the continued journey forward of this pilgrim people. Although we have frequently used the word transition to cap-ture these times for our church and for religious life, perhaps more pointedly we might now use the word consolidation. For example, the FORUS study published in our last issue provides religious life with a consolidation document. Religious groups would be using it without serious thought or reflection if they were to reject the legitimate and church-expected experiments of these past decades. Consolidation works only when there have been some creative moments preceding. Without creative moments, life--any life, religious or other--weakens and faces death. That continues to happen to lifeforms throughout our planet and, more pointedly, may be happening to some religious congregations at this time. On the other hand, without consoli-dation creative moments are only ephemeral and their energies dissipate to exhaustion. Consolidation is necessary for true growth and sure direction in continuing the movement so that we can focus our energies for the New Evangelization of our time. Consolidation remains just as necessary on the micro as on the macro stage, that is, in our everyday life as well as in the large-scale reflections which we have been making about religious con-gregations. Too often we can pass by the efforts necessary for a consolidation review in our own individual-lives and our living together. Why do we live the way we do, why do we do the works we do? How is this related to my and our love of Jesus Christ and what does it have to say about the evangelizing quality of my and our works? These simple questions are necessary as we look towards the solid future of religious life. David L. Fl.eming SJ Marcb-Atrril 1993 165 MARY LINSCOTT Leadership, Authority, and Religious Government feature More than twenty years ago, in 1969 and 1970, I attended two meetings in St. Louis which were a turning point in the history of the Conference of Major Superiors of Women in the United States. Various developments ensued, one of them being a change of name from Conference of Major Superiors of Women (CMSW) to Leadership Conference of Women Religious (LCWR). In this case the rose by another name did not immediately smell as sweet. The then Sacred Congregation for Religious and Secular Institutes (SCRIS), which had to approve the change, was reluctant to do so on the ground that it involved more than a matter of simple terminol-ogy. The Language and the Reality For the congregation, "major superiors" and "leader-ship" were not synonymous terms; the use of the one for Sister Mary Linscott SNDdeN is a former superior general of the Sisters of Notre Dame de Namur and a former president of the International Union of Superiors General (UISG). She has worked in the Congregation for Institutes of Consecrated Life and Societies of Apostolic Life (CICLSAL). This article is the somewhat shortened text of a talk which she gave in April 1992 to English-speaking superiors and councilors general in Rome and which appeared originally in UISG Bulletin 89. 166 Review for Religious the other could create confusion and even lead to changes of a more ~ubstantial kind, notwithstanding the likelihood that the sisters intended the words to denote the same reality. (We have to bear in mind that the change of name for the conference in the Uiaited States coincided with the reaction against authority which followed the special chapters of renewal and with the beginning of considerable modifications in the structures of religious gov-ernmerit. Moreover, the national conferences [or councils or unions] mandated by Perfectae Caritatis §23 and Ecclesiae Sanctae §42 and §43 were to be of major superiors, both for men and for women.) At all events, SCRIS felt that the substitution of "lead-ership" for "major superiors" could raise problems in an area where clarity was needed. Pc mission for the change came only after long reflection and on condition that the interpretation of the name was in accord with the provisions and intention of the Second Vatican Council. After twenty years the use of the word leadership in documents other than constitutions and directories has become quite widespread. We are used to headlines in our congregational pub-lications: "Province X Elects New Leadership" or "A Report from General Leadership." In some institutes "leadership group" has replaced "team" to denote sisters serving according to the con-stitutions at different levels of government. The usage seems to be mainly in the English-speaking world. Unless the word leaders is ~dopted without translation, as it is occasionally by French- or Spanish-speaking sisters, the concept which it expresses is usu-ally paraphrased or simply implied. For historical reasons the Italians avoid duce and the Germans fiibrer. The French always have responsable to fall back on. In English writing, however, there is a rather frequent use of leader and leadership. Over the years, what has happened to SCRIS's initial diffi-culty about religious institutes' use of the word leadership? A first remark ~hould be, I think, that the distinction of meaning made after 1970 still obtains. Leadership is a charism, a spiritual real-ity given freely by God to individuals for some special purpose in a community; authority in religious institutes is a canonico-juridi-cal as well as a spiritual reality. The two, therefore, are not syn-onymous and not interchangeable. Second, there has been a period in which popular writing and parlance about religious life have tended to avoid the word authority. Instead the term leadership was used but given much of the content that belongs to author- March-April 1993 167 Linscott ¯ Leadership, Authority, and Religious Government ity. This produced some confusion that weakened religious gov-ernment at all levels, but especially the local. In a third phase, more recently, we have had a certain clarification along this line: that, while leadership and religious authority are indeed different and distinct, they do not have to be in conflict, and in fact both are needed for good government. In this clarification some understandings have emerged which I will use for the purposes of this paper. With regard to leadership, wider and more immediate communications, the influence of the international institutes, and the cumulative effects of structural renewal have all helped to bring out the .concept of leadership as a personal gift in its own right. It is a charism expressed in per-sonal qualities which inspire respect, trust, following, sometimes enthusiasm. Since it depends on the qualities of a person, lead-ership is an enduring gift, not something assumed for a certain time and laid down at the end of a mandate. It is not conferred or limited by constitutions, and it cannot be legislated. It does not go with any given responsibility, and in itself it is no more account-able than any other charism. It derives, not from external cir-cumstances, but from inner sources, and it is linked much more with what a person is than with what she does. Leadership is found in many spheres other than government. It exists quite apart from authority. At the same time, the lengthening experience of renewal and the revision of the constitutions have pointed up the need for other elements besides leadership for the effective running of a religious congregation: functional government structures and clearly invested religious authority are essential. Religious author-ity, like that of the Lord from which it ultimately derives, involves a certain power, but it is power as service and for the sake of the mission. Such authority goes with the vow of obedience and is conferred for the achievement of the goals of the congregation: the spread of the gospel in and through the unity, growth, and service of the sisters. Necessary for the religious institute as a human organization, religious authority is also ecclesial in that it derives from constitutions approved by the church. Since it is attached to an office, it is an authority of status. It is given for a specified period to persons duly appointed or elected within the limits of the constitutions and church law. Religious authority has to be accountable. It is personal but not exercised in isola-tion. It can be legislated and must be provided for constitution- 168 Re~iew for Religious ally. It is assumed on a specified date and is laid down at the end of a mandate. It relates to what a person does and to what her responsibilities are, rather than to what she is in herself. Of itself it neither confers nor presupposes leadership, though leadership qualities are obviously desirable in a sister exercising authority. Government is a matter of duly chosen individuals inspiring, directing, and admin-istering with a.uthority the affairs of a con-gregation according to its spirit and sound traditions and according to church law and its own. Of itself government gives a lead, and in a religious congregation it is a con-crete expression of the charism acting to attain the congregation's purpose. I would say that these recent clarifications are helpful. Leadership, authority, and government are now seen as distinct from each other but closely .related in complementarity and all of them necessary for the healthy functioning of religious life. There are difficulties only when they are confused with each other, when one or other of them is not working properly, or when any of them tends to dominate the remaining two. I propose to look at the three elements in interrelation from two different angles. The first is historical. As phenomena in reli-gious life, leadership, authority, and government have come into being at different times in response to different needs, and in the course of history they have had different emphases. A look at their roots and evolution may help us to see better where we are at present with regard to them and may give us some ideas for future direction. The second angle is contemporary. Later in this article I will share with you what a surv4y of sixty approved con-stitutions seems to tell about leadership, authority, and govern-ment in congregations across the world today. The two angles will bring together the past and the present in view of the future. Where does religious government come from? The Phenomenon Where does religious government come from? Perfectae Caritatis §2a says: "Since the final norm of the religious life is the following of Christ as it is put before us fn the gospel, this must be taken by all institutes as the supreme rule" (see canon 662). It was the desire to follow Christ with greater liberty and to Marcb-/lpril 1993 169 Linscott ¯ Leadership, Authority, and Religious Government imitate him more closely that prompted men and women from very early times to practice, in various ways, the evangelical coun-sels (see PC §1) and thus live the gospel radically. As the great persecutions of the early church came to an end, many persons gave gospel witness by withdrawing into the desert and under-taking heroic acts of self-denial and penance as a substitute for martyrdom. Their life was a combat with the forces of evil, whose last stronghold was the wilderness. The call was often solitary, but among those who sought God in the desert there were inevitably some who were experienced and some who were begin-ners, renowned persons and those who were unknown, persons sought out for advice and guidance and those who still had a lot to learn. Without any structure, when there was as yet no orga-nization that required formal authority and government, a kind of leadership based on competence, personal qualities, and experience in the ways of the Lord brought into being some very personal relations between teachers and disciples. The earliest elements of religious leadership may be here: persons together seeking God's will and ways, with the gifts of the one at the service of the other and both persons helped towards the fullness of a Christian vocation. The living of the gospel was still the supreme goal and rule when, in the face of the decline of the desert type of life and because of the changes brought about by the barbarian invasions of western Europe and northern Africa, people grouped together in a more stable manner. Once there was grouping, some kind of agreement, however simple and loose, was necessary for order and peace. In this is the first seed of religious government. Humanly speaking, there would be leaders for the sake of unity if for no other reason. Once grouping was a stable way of life, the leader would usually be the one who founded the group, who accepted followers to form the group, and who contributed most to shaping its way of gospel living by example, prayer, teaching, and organization. It would be up to that person to ensure fidelity to the accepted way of life, to lead in the deepening of spiritual values, to give direction, to ensure viability. Everything would be geared to the gospel as the purpose of the group's existence, )nd the founder would lead in virtue of an authority of competence recognized by the members and by the church. This stable way of life affected the church both locally and universally. The stability of vows, the public witness of life, 170 Review for Religious required contacts with church authorities, especially the local bishop. There had to be the possibility of representation. Moreover, basic though the gospel was, no founder ever felt it sufficient simply to put the gospel text into the hands of his or her religious. The way of living out the gospel in any given congre-gation was expressed in a rule or constitutions usually drawn up by the founder and always approved by the church. The fact of liv-ing vowed life together, therefore, created human, ecclesial, and theological conditions that required the service of some member or members to the others in a way that fostered spiritual values, unity, fidelity to the founding bond and spirit, discernment of direction, links with the church, correction, spiritual and material provision, viability. Such responsibilities could not be undertaken without some kind of authority within the group itself. We there-fore find the elements of religious government coming into being as founders, who by the fact of founding showed qualities of lead-ership, accepted the responsibility of directing their religious fam-ily and each of its members towards the agreed-upon goal of the gospel by a service of authority recognized by the church. This service of authority was still needed in succeeding gen-erations, and for the same reasons as those which first prompted it. Once the founding generation was gone, however, the choice of members who would exercise authority was less obvious. It was not that there were no religious who had the competence, but rather that none had the unique claim of the founder. Loyalty, support, and obedience were given to the member who was duly elected or appointed to exercise authority, and with that there came into being an authority that could be apart from that of competence: an ex officio authority derived from role or status. The Evolution before the 19th Century All this needed considerable time to evolve, and it took on different patterns and structures according to the different charisms which it expressed. Moreover, it developed as new forms of religious life came into being to meet the needs of successive times. The first appearance of religious in the form of monks and monasteries was a spontaneous phenomenon in the church, a free action of the Holy Spirit, but by the 5th century their random multiplication had become such a problem that the Council of March-April 1993 171 Linscott ¯ Leadership, Authority, and Religious Government Chalcedon (451) established the requirement of episcopal per-mission for the founding of a monastery and made monks subject to bishops. It was recognized, however, that the community of monasticism required a certain independence in internal matters. Religious government, therefore, came to have two aspects, inter-nal and external, both involving authority. Over a long period the image of episcopal authority, which of its nature is hierarchical in the church, to some extent colored that of religious authority. Certainly the balance between the degree of freedom necessary for internal affairs and the submission to the bishop, which was equally necessary for the good of the local church, was a feature of canonical legislation for religious for centuries. The great founders and reformers somehow found ways to handle both the internal and external relations of religious government. Internally, St. Benedict, father of western monasticism, respected the whole community and united it around the abbot under the discipline of the Rule. Authority, leadership, and government came together harmoniously in his provisions. Externally, in centuries after his own, there were problems over necessary relations with bishops and civil rulers. When Benedict's work was refounded in the Cluniac and Cistercian reforms, Cluny managed to be subject neither to king nor to bishop. It was one of the first of a system of exemptions by which the evolution of religious life was handled. After the desert and the monasteries, both of which types of religious life continue today, a third period with new needs was that of the mendicants. Here the pattern of life was no longer the stability and close unity of the monastery, but instead the diverging travels of friars who went about preaching the good news, begging their way, and giving to the poor. They belonged to a more fluid community often located in a town that had been revitalized either by a growing medieval university or by the com-merce that followed the Crusades. In pursuit of the same gospel ideal as the monks and the desert dwellers, the mendicants orga-nized their lives differently. They did not have stability in Benedict's sense. Their forms of leadership and government had to suit their kind of public witness and the flexibility of their out-reach. The religious whose authority and responsibility for the whole group would parallel those of Benedict's abbot were sig-nificantly given different and suggestive names: guardian for the Franciscans and prior for the Dominicans. With the age of discovery and reform, new forms of religious 172 Review for Religious life, those of the apostolic orders, were the response of the Holy Spirit to the mission opportunities in newly discovered conti-nents and to the theological and educational needs nearer home. Religious life in the Latin church, still very much a European phenomenon, needed people like Francis Xavier, Jean de Br~beuf, and Junipero Serra to carry it to India, Japan, and the Americas. This out-reach in itself was a challenge to structures of government. The pio-neer missionaries were often at great distances from their original commu-nities. They were inevitably few, at least at the beginning, yet they were an important growing point of the institutes to which they belonged. They needed good leadership quali-ties themselves and a considerable del-egation of authority. The kind of religious government that was strong primarily at the local level did not really match their gift. There had to The Jesuits in their government heightened both leadership and authority and gave a new importance to what would henceforth become general-level administration. be support from a higher level where the overview of everything could unify the various local endeavors and thereby achieve a par-ticular witness to Christ. Not by coincidence is the general supe-rior of the Jesuits called the praepositus. Exempt from immediate episcopal control so as to be free for papal mandates, the succes-sors of St. Ignatius had to combine leadership by competence, which was vital, with the authority to inspire and administer a far-flung apostolic enterprise while strengthening the service given in pastoral, social, and academic fields in Europe. The Jesuits in their government heightened both leadership and authority and gave a new importance to what would henceforth become general-level administration. The Evolution after 1800 With the cataclysm of the French Revolution came various needs which were met by the most recent type of organized reli-gious life: institutes dedicated to works of the apostolate. Although by no means all of these are for sisters, the period since the Marcb-April 1993 173 Linscott ¯ Leadership, Authority, and Religious Government Napoleonic Concordat of 1802 has been marked by an extraor-dinarily high proportion of women's foundations. It is on these that I now focus. Very many institutes of sisters came into being as the response of the Spirit to the needs created by the industrial revolution, the successive waves of emigration from Europe to the new world, the opening up of Africa and Asia, and the series of revolutions which swept Europe from 1789 to 1848. They were founded not only to live the gospel themselves and to witness to it in a society that was mainly one of believers, as many previous religious had done, but also to be Christ the teacher or healer or shepherd or apostle of the Father, in ways specified by their founding gifts, in a society which was increasingly post-Christian and material-ist. Their vocation was apostolic, and the government they needed had to provide for apostolic mobility, with its requirement of cen-tralization as well for effectiveness at scattered locations as for unity and corporate direction throughout. They needed their own internal authority. As for leadership, it became clear as time went on that leadership gifts of many different kinds were required for the effective service of these institutes, particularly in areas of the apostolate which involved specialization. A new responsibility for sisters exercising authority was the fostering and harmonizing of these leadership gifts among the members for the unity of the whole and for better service in mission, even though in this case leadership was not related to government but to the apostolate. The governmental needs of the new institutes with regard to centralization and internal authority were not at first easily met. We have to remember that, during the century before 1901, sis-ters in institutes dedicated to apostolic works were technically not recognized by the church at all. It had been the ecumenical councils which determined and enunciated the church's provi-sions regarding religious life, and in the early 19th century the lat-est of these was still the Council of Trent. Trent had made a serious effort to tidy up a very complicated situation according to the signs of its own times. Three years after the close of the coun-cil, the decree Circa Pastoralis (1566) had stated the basic law of the church for religious, summarizing the canons of Lateran IV (1215), Lyons (1274), and Trent that referred to them. According to Circa Pa.storalis, religious were members of the church living a common life with solemn vows and cloister. All orders which were not exempt were subject to the local bishop. By 174 Review for Religious implication, therefore, members of groups which did not have solemn vows or which were not cloistered were not religious, and .they were subject to the local bishop without full internal reli-gious authority of their own because .they were not among the exempt orders. Institutes of sisters dedicated to apostolic work lived and served as religious, looked like religious, had the goals of religious, and gave the witness of religious while having sim-ple vows, little or no cloister, and a different way of living life in common from religious who were in accord with Circa Pastoralis. They needed an internal authority similar to that of the exempt congregations and for reasons like those of the apostolic orders. Actua.lly, the praxis of the church was ahead of its legislation in the 19th century, and both pontifical approval and the approval of several far-seeing bishops cleared the way for institutes of sisters. In 1900 Leo XIII, in Conditae a Christo, anticipated what was an evidently necessary change in church legislation~ He opened to religious groups with decrees of praise the formal right of cen-tralization under a superior general with real, personal authority throughout the institute. This recognized sisters in institutes ded-icated to works of the apostolate as re!igious in their own right: a third kind of entity with those conforming to Circa Pastorali's and with th~ exempt clerical orders. The recognition was' welcome, but it could not of itself erase the long experience of ambiguity, which was the only one that most institutes of sisters knew at first hand. Authority and gov-ernment were the issues on which the matter of recognition was solved, and both were associated with the image of the local bishop. Leo XIII followed up Conditae a Cbristo in 1901 with a set of norms which were a blueprint for the future Code of Canon Law (1917). The sisters updated their constitutions in the light of .,both documents; and, perhaps because in terms of religious life the autonomous government of institutes of sisters as a reality canon-ic~ lly recognized and supported was something relatively new, both a.uthority and government structures loomed large in the revisions. Great attention was given to new structures, especially those of provinces and general chapters; roles were spelled out in considerable detail. Time would bring out what this implied and how it would work out in practice. Of the three elements leader-ship, authority, and government, attention concentrated on the last two, which were concrete and could be legislated, even though the previous image many institutes had of them did not necessarily March-April 1993 175 Linscott ¯ Leadership, Authority, and Religious Government reflect their founding charism, but was colored by the rightly hierarchical character of the authority of the local bishop. Leadership was either taken for granted or channeled into apos-tolic enterprises. These sociological traits be~zame even more marked as the pressures of works and of professionalism came to bear on institutes in the mid 1950s. The Situation after Vatican II Less than fifty years after the Code of 1917 came the mandate of the Second Vatican Council to renew religious life according to the criteria of the gospel, the founding charism, and the signs of the times and to revise constitutions and directories in accord with this renewal. To make sure that the renewal actuaily took place, every institute was to celebrate a special general chapter within a period of two or three years. The chapter had excep-tional authority for this one occasion and was to be prepared with the widest possible involvement of all members of the institute. In the case of sisters dedicated to works of the apostolate, the timing of the conciliar mandate was critical. It came at a histor-ically ripe moment. The educational movement of the 1950s, the communications explosion of the 1960s, the influence of the human sciences, the authority crisis, and the development of fem-inism were only some of the elements which affected the way in which sisters tried to reexamine totally a life which they had taken very much for granted. They worked under pressure of time, with no precedent, technically unprepared, but with very much good-will. Inevitably, the sisters went first for adaptations: concrete changes which could be seen to be done and where change was clearly necessary. These involved structures and processes, plan-ning, participation, the Vatican Council's principles of subsidiar-ity and coresponsibility, the insdtute's style of life, and a review of apostolic works and resources. As sisters came to grips with these things, new leaders of a charismatic or natural kind--"born lead-ers"-- began to emerge. Their competence might be a particular professional field or an ability to communicate or the capacity to articulate well a personal vision for the future of the institute or a good grasp of dynamics. Whatever their gift, these leaders often came to the fore at the expense of leadership based on authority and experience of government. The membership of general chap- 176 Review for Religious ters from 1967 onwards was of a different composition from those which went before, and the influences on government and author-ity were consequently different. There was less experience of gov-ernment and more creativity; less hard information and more "dreaming" in the positive sense; less his-tory and more sociology; less theology and more impact from the human sci-ences. It all needed to be balanced out if it was to produce good religious govern-ment. A time of struggle, confusion, and emotion, however, is not the best time for balancing, and the difficult 1970s and early 1980s did not allow time to evaluate objectively what was happening. Nor was it possible to have the distance necessary for objectivity. The individualism of the period produced leaders in plenty, but not a similar number of sisters willing to accept responsibility. At the same time, various forms and degrees of resistance to authority made religious government very difficult. Expectations were not clear, and it was far easier to raise questions than to find constructive responses. All the while, people were aware that the overall num-bers of sisters were declining, that departures were frequent, that needs were multiplying and not being met, and that religious life was a microcosm of a church and world which were also in flux and seeking their way. In all this how did leadership, authority, and government fare? They were much-discussed topics in renewal, and it is in the con-text of renewal that we have to see them. Renewal involves inter-nal change. It causes us to interiorize and make our own--here and now, as individuals and as communities--the teaching of Jesus as it is lived in accordance with the charism of our religious insti-tute. Renewal affects beliefs, relationships, values, commitment, attitudes, and zeal. It determines how we live and serve, and it involves a conversion that is corporate as well as personal. Being basically interior and spiritual, renewal cannot be brought about simply by legislation. It needs the example and personal influ-ence of leadership, which i~ of its nature an agent of internal change. But leadership in religious renewal has to be enabling, Being basically interior and spiritual, renewal needs the example and personal influence of leadership, which is of its nature an agent of internal change. Marcb-April 1993 177 Linscott ¯ Leadership, Authority, and Religious Government helping sisters renew themselves and their institute by consis-tently proposing the gospel goal and ideal and by encouraging involvement, conviction, and commitment. Such enabling lead-ership is increasingly seen as necessary today. It is not in excess supply, for it requires an unusual blend of Christlike poverty of heart and inner freedom and at the same time strength, empa-thy, and clarity. It is ~ charism and, as such, cannot be conferred ex officio or be legislated as a predictable and controllable part of government. Yet without it even the most clear-cut exercise of legitimate authority does not succeed in changing fundamental attitudes and values, whatever it may do to outward forms. The very fact that leadership is neither predictable nor con-trollable from the point of view of legislation means that it needs a balance which can be predicted, controlled, and legislated. The balance is authority. In the years after the Second Vatican Council, the balance afforded by religious authority was significantly down-played, largely as reaction to the authoritarianism in the precon-ciliar years and also because of the trend towards greater participation. Pa~'ticipation, however, does not remove the need for authority, and authoritarianism is an abuse which can be reme-died without touching the principle o.f authority itself. If no chan-rlels of legitimate authority are provided, one of two things seems to happen: either (1) the group crumbles from within because there is no commonly acknowle.dged center, no one has respon-sibility at the corporate level, and each sister has to go her own way, interpreting her religious life to the best of her ability; or (2) some sister emerges as a leader without religious authority, either by fo.rce of con.viction or natural gifts or charism or plain per-sonal aggressiveness. In either case the important value of re!igious obedience gets lost. Yet it is through religious obedience that we understand religious authority, and it is the two of them together that create the unique relationship in which a properly autho-rized leader can enable sisters to grow, not in passivity and not in external adaptation only, but in an active collaboration which make~ for joy and greater fullness of life. Religious government, therefore, needs both leaders.hip and authority and needs them together. Authority wi'thout leadership can become an insecure and heavy-handed exercise of power. Leadership without authority can lack sound direction, responsi-bi! ity, and accountability," making for disturbance rather than for peaceful growth in the Lord. Structures of government somehow 178 Review for Religious have to harmonize the two. Authority is usually provided in struc-tures at general, provincial, and local levels that maintain personal authority balanced by councils, chapters, and assemblies according to particular traditions, and that indicate an unambiguous line of accountability. Leadership, which cannot be legislated so directly, is implied in statements about the charism, spirit, and vision of the institute, in the qualities required in sisters exercising author-ity, and in the details of responsibilities and job descriptions. Moreover, it has been characteristic of the structures of religious government that authority is not exercised in isolation, nor should it be exercised in a way that creates a gap between those exercis-ing authority and those accepting it. This last point is a matter of style rather than of structure and is as much a challenge for teams and groups, even when the respective responsibilities and rela-tions are well spelled out, as it is for individuals. The revision of constitutions has led to some solid rethinking in the whole area of leadership, authority, and government. As we have seen, the theme goes far back in the history of religious life, and the strands intertwine inextricably, like differently colored ply in a length of wool making a single thread. Sisters today are certainly clearer on the issues than they were at the turn of the 1970s. All the same, we are never free from the responsibility of asking ourselves: (I) Has the basic function of leadership, author-ity, and government in religious life changed? If it has, why? And to what? (2) Do our structures correspond to their purpose and function? Now I would like to share with you what some samples of recently revised and approved constitutions from different parts of the world have to say to us about leadership, authority, and government in religious life today. In the light of these concrete statements, I will afterwards pick up again the two questions I have just raised. Sampling Some Revised Constitutions During my period of service at the Congregation for Institutes of Consecrated Life and Societies of Apostolic Life (CICLSAL), about 1500 revised constitutions received their decrees of approval, and there have been a few more since then. Among this overwhelming amount of material, my only option was to take a sampling. I decided on five criteria of choice. March-April 1993 179 Linscott ¯ Leadership, Authority, and Religious Government 1. My first criterion was to restrict myself to constitutions presented in English. There are more than enough of these to give a range of thought and experience, and I have the advantage of knowing them well and of having worked with many of the sisters who produced them. 2. My second criterion was to cover the different spiritual traditions in religious families, since these affect concepts and structures of government. I took sisters' constitutions deriving from the inspiration of the classic founders Alphonsus, Augustine, Benedict, Dominic, Francis, Ignatius, and Paul of the Cross. I also took some from the women's congregations that have a com-mon source of spirituality: Ursulines, Sisters of St. Joseph, Sisters of the Presentation, Sisters of Mercy, Sisters of Charity, Sisters of the Incarnate Word. I sampled as a further category congrega-tions with a strong and clear individual charism that are not notably indebted either to one of the major religious families of men or to other groups of sisters. 3. My third criterion was to cover a wide range of cultures, since these are important in the expression of values and princi-ples. The English-speaking world is notoriously extensive, and also some institutes present their texts in English either because this is an acceptable second language or because their principal growing points are in English-speaking areas outside their coun-try of origin. I ended up with constitutions from Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, England, France, Holland, India, Ireland, Malta, New Zealand, the Philippines, Rome, South Africa, and the United States of America. 4. A fourth criterion was to include a few constitutions of men religious by way of comparison. 5. Lastly, I included a random sampling of the remaining texts to a total of sixty constitutions. Fifty-five are by sisters and five by men religious: two clerical institutes and three of brothers. My observations are based on these sixty texts. Initial Impressions As one would expect of approved constitutions, on the subject of leadership, authority, and government, all the texts are canon-ically accurate inasmuch as they all harmonize with the present law of the church and with the values, principles, and basic structures deriving from their own previously approved founding charisms. 180 Review for Religious Yet no two are alike, and when I speak of a certain degree of com-monality I am not referring to common material or even to depen-dence on a common Code, but to a certain convergence of values and thinking across texts worked out independently and expressed with a great deal of diversity. Convergence. The highest degree of convergence is in the impor.tance attached to authority in regard to both government and leadership. In almost every case, whether the actual words are used or not, there is the idea that authority is to be exercised in government by sisters with qualities of leadership. The three elements go together, and it is authority that links the other two. There is a high degree of convergence also on the source of reli-gious authority being ultimately God himself and on the spirit of service which marks its exercise. Jesus Christ, whether as shep-herd, servant, son, or savior, is the model for the kind of exer-cise of authority in leadership that should characterize religious government. This spiritual level is usually clear and well expressed with a direct application to unity and mission. Areas of Diversity. The convergences are not bland, because there is no uniformity in the concrete provisions that express the converging values and principles. Each institute has not only its own founding gift, but also its own living tradition and experience, its own "now," and its own vision of the future. So, for example, even institutes which have the Rule of St. Augustine or that of the Franciscan Third Order Regular or the Constitutions of St. Ignatius as part of their proper law will have their own ways of incorporating these in concrete enactments. A good deal can be inferred, therefore, from the way in which the principles of government are actually spelled out. There are nuances about authority, leadership, and government to be found in the job descriptions given for moderators at the different lev-els, in the qualities and priorities looked for in those who will be responsible for government, in provisions for a particular style of operation, or in the way that responsibility and accountability are handled. Relationships and structures are the other areas with rich implications. The way in which a text expresses the com-bined responsibility of the membership and the various sisters in authority for the well-being of the institute is also instructive. So are the relations and interaction of moderators and councils and of both with chapters. Something can be learned from the way that the material on March-April 1993 181 Linscott ¯ Leadership, Authority, and Religious Government authority and government is organized and presented. Some con-stitutions begin with people, some with types of norm; some begin with the whole entity of the institute as the body expressing the corporate charism and recognized as such by the church, some with the rights and responsibilities of the individual sister. Most start at the general level, since this avoids having to repeat and anticipate, but some begin with the local level. Perhaps the most revealing thing is terminology. If we raised our eyebrows in 1983 over the Code's use of"moderator," it was only because we had not yet realized our own creativity in find-ing names for those who were once uniformly referred to as supe-riors and for the sisters who work immediately with them. All the constitutions I studied were approved between September 1982 and May 1991. In them I met superiors, abbesses, prioresses, directors, facilitators, coordinators, sisters-in-charge, guardians, custodians, mothers, moderators, ministers, and presidents. These are helped and advised by councils, cabinets, government groups, boards, teams, and assistants and are accountable to assemblies, senates, and chapters. When the substance of all these is actually spelled out in terms of purpose, function, authority, and account-ability, there may not be any great difference at present between one reality and another. I have a strong sense, however, of dif-ference in climate and general approach between sisters who are superiors with a council responsible to a general chapter and sis-ters who are presidents with a cabinet responsible to a senate. What is denoted is similar, but the connotations are different, and it remains to be seen where that will take us. Leadership, Authority, and Religious Government in the Texts First of all, let me say that the three concepts, though they are present in each of the sixty texts, are not always specifically named. Neither do they receive equal emphasis. Authority gets by far the most attention, even in the two constitutions where the writers did not use the word itself. Government also gets pretty full treat-ment, especially in the abstract, and texts which reflect some reluctance to say that a moderator governs will spell out for her a number of responsibilities which are clearly those of govern-ment. Leadership is stressed much less. The word rarely occurs except in phrases such as "the general moderator is the leader of the congregation" or "the sister chosen as the general moderator 182 Review for Religious should have qualities of leadership." Leadership in its ordinary sense, however, is very often implied, and the spiritual role of leadership is clear. Religious Government and Authority. Statements about gov-ernment alone are usually clear and often pithy. They tend to ~pecify purpose: "Government in the eongregation provides structures and offices that facilitate our common life and ministry by ordering relat!onsh'ips and designating the functions of the members" (U.S.A.). "Governance is the means through which the resources of the congregation are unified, directed, and integrated" (U.S.A.). More subjec-tively descriptive but still purposeful is a' statement such as this: "Government is an experience in relationships, in deci-sion making, and in communication. Through itwe strive together to seek and do God's will" (Rome). From England comes the observation, that government is par.t of any organized society and that, in the case of rel!gious, it maintains the inspiration, nature, and purpose of an institute as living reali-ties. Most of the provision for government follows statements on authority which place its source in God o1: in Jesus Christ and which distinguish it from other kinds of personal power: :'Christ's authority given him by the Father was clearly .distinct in its exer-cise from the authority of the rulers of this world who lord it over their subjects," says an Irish text. "Christ expressed his authority in loving service: to heal, to forgive, to give life, to send in mis-sion." Some texts underline the ecclesial dimension: "Authority is given by God to the church, and it is from the church that the congregation receives its recognition as a religious institute and therefore a share in the authority of Christ" (England). "Authority in our institute is of an ecclesial nature and should reflect the self-g!ving of our divine master" (Philippines). "God is the source of all authority, but in working out his plan he asks for our coop-eration" (England). Some constitutions refer authority directly I have a strong sense, however, of difference in climate and general approach between sisters who are superiors with a council responsible to a general chapter and sisters who are presidents with a cabinet responsible to a senate. March-April 1993 183 Linscott ¯ Leadership, Authority, and Religious Government The model of religious authority is, without exception, Jesus Christ. to superiors and chapters, but at least one broadens it to this: "From Jesus, proclaimed in the gospel, the authority of the . . . congregation, mediated and affirmed through the church, resides in the communion of its members according to their respective roles" (U.S.A.). The model of religious authority is, without exception, Jesus Christ, "the master who made himself servant in order that those he served might share his life and mission and that they in their turn might minister to others" (England). "Evangelical author-ity," says a congregation based in Rome, "is service which reflects the humility and self-giving of Jesus." Another one says: "Authority is founded on Christ, who received it from the Father and who came as one who serves. The example and teaching of Christ inspire sisters in positions of authority and all of us to serve as he did" (Rome). From Austria comes this statement: "In a religious con-gregation, the only model of authority is Jesus." The same arti-cle goes on to say, "Being a Marian congregation, all authority should reflect the gentleness and motherliness of our blessed Mother." This unanimously affirmed source and model determines to a great extent what the constitutions have to say about the nature of religious authority, what it requires, what it extends to, and how it is exercised. The question "What is it?" is variously answered: "It is a service meant to help the sisters discern and accomplish God's will" (U.S.A.). "It is a ministry of service which has as its object the fostering of unity in our diversity and the promotion of our mission in the life and work of the church" (England). "It helps us incarnate the vision of our founder in our time and to go forward together in the same spirit towards the same end" (Canada). Unity, mission, identity, and the discerning of God's will recur constantly as themes of response to the ques-tion "What is religious authority?" or "What is it all about?" It is interesting that the attempts to define authority as principle, which tied some of the renewal chapters in knots in the late 1960s, have been abandoned in the approved constitutions. There is no dictionary definition but rather a description, or an inference from needs and consequences, which is concrete rather' than the- 184 Reviev~ for Religions oretical. It expresses a basic principle, however, and links it with government, charisms, obedience, and leadership. This principle is nearly always taken from the standpoint of faith. What is required for the exercise of religious authority is expressed in terms of values, attitudes, qualities, and relation-ships. Sisters exercising authority do so for the sake of unity, wit-ness, effective corporate service, the growth of their sisters towards the fullness of Christ, and the building of the kingdom of God (Belgium, France, South Africa, U.S.A.). They are asked to be unifiers, animators, discerners, listeners (England, Holland, Ireland). The qualities looked for in a good superior at whatever level are instructive. In these texts there is much less of the utopi-anism that characterized the early 1970s and scared away many a good potential superior by requiring a combination of qualities which an archangel would have had a hard time meeting. The requirements now are geared to a more realistic perception. "A sis-ter who exemplifies the spirit and life of our congregation" (India) is a requirement which recurs fairly often and which applies to religious Pope Paul VI's observation that the people of our time respond better to example than to theory. "A woman of prayer and faith, close to God in her personal life" is also often mentioned. Then come the personality traits: compassion, courage, vision, love for the institute and for the sis-ters, practical intelligence; then the qualities that relate specifically to the exercise of authority: perceptiveness, good judgment, patience, balance, firmness, experience of life, and the capacity to listen, to collaborate, and to decide. It is noticeable that recently approved constitutions take it for granted that the qualities of those exercising authority need to be complemented and com-pleted by those of their immediate collaborators and by the sisters at large. Hence the importance of relationships, not only in the sense of personal relations--as, for example, between a superior and her councilors or with her sisters--but also in the deeper sense of the necessary interrelation of authority and obedience for the common project, or in "the sense that all the sisters in their various ways are responsible for the good of the institute. "There can be no community among us," says one text, "unless our com-mon life and mission are governed by deliberations and decisions that draw us all towards a u.nity of thought, sentiment, and action. To those deliberations and decisions we are all obligated as reli-gious pledged to obedience--both to contribute and to respond" March-April 1993 185 Linscott ¯ Leader'sbip; Authority, and Religious Government (U.S.A.). A text from England sees sisters serving in authority as "challenging each sister to fidelity in our shared spirit and charism so that our way of prayiiag, living, and working together may be fruitful for burselves and for others." This kind of statement car-ries religious authority beyond the juridical limits of the consti-tfitions and church law according to which it is exercised and into the realm of th~ basic values of religious life for which it is given. Principies foi" the exercise of religious ~iuthority receive more attention in recently approved ,constitutions than in preceding texts, where they tended to be taken for granted. As early as 1966, Ecdesiae Sanctae provided for "an ample and free consultatiofi of all [the religious in an institute]" in the preparation of the special general chapter of renewal (ES §4), and this basic concept of par- ~igipation echoes in practically every text. One document puts it like this: "Since the Holy Spirit works in all, we encourage the active pai:dcipation of each in the decision-making process within the community and the congregation. Our acceptance of respon-sibility for implementing the decisions made is a source of unity among us" (U.S.A.). Participation is seeh as a source of mutual support (India) and is meant to further the aims and goals of the congregation (U.S.A.). More specific than participation as a gen-eral principle is participative government which, according to one text, "includes these elements fundamental to government struc-tures: sl~ared responsibility, subsidiarity, accountability" (U.S.A.). These last three principles, together with the need for commu-nication, are mentioned in practically all tiae constitutions stud-ied and directly reflect the influence of Vatican II. The American text just quoted says that shared responsibility, subsidiarity, and ac6ountability are fundamental to government structures. In one' way, such structures exist to make religiofis authority effective: They channel authority and locate it, limit it, and focus it. They are, therefore, very specific to each institute, reflecting as they do its charism and traditibns, it~ circumstances and its cultures. The connection.wii:h charism is usually evident. Congregations whose founding gift requires a stable way of life in the sense of a fair amount of residential stability and a good deal of authority at the local level will have structures that allow for decentralization and immediate participation. Congregations whose founding gift requires apostolic mobility will have more centralized general structures if things are to work well, and par-ticipation in matters beyond the local level will often be limited i 86 Review for Religious to elected representatives. For example, three congregations in the Benedictine tradition from three different continents all have structures which move solidly from the individual sister to cor-porate unity. Two institutes strongly in the Ignatian tradition begin with the need for someone "who holds the charge of the entire body of the society and whose duty is the good government, preser-vation, and development of the whole body" (Ireland). Here the starting point is the superior general. Most institutes lie on an arc somewhere between these two. The fact is that structures, all of which are approved as adequate in their provisions for government, can be as varied as the charisms they reflect. Circumstances diversify them still further, for there are bound to be dif-ferences in structures of government between an institute many of whose sis-ters are centered in one house Structures, all of which are approved as adequate in their provisions for government, can be as varied as the charisms they reflect. (England), an institute whose sisters are in small houses near to each other (Belgium), and an institute whose members are widely scattered across vast areas in the prairies of the United States or the outback of Australia. Cultures, too, certainly affect structures and in particular the way in which structures are regarded. Institutes of the same reli-gious family and with a good deal of common tradition keep adapting their structures differently according as they are in Australia, Canada, Rome, or the United States. The European texts lay stress on the persons who exercise authority, their qual-ities, responsibilities, soundness of judgment, relation to others, accountability. There is an underlying element of trust and need to support, and an implication that, given the right persons, things cannot go too far wrong even if the structures themselves are less than perfect. This, however, is not an excuse for poor structures. The structural provisions are generally good. The Indian texts have greater structural detail, but still a considerable stress on the person. Some of the American texts, however, are very strong on structure, almost as if good structure of government could protect an institute from any kind of abuse of power. This is by no means a universal feature of texts from. the United States, but March-April 1993 187 Linscott ¯ Leadership, Authority, and Religious Government where it occurs the structures are given in great detail, there is generally a system of checks and balances, a high proportion of the whole text is devoted to government, and there is not very much about the kind of sister looked for to exercise authority. In an extreme case, there is no more than the bare juridical require-ments. Again, between the two extremes, there is a wide range across the sixty texts. Each of them has been approved in its own right. The only point I make here is that, beyond the influence of charism and of apostolic circumstances, governmental structures for the exercise of religious authority are affected to some extent by culture. This has its own repercussion, of course, in interna-tional congregations. Religious Authority and Leadership. That the duty of leading is an aspect of government and that religious authority is given for this purpose is clear in most of the constitutions. "Those who hold authority in the institute have the right and responsibility to lead it in fidelity to its spirit and mission," says a text from Australia. There are also many references to general and local superiors being leaders of the whole institute or of the local com-munity respectively. What this leadership consists in emerges from the qualities looked for in a superior: "A woman of faith, discretion, and courage, she cultivates a spirit of availability and openness. A woman of compassion and understanding, she inspires, unifies, directs. A woman of fidelity, she fosters a response to the church and the world in accord with our charism. She is responsible for creating an atmosphere conducive to the spiri-tual, intellectual, and affective growth of each member, and she should show more concern for the Holy Spirit and for persons than for structures as such and for the letter of the law" (U.S.A.). This pastoral approach reappears in very many texts. Superiors lead by what they are and what they do: "She is steward of our way of life., of the heritage and mission of the congregation and of the gifts of each sister . She leads by her example, teaching, and decisions . . . and she exercises her authority with pastoral con-cern" (Australia). If the superior is expected to have leadership qualities, they are of a Christlike kind and facilitate her free and simple exercise of authority. One constitutional text notes that, when this is the case, the leadership qualities in the sisters are also fostered. "The right exercise of authority encourages each sister to become that per-son whom the Father called in Christ. The superior is confident 188 Review for Religious that the Spirit who creates diversity is able by his loving influ-ence to preserve union of mind and heart among the sisters. In this encouraging atmosphere, the graces of our baptism and religious vocation give rise to a number of leadership qualities among the sisters, all contributing to the vitality of community and the ful-fillment of our mission in the church" (U.S.A.). The role of authority in its pas-toral leading then becomes the encourage-ment and harmonizing of the leadership gifts in the community. This very fact points out the distinc-tion between the authority to lead that is vested in one person with assistance from others and the leadership gifts that can be in any community member. The two are not the same and are usually distinguished when they appear in constitutions. For example, we have from Australia: "The superior exercises her authority according to the spirit and laws of our congregation. In giving leadership, she encourages the participation of all the members," and from the United States: "The community min-ister is the canonical leader and unifier of the congregation. She has authority and responsibility for spiritual and apostolic lead-ership." If the kind of leadership expected of sisters in authority is implied in the qualities desired for eligibility, the direction of that leadership is usually implicit in their functions. At the general level, a superior "unifies in charity, urges fidelity to the gospel and to the constitutions; calls individuals and groups to core-sponsibility and account; keeps abreast of movements in the church and in society; enunciates goals and priorities as a com-munity in mission; focuses the corporate nature of our life and mission; and serves in various representative and governmental capacities" (U.S.A.). At the local level she serves the action of the Holy Spirit who is forming the community from within into a single body for the building of the kingdom (Canada). In texts from Malta, India, the Philippines, and New Zealand, too, this is spelled out in terms of animation, administration, and forma-tion. The role of authority in its pastoral leading then becomes the encouragement and harmonizing of the leadership gifts in the community. March-April 1993 189 Linscott ¯ Leadership, Authority, and Relig4ous Government The ideal would seem to be that a sister who exercises reli-gious authority is a leader and that her leadership qualities are evident in her governing as she encourages and draws on the gifts of her sisters, especially those who more immediately share responsibility with her, for the well-being of the community. Leadership and Government. For the sake of completeness, there should be a word about what the constitutions give us on leadership and government. It is a short word, because they say very little on the point directly. For the constitutions, leadership is a quality desirable in sisters exercising authority, and govern-ment is the concrete process by which authority is exercised to unify and animate the institute so as to attain its goal. The texts take both leadership and government in relation to authority, not in relation to each other. We are obliged, so to speak, to go via authority if we want to link the other two. This is probably an inevitable state of affairs, for constitutions are spiritual juridical documents which give principles and norms for what can be leg-islated. Both authority and government are patient of legislation; leadership is not. So it is normal that, while several texts hope for leadership as a quality in those vested with authority to gov-ern, nobody assumes that it is a quality conferred by the fact of having that authority. This in itself is a realistic step forward. Conclusion How can we summarize all this? The new elements that mark the current phase of religious government in contrast to those which preceded it seem to be: ¯ a renewed sense of the spiritual dimension and of the kind of responsibility which it involves; ¯ a sharp awareness of the rediscovered founding charism; the concept of authority as service reflecting the Christ who came not to be served but to serve; ¯ the idea of complementing necessary gifts; openness to a wide participation of the sisters in general according to their roles and experience, continuing the thrust of the Second Vatican Council on the dignity of each person and expressing the belief that the Holy Spirit can work through each one for the good of the whole; ¯ the adoption of responsibility, subsidiarity, and account-ability as basic principles; ¯ the recognition by many that religious government is inseparably linked with the founding charism and with 190 Review for Religious the vow of obedience and so has a dimension of faith and of relation to the church that distinguishes it ultimately from administration, organization, management, or indeed any other form of government. At the same time, pro-cesses of consensus and discernment, variously under-stood, have been widely adopted. The evolution of the understanding and praxis of leadership, authority, and government in religious life is continuous. It is not in itself an experiment which can be tried out for a certain num-ber of years and then be confirmed, modified, or dropped, although individual structures expressing it can be handled in this way. In itself the evolutitn is essential and consistent. It is, there-fore, from the viewpoint of the present moment in an evolving continuum that we can pick up the two questions we raised some pages back. Has the basic function of leadership, authority, and government in religious life changed? If it has, why? Ana to what? We have seen that the goals and values for which leadership, authority, and gov-ernment exist in religious iife go far back in history, emerging from the following of Christ in radic~il gospel living as it was first understood bythe desert fathers and mothers and the early mqnks. From at least the time of St. Benedict, these goals and values have included the promotion of individual and community growth towards the full maturity of Christ; th~ fostering of unity, peace, and mission at the service of the church; the encouragement of fidelity; the ensuring of forrhation; the provision of the necessi-ties for consecrated life, all in accord with the particular found-ing charism of the institute. It is evident from the survey of the sixty recently approved constitutions that these basic goals and values remain constant. The stated purpose and function of gov-ernment is always that the institute a~hieve the goal for which it exists in the church: a specific pu.blic witness to Christ and his gospel in unity, prayer, and growth in love and in the service of mission. As regards these purposes, there is little change. What has changed, from the evidence of quite a few texts, is something which is not directly within the competence of con-stitutions: the kind and extent of responsibility actually involved in undertaking the service of government today. Whereas, even into the 19th century, religious government was (and in principle still is) primarily a spiritual and ecclesial matter, for many insti-tutes of sisters today there are accretions which create a further and different kind of responsibility. A superior general who has March-April 1993 191 Linscott ¯ Leadership, Authority, and Religious Government been elected to see to the growth and mission of her sisters in service to the sick with Christ the healer may find herself by that very fact fostering that growth as president of a multimillion-dol-lar hospital corporation. The superior of an institute with an apos-tolate of education may well be ex officio a member of the boards of various colleges and universities. She will almost inevitably find herself ultimately responsible for the administration of homes for the aged sisters and for dealing with financial reports. The spread of an institute and the desire for hands-on government may call for wide travel, a knowledge of languages, and the capac-ity for inculturation. Both public relations and communication, with all their current technicalities, will claim attention. Clearly, responsibilities have to be delegated. However, under this kind of pressure, things may get treated from the point of view of the accretions instead of the essential. This substitutes administra-tion for religious government. It tends to depersonalize, to use authority for efficiency only, without the spiritual quality which should animate the government of religious. The accretions, which are many and demanding and which show no sign of dimin-ishing of their own accord, are the proper field for delegation and group work. To elect superiors and councilors or tdam mem-bers in view of the accretions instead of the capacity to serve the basic goals and values of the institute would be to build in a dis-tortion. Somehow, the different responsibilities have to be dis-tinguished and provided for in their own right. Do our structures com'espond to their purpose and function? This is a question that each institute has to answer for itself, because each one has its unique charism that determines the purpose, function, and structures of its government. Certain circumstances, however, have influenced structures and government in many institutes of sisters dedicated to works of the apostolate; there are reflections of them in the constitutions studied. It may be worth noting them, for they could still clog the wheels in some institutes. Among such circumstances would be: ¯ an institute's existence before canonical recognition when there was not a corpus of canons a.dapted to the needs of sisters and when, in consequence, individual traditions of government could range from the very firm to the very loose according to personalities and to the local circum-stahces-- such precanonical traditions may well have an influence still; ¯ the high degree of uniformity in provisions after 1917; 192 Review for Religion, s ¯ the tendency to authoritarianism and the stress on author-ity of status between the Code of 1917 and the renewal initiated hy Vatican II; ¯ the rapid change in structures and praxis that followed the special general chapters at the end of the 1960s; ¯ the impact of social, political, and psychological change brought about by major movements over the past thirty years: peace and justice, solidarity with the poor, femi-nism, rapid communication, even the recent collapse of communism; ¯ internal tensions regarding identity vis-a-vis the laity, lifestyle, mission, place in the church, raison d'etre; ¯ some confusion of the functions of consultation, consen-sus, and discernment with the functions proper to gov-ernment. SCRIS had a point in the early 1970s when it held that lead-ership and religious authority are not the same thing and that their respective relations to government are different. Time has brought out, however, that religious government does not impose a choice between the two. On the contrary, both are needed, although in different ways. Good religious government reflects not only the word of the gospel, but the Word himself, who leads as pastor and as servant precisely because he so evidently has authority. Permission is herewith granted to copy any material (articles, poems, reviews) contained in this issue of Review for Religious for personal or internal use, or for the personal or internal use of specific library clients within the limits outlined in Sections 107 and/or 108 of the United States Copyright Law. All copies made under this permission must bear notice of the source, date, and copyright owner on the first page. This permission is not extended to copying for commercial distribution, advertising, or institutional promotion of for the creation of new collective works or anthologies. Such permission will be considered only on written application to the Editor, Review for Religious. March-April 1993 193 JANICE McLAUGHLIN The Meaning of Evangelization Today evangelizing The Shona people of Africa have many names for God. My favorite is "Chipindikure"--The One Who Turns Things Upside Down. Chipindikure comes from the root word kupinduka, which means transformation or revolu-tion. This is what God is doing in the life of each of us and in our world. And this, I think, is what evangelization is all about; letting God's message--which is the most revolu-tionary message the world has ever known--letting that message transform us, turn us upside down, so that we in turn may transform society. Evangelization, then, is about change and about choice. I can say no to change. I can choose to stay in my little rut and refuse to be shaken up and turned upside down. But God does not give up that easily. Like St. Paul, God knocks us off our horse over and over again until we get the message. We have all had these moments of insight in our lives, these turning points, which open us to n~w possibilities. Let us look at some examples of what I mean from my experience--after which I hope you will look at examples from your own experience. After I entered Maryknoll in 1961, I became involved in the civil-rights movement and the antiwar movement. Janice McLaughlin MM spent 22 years in Africa. She recently completed her doctoral dissertation on "The Catholic Church and Zimbabwe's War of Liberation 1972-1980" at the University of Zimbabwe. She may be addressed at Community Office; Maryknoll Sisters; Maryknoll, New York 10545. 194 Review 3~br Religious I also worked with the "war on poverty" program in the small town of Ossining, New York, near Maryknoll. But I think that my eyes were really opened for the first time when I went to East Africa in 1969. Learning another language and living in another culture is perhaps a shortcut to transformation. It forced me to give up my old way of looking at things--my Pittsburgh, St. Lawrence O'Toole Parish, McLaughlin, United States way of looking at life, at God, at the world. It is a shock to learn that you do not have all the answers and that you are not even asking the right questions. The wonderful people of Kenya, and later the people of Zimbabwe and Mozambique, taught me that people are more important than things; that being is more important than doing; that God and relationships are at the heart of everything. In 1977 I went from Kenya to Zimbabwe, which was Southern Rhodesia at that time, and worked as the press secre-tary for the Justice and Peace Commission. I was detained and then deported for telling the truth about the war that was taking place there. Racial segregation and discrimination were govern-ment policy, as they had once been here in the United States. I saw that the war of liberation was an Exodus experience for the African people as they journeyed from slavery to freedom. I came to realize that this iourney goes on in each of our lives as we seek to free ourselves from whatever enslaves us. For some peo-ple it is drugs or alcohol or a history of physical or sexual abuse. For us religious it is often our fears, our inflexibility, and our selfishness. Later I worked with refugees from the war and saw that we are all refugees on a journey through life to our true home. The refugees showed me that, the less we carry on the journey, the easier it will be to reach our destination. In fact, life is a process of stripping us of all we cherish until God is all and everything for us. This is the mystery of death and resurrection which is at the heart of our faith--dying to self so that we may live in Christ. Thus refugees and displaced persons, political prisoners and freedom fighters, and the courageous men, women, and children of Africa who never give up hoping in the midst of so much destruction and death have evangelized me and have shown me that evangelization is incarnational and prophetic and is rooted in prayer. March-April 1993 195 McLaugblin. Evangelization Evangelization Is Incarnational Valentine, one of my students at a school for freedom fight-ers in Maputo, Mozambique, helped me see how incarnation works today. He told me how he had joined the liberation strug-gle after his graduation. "I thought I was better than the others because I had finished high school," he confessed. "I thought that I would be made ~ commander. But I was treated like everyone else." He said that his clothes became torn, that he had no soap for bathing, and little food. He began to think that he had made a mistake and that life was better under colonialism. "Then in my downtrodden position," he said, "I learned the beauty of the revolution. I learned that my suffering was to help others. My life now is to serve the people." Valentine was turned upside down, from being a conceited, selfish youth to becoming a person for others. "From my down-trodden position, I learned. ," he said. This is how God teaches all of us. When we are down and out; when we have lost what is precious to us; when we do not have all the answers; when we feel useless, lost, and alone: God reaches out and touches our pain, our suffering, our loss, turning our little daily deaths into new life. "She who loses her life will find it," God has promised. The happiest moments of my life were the times when I had the least, when, like Valentine, I was downtrodden and suffering with and for others. The three weeks I spent in solitary confine-ment in a Rhodesian prison, for instance, I had few material pos-sessions: a prison uniform, a lumpy bed, and lousy food. But this hardly mattered because the other prisoners reached out to me and welcomed me in their midst. They sang freedom songs at night and smuggled notes to me during the day. They even sent me food when they learned that I liked their African diet. I felt part of something bigger than myself. I was suffering for a cause, and the pain and fear no longer mattered because I was not alone. I was with the oppressed people, and God was there with us in our prison cells. I had this same experience of solidarity and closeness to God in the refugee camps deep in the forests of Mozambique. There I was the one who was weak and powerless. I did not know how to survive in the forest, so the children became my caretakers and guides. They would keep me company to cheer me up; they would teach me their language and share with me any special treats like sugarcane or maputi (a kind of popcorn). They were ministering 196 Review for Religious to me. I did not have to produce or perform, but merely to be there with them in their exile from home. This incarnational approach from within is very different from the balcony approach, where we stand outside and above, pointing fingers at what is wrong and telling others to change. Too often church people, including us religious, stand on our bal-conies criticizing and throwing stones at the world instead of immersing ourselves in the pain and suffering of the poor and oppressed, as Christ did. This immersion enables us to see the world from a new perspective. It is what turns us upside down. Evangelization Is Prophetic When we have been changed, then we are ready to change the world together with the victims. I remember an African sis-ter in Zimbabwe, Sister Marie Theresa Paulino, who explained to me how she became involved in assisting the freedom fighters during the war of liberation. "I thought of Jesus carrying his cross," she told me. "Everyone stood on the sidelines and watched. Only one woman had courage and came forward to wipe his face with her veil. I decided that I could not stand on the sidelines and watch my people suffering, but like Veronica I must have courage and do something to help." She was a nurse. She would disguise herself as a peasant woman, tie her medical instruments around her waist, and walk long distances to mountain caves where she would treat freedom fighters who had been wounded. This was a very risky thing to do. She could have been arrested and even killed if caught by the government authorities. Who knows what the church authorities would have done if they had known of this single sister's act of courage to wipe the face of her suffering people? Each of us is called to have this kind of courage, to wipe the faces of suffering people: the homeless in our streets, the drug addicts, the AIDS patients, the gangs in our inner cities, the sin-gle mothers, the abused and abandoned children, the new immi-grants. I have discovered in the months that I have been back in the United States that there are endless problems here needing to be solved. In fact, it seems tp me that the people of the United States are much more needy than the people I have known in Africa; people in this country of excess and abundance are in dan-ger of losing their souls. Marcb-Atrril 1993 197 McLaugblin ¯ Evangelization Prophetic action is needed to turn the values of this country upside down. We need more than a new president or a new congress or a balanced budget, though these might help. We need more than family values, though these too might help. If we want to save this country, save this planet, and save ourselves, we must return to the radical message of Christ in the gospels. What would the world look like if we truly walked in the footsteps of Christ? Do you think we would turn back Haitians fleeing the poverty and violence in their country? Would we exonerate the police-men who beat up Rodney King? Would we doubt Anita Hill? Would we bomb Iraq or any other so-called enemy? Would defense be our largest industry? Would we fail to sign environ-mental treaties at the Earth Summit? Would we allow thousands of Africans to die of starvation? Would we walk by the homeless in our streets? Would we allow violence and sex to dominate our television and movie screens? Would we let money rule our lives and rob our souls? Someone must stand up and say that t.he emperor has no clothes. Emperors, whether in the church or in society, do not like being reminded of their nakedness, and so we can expect to be condemned and criticized. Do we expect that we his servants should not suffer as Christ, our master, has suffered all these things for our sakes? Let me tell you of a friend of mine in Zimbabwe, Father Michael Lapsley. He is an Anglican priest from New Zealand who has spend all of his adult life condemning the sin of apartheid in South Africa. He was deported from South Africa and from Lesotho. Then two years ago in Harare he opened a package that had come to him from South Africa. It was a letter bomb. It blew off both his hands and destroyed one of his eyes. When I went to see him in the hospital a few days after the bombing, he had two bandaged stumps where his hands had been and a gaping hole that had held his eye. If it had been me, I would rather have been dead. But Michael was cheerful, and he said, "The Boers took my hands and my eye, but they left me my most powerful weapon, my tongue. And with my tongue I will continue to denounce apartheid until the day I die." This is what it means to evangelize the world, to live as Christ did and in so doing to change the world. 198 Reviev; for Religious Evangelization Is Rooted in Prayer We cannot hope to lead such radical lives without the sup-port of prayer. Prayer will give us the courage to take risks, the wisdom to expose the lies of our society, and the strength to join the victims. My understanding of prayer, too, been changed by my expe-rience in Africa. The African leader and philosopher Leopold Senghor has said, "Faith here [in Africa] is as essential to the soul as is bi'ead, rice, or honey to the body. Africans' gift to humankind is their ability to.perceive the supernatural as something really natural--so to speak." Creation spirituality, then, is nothing new to the people of Africa. It is their cul-ture and their way of life. They do not dis-tinguish between the sacred and the secukir. God is perceived as being tru.ly present everywhere and in all things. So they respect other human beings as the temples of God, and they respect the earth and all its creatures as God's dwelling place. African spirituality is all-embracing; there is nothing outside its scope. During Zimbabwe's war of lib-eration, for instance, the traditional religious leaders set down rules of conduct for the freedom fighters. VChile these spiritual men and women who are prophets, healers, bringers of rain, and mediums between the living and the dead were not able to prevent the war, they were able to humanize it by forbidding the needless shedding of blood and the destruction of wildlife and vegetation. African religion thus played an important role in introducing spir-itual norms and values into the freedom struggle. A recent article about prayer from South Africa's Institute for Contextual Theology points out the surprising fact that Jesus had not been teaching his disciples how to pray. They had to ask him. The article explains that Jesus wanted his followers to experience prayer as a need rather than a duty, and notes that there is no commandment in the Bible which says, "Thou shalt pray." It goes on to explain that prayer is like eating and sleeping. Unless there is something wrong with us, we will all eventually feel the need for food and for sleep. The same is true of prayer. How we pray will vary with each person and with our situation. Prayer will give us the courage to take risks, the wisdom to expose the lies of our society, and the strength to join the victims. March-April 1993 199 McLaughlin ¯ Evangelization Africa has taught me to be still and listen to God speaking through all creation and through the people and events I encounter each day. It has taught me to take time for silent pr.ayer, as well as to join in religious celebrations of the people. I have learned to trust the action of God in my life and in other people, rather than trying to do everything myself. Conclusion Life, then, is a journey towards God and with God. Evangelization involves becoming aware of this presence of God in our lives and then sharing this knowledge with others. I believe that this awareness grows when we immerse ourselves in the real-ity of the poor, whether in Zimbabwe, New York, or New South Wales. Their suffering and their faith shatter our complacency, forcing us to question all our preconceptions and prejudices, turn-ing us upside down. We can either become cynical, hopeless, and bitter, or we can face our own powerlessness and grow in faith, hope, and trust in God. Steve Biko, the South African leader who was tortured and died in prison, once said that comfort and security are incom-patible with leadership. I would add that they are incompatible with religious life. We will rarely be turned upside down in the comfort and security of our middle-class convents, spending all our time looking inward at our own spiritual growth. When we come down from our balconies and go out to oth-ers, especially the outcasts and the most needy, we will come alive. It is prophetic just to take the poor seriously in this society where wealth, possessions, and power mean so much. I should add that as women we are also among the poor and the oppressed because we have so little power in our society and in our church. Making the voices of the poor heard in our churches, homes, and offices and in the corridors of power throughout this land can make a difference. I firmly believe that we religious women can turn this society upside down. Let us do it! 200 Review for Religious Questions for reflection and sharing: i. Reflect on some of the turning points in your own life. How were you turned upside down? 2. What do you think needs to be turned upside down in your present situation? 3. What do you think needs to be turned upside down in this society? 4. What action will you take to make at least one of these changes? A Daughter's Monologue with Her Mother You are my child now. Now, you are my child. You may raise your brows at my leaving, or close your eyes on approach, wanting more nearly to turn toward the wall, to shut out the world long since set aside; one you no longer speak to. I will make room for your mood; your darkness, delight. You are my child now; who shall I name you ? You are my child now. There's no wanting in you but ¯ merits my care. You can wear soft hair in brhiding or turned in a bun. Neither will burnish my love nor undo it. Rest quietly, then, macushla. You can't disappoint me. Just who you are is my best expectation. You are my child now; I am the mother. Ann Maureen Gallagher IHM March-April 1993 201 MARIO I. AGUILAR Broken African Pots and a Mission Spirituality MwisSionary work in Africa has for years been associated ith lonely and courageous missionaries, single indi-viduals or very small communities of religious and lay people who have preached the gospel on the African continent in very diffi-cult circumstances. While the former facts are true in some way, in this article I want to look at the particular experience of a group of religious women and men working in Garba Tulla, Kenya, and their own sense of achievement and failure. Although this case is a very localized one, it opens the way to another understanding of missionary spirituality and, I would say, missionary work. I kvill focus, not on missionary strategies--that would constitute mate-rial for missiological studies--but on African pottery. I believe it can help to illustrate a spirituality for mission. In this article I assert that spiritual fulfillment, failure, and possible despair in missionary work are directly related to our own expectations coming from our own sense of achievement and self-understanding. The particular goals and expectations that missionaries arrive with permeate their sense of fulfillment and failurein their missionary work. What one person considers to be success and fulfillment can seem to be failure and reason for despair to somebody else. For this reason I suggest that the African way of making pottery could help us discover God's pres- Mario I. Aguilar SVD has taught Scripture and religious studies in Kenya and anthropology at the University of Vienna. His present address is: School of Oriental and African Studies; Department of Anthropology; Thornhaugh St. Russell Square; London WC1H 0XG; England. 202 Revie~ for Religious ence in different cultures--something I would consider the final goal in missionary work and in our own search for a spirituality of mission. On the other hand, there is this about African pottery: it involves making, breaking, and remaking pots. It is a constant process, one which never ends. Garba Tulla Parish: A Case Study The parish of the Good Shepherd (Parokia Tissitu Dansa) of Garba Tulla is located in the Isiolo deanery of the diocese of Meru, Eastern Kenya. The parish as such was created in 1987, after years of being an outstation of the Isiolo parish and then a so-called Catholic mission. By most people it is still considered the Garba Tulla Catholic Mission. Located in a semidesert area and in the middle of Garba Tulla town, it has a very short history as a so-called missionary presence among th~ Boorana people of the area. From the late 1970s, priests from the Isiolo parish (120 kilo-meters away) had gone to Garba Tulla, mainly on weekends, in order to celebrate the Eucharist with the Catholics who worked in the area. It cannot be denied that their missionary presence was oriented towards the conversion of the Muslim Boorana towards Christianity and specifically towards the Catholic Church.' In 1985 one priest and two brothers established their resi-dence for the first time at the Catholic Mission in Garba Tulla, but my case study begins in 1986, when a group of religious sisters joined the men religious who had been working in the area. At that time the missionary personnel working in Garba Tulla started considering themselves a team, a mission team of religious rather than a number of individuals working in the area. In a deanery where most of the priests come from diocesan backgrounds, this missionary team of religious constituted a novelty. Regarding a missionary strategy, the team went through stages of understanding their presence and work in the area. During the first stage, 1986-1987, the team moved towards being a Christian presence among the people, i3ut with the spiritual goal of fulfill-ment through the conversion of Muslims to the gospel. Their sense of spiritual fulfillment in mission came from the fact of their presence there and from the hopeful possibility that some Muslims would eventually believe in the gospel. New enterprises and new expectations, especially for a team Marcb-~lt~il 1993 203 Aguilar ¯ Broken African Pots Each one of the religious on the team felt that his or her spiritual fulfillment depended on the implementation of a particular model of mission. which had just arrived in the area, provided a time of search for strategies and for a religious spirituality that stressed God's dia-logue with his people, but also stressed the need people have for Christ as the ultimate revelation of God. That was expressed in the creation of many projects of development and in efforts to form a praying community among the team, because of the lack of Christians from the Boorana people of Garba Tulla themselves. The team comprised seven people, who came from seven different countries--a nat-ural richness, one would say. Nevertheless, it created a deep crisis of purpose, because of the different understandings of mission work present among members of the team. By 1987 the leader of the team was changed under difficult circumstances, and a search for a new purpose began once again. There was a new sense of searching for fulfillment after the damage caused by the team's fail-ures of communication and understanding had somehow been repaired. (I believe that those scars will never be healed completely.) The spiritual failure felt by the team was ¯ explained as part of the problem of having a team with individuals of different nationalities and therefore with different models of mission. There were ethnocentric tones to the problem as well; people failed to understand one another's attitudes. Nevertheless, I would say that, by itself, the variety of spiritualities present in the team caused enough internal tensions for a complete breakdown in communication and cooperation. Each one of the religious on the team felt at one point or another that his or her spiritual fulfillment depended on the implementa-tion of a particular model of mission. New attempts to unite the team around a particular model of mission work have in reality also failed, even as new leaders in the team have moved to a second stage, dialogue with the Muslim community, and a third stage, the strengthening of the parish. Those two attempts provided a complete change from the above-mentioned first stage, which was concerned with the actual con-version of the Muslim community towards Christianity. This case could sound like a very familiar story among reli- 204 Review for Religious gious, but to me it posed many questions regarding spiritual ful-fillment, acceptance, failure, and even despair in missionary work. The result of that time of tension was a new beginning, a new search. Years later the team is still searching for answers. Years later different nationalities are still trying to understand what went wrong with those religious at that time, and the scars are still present. As a member of the team which followed the 1987 crisis, I asked myself many times if what actually went wrong was con-nected, not to mission strategies, but rather to a very limited understanding of a spirituality for mission. That mission team ran out of their spiritual resources as religious because they failed to accept that personal fulfillment also requires failures and even despair at certain times of our lives. It is in this sense that I pro-pose that African pottery provides a model that fits our need for spiritual fulfillment and the presence of God in our lives. Success and Failure in an African Pot In 1992 I had the wonderful opportunity to sit surrounded by potters at a village of the Nkhoma mountains in Malawi. The potters were women who belong to the Chewa people. I was acquainted with the art of pottery in my home country, Chile, and also as a religious I had explored the possibility of prayer involving the use of clay and pottery, with very limited results. But now I felt the need to relate a spirituality for mission, based on my experience in Kenya, to the feelings and events of those days spent under the sun in the mountains of Malawi. Among the Chewa people, women produce pottery while men weave mats. A group of women sit in front of a house, surrounded by their children. Usually one woman has learned the techniques of pottery from another village and teaches the others. The clay is prepared by being pounded in a mortar so as to eliminate impu-rities. Pottery making begins when the woman takes a lump of clay and proceeds to pick out of it the hard little pieces that are still present and would cause problems as the clay is molded. The complete process is simple and at the same time elaborate; skill comes only with practice. The more pots you make, the more skilled you become. The clay is pounded with the palms of both hands till it becomes like a flat plate. Then it is slapped at the sides, till the March-April 1993 205 Aguilar ¯ Broken African Pots A broken pot is never thrown away; it becomes an important part of the process of making new pots. actual form of a vessel begins to appear. This is done with round movements of the hands, with the clay in the air. The shoulders give a certain rhythm to this hard process. A lot of strength is required to shape the clay, and what looks like easy work---and fun, too, in a way--is really hard physical work. The potter's hands become hard and dirty. (A skillful potter can make six or seven new pots in a morning's work.) Finally the pot begins to take shape, and what was a piece of clay looks like a new creation. The whole activity of pottery making is witnessed by a group of the village com-munity. Small girls try their luck at pot-tery making. They mold smaller pieces of clay into small pots, their own contribu-tion to village life and a particular com-munity activity. Less-skilled women who are still learning the potter's art are helped regularly by those who have more experi-ence and skill. The whole activity becomes a community activity, in which individu-als are not ashamed of being helped in their process of pottery making. Individual women are encouraged by others with the phrases "Press harder, . Push the clay up," "Make sure both of your hands are molding the clay," and so forth. There is a constant concern for each other. At the proper moment the new, shaped piece of clay is placed on pieces of broken pots that have been spread out on the ground. Those pieces come from pots which broke while being fired or broke while being used for cooking on the family fire. Broken pots, therefore, are still useful for the community in their cre-ative activity. A broken pot is never thrown away; it becomes an important part of the process of making new pots. Broken pots symbolize the continuity of a particular village, where new pots could not be made and would not exist without the contribution made by those broken pots. The past of a people is symbolized by the broken pots, which become part of a present and provide con-tinuity for the future of a people who need to be fed in order to have a future. In the pottery process the potters constandy apply water to the 206 Review for Religious clay while they shape it. The broken pots and the water both con-tribute to the making of new pots. The clay placed on the broken pieces of pottery lies at arms' length in front of the potter as she sits spread-legged on the grtund. When one asks the women why they work this way, they simply say it l~as always been like this. For my part, I am reminded of the act of giving birth. Just in front of the womb, a new creation is b.eing shaped and brought to "life." The process is like giving birth, I could not help thinking how distant, by contrast, from the work of their hands first-world potters appear to be, while in the African villages there is a close union between the potter and her creation, the new pot, nourishment and new life for her own village and community. A piece of wood is used to shape the sides of the pot. The bottom of the pot is shaped with a knife. The inside is cleared of any extra superfluous clay, and the pot is left to dry in the sun-- except during October, when the pots are shaded from the very strong sun of that time of year. After the clay has dried some-what, the pot is smoothed with a stone and decorated and is then ready for firing. Mthough the potter may modify the traditional line-and-dot patterns of decoration, there is a tendency.towards a good deal of continuity. When a woman ig learning pottery, she is taught how the lines and dots are "supposed to be." The process of firing the pots, which takes place some days later, provides a very interesting sight. The pots are lined up and covered.with leaves and branches, Thes~ are then set on fire. The whole community sit~ around the fire and watches as a few women take care of it. There is~ a great sense of expectation as the proc.ess goes on. Some pots will break. Others will come through in good shape and will be ready ftr the final decorations made with some roots~ while the pots are still hot. The "paint" for the decorations (red and black) is provided by local roots which the commufiity also associates with initiation and maturation.' When I was present for the first time, only one pot out of ten broke during the firing process--considered a real success by the community. Usually more pots break. Following the firing of the pots, the whole community cele-brates the event with a meal. After all, the community itself will store and cook their food in those pots and will also generate some income when they sell some of the pots at the local market. March-April 199~ 207 Aguilar ¯ Broken African Pots Not every region produces pots, for the right kind of soil is pres-ent only in the dry areas of the Nldaoma mountains. Wonderfully, the dry soil of arid mountains is the means of feeding these com-munities and thus sustaining life. Creating and Breaking Pots in Mission Work It seems to me that when one talks about potters and pottery, one assumes (as in Jeremiah 18:1-6) that God is the potter and we are those pots of clay that he is molding. What would happen if we consider ourselves the potters and that the clay symbolizes the cultures and peoples we are trying to evangelize, such as the Boorana of Garba Tulla, Kenya? When a mission community moves in and establishes itself, a particular group of people encounters another particular group of people. Each group has its own culture. The so-called "mission-aries" have the idea of forming a Christian community with the other group. Their effort can be compared to the making of pots, for that process, too, is culturally shaped, and people's expectations derive from tradition. Without excluding the possibility of lay people being mis-sionaries and therefore "makers of pots," I will explore these con-cepts with reference to Garba Tulla and its particular makers of pots and the particular missionary community in the parish of the Good Shepherd. The potters involved here came from different cultures. They all had experience of pottery making, and all of them recognized that it could be done only in a particular, culturally constructed way. Pottery making as the creation, subsistence, and growth of a Christian community required a certain experience and a certain risk. All those missionary religious had already experienced mis-. sionary work in other cultures and had brought with them whole bundles of assumed knowledge and expectations. Because of those past experiences, the process of learning pottery making in the Garba Tulla context was already shaped by their backgrounds. There were no teachers involved in this pottery making. Each one just did as he or she knew best. The clay had been prepared by the Italian missionaries who had lived among the Boorana before. When the new potters took over, there was no period of preparation, and the process of mak-ing the pot began immediately. The pot had to be shaped accord- 208 Review for Religious ing to the potters' expectations, and everyone's expectations were different. Although fulfillment, success, and failure can be assumed in the community of African women making pottery, there was no sense of one community of pot-ters among those missionaries. The making of pots was being done individually; different pot-tery techniques were being used. While it is true that a pot is a pot and not something else, the same word when used by different peo-ple evokes different images, shapes, and colors. And so, with-out some discussion and planning and some exchange and dialogue concerning the matter, there is no way to know somebody else's ideas about the making of pots-- or the making of a Christian community. While a pot is being made, much cooperation is needed. People offer each other valuable suggestions about the shape and consistency of a pot. The water needed for making the pots needs to be shared cooperatively. But for both potters and missioners, the process of firing a pot is the crucial moment of. fulfillment or failure. Without some discussion and planning and some exchange and dialogue concerning the matter, there is no way to know somebody else's ideas about the making of pots-- or the making of a Christian community. Towards a Spirituality of Broken Pots The pots need to be fired in order to be ready for use. In fir-ing, the makers of pots learn how successful their work has been. After the ashes are cleared, some of the pots will be found broken and later find themselves part of a new effort to make pottery. The time when the community witnesses the firing of pots is a very exciting time. A whole community effo]'t is being judged and evaluated. Our Western attitude looks almost exclusively at the result: if the pots that have broken amount to none or only a few, then the whole exercise has been a great success. If the bro-ken pots are numerous, then the whole community exercise is a disaster. March-April 1993 209 Aguilar ¯ Broken African Pots Even if all the pots break and there is none left, they still rejoice because they have exercised a community moment, they have strengthened their common effort to keep their community fed. The African attitude toward such evaluations is completely different, and it hassomething to contribute to a missionary spir-ituality. Very few times in their lives hive the potters seen no broken pots after the firing. Even when a great number of pots breaks, they rejoice in the sturdy few that will increase the num-ber of cooking pots or the income of their community. Even if all the pots break and there is none left, they still rejoice because theyhave exercised a community moment, they have s.trengthened .their common effort to keep their community fed. If the number of new pots is none, they still have the broken pots, which are needed for the making of new ones. With these thoughts in mind, I consider no missionary effort ever to be in vain; any attempt at community life and at preaching the gospel through that community life cannot be in vain. Even the¯ so-called "fhil-ure" of the religious missionary team in Garba Tulla at a particular time, has aided new attempts to proclaim the gospel among the Boorana peo-ple. Through the life of those reli-gious, broken pots have become new pots once again. New expectations have arisen, and new people have arrived. Once again some individuals have disagreed with one another, but new expec-tations l~ave been created. Some will become'broken pots, others goo.d pots, but they will all eventually be part of each other. If'one looks at success and fulfillment and at failure and frus-tration in mission work, one realizes that the fulfillment or frus-tration among religious does not come from the visible or measurable results, but from the attitude towards those events. The sense of expectation and purpose in a religious community is the guide to the true meaning of fulfillment or frustration in mis-sionary work. Of those religious who served in Garba Tulla dur-ing that time of "crisis," some would consider that period a failure because the objectives of the planned mission work were not real-ized. Others, instead, would see tl~at period as a fulfilling and 210 Review for "Religiom. gratifying one because they provided it the much-needed experi-ence of learning how to cooperate on an international religious team. Success and failure among religious men and women can-not be evaluated in a simple empirical way, as in the business world, but they coincide with our own attitude towards the whole process of preparation for that particular time in our lives and towards the spiritual fruits which can appear during that time and afterwards. Further Points for Reflection. The lessons for a spirituality for mission based on the process of molding and firing pottery can be summarized in the follow-ing points: ¯ The whole process calls for an openness to the Spirit so as to recognize the whole process as already a "success." ¯ We need to accept that we are always learning and that oth-ers are also learning. The whole process of going through a learn-ing period in our lives is also a success. Hopefully that process of learning will never end. ¯ Pottery cannot be properly made by one person; it has to be a community effort, because we all need others to help us. Religious doing missionary work also need others in order to bear fruit and make new beautiful pots. ¯ Different people have learned pottery from different teach-ers and designs from different regions and villages. The beauty of it lies in its diversity. The success in our process of learning pot-tery comes from the realization that a proper diversity brings beauty and opportunities for exchange and dialogue. When reli-gious come from different countries and different cultures, they also experience success if they are able to recognize and appreci-ate the beauty of their diversity. ¯ The pot of water that is shared by the potters is needed for the flow of moisture in the making of pots. That water is passed around when somebody realizes that somebody else is in need: the other person's pot is also my concern. Success in missionary work begins when one realizes that all persons, including even oneself, need water at one point or another. The fact of caring for one another's project is already a success in life. ¯ The broken pots become important because they symbolize the continuity of a group of people, of a community. They are March-April 1993 211 Aguilar ¯ Broken African Pots used in a new effort to make pots for the community, for the stor-ing and preparing of food for the life of the community. The bro-ken pots become more important than the good pots because the pots that turn out fine after firing will eventually be sold to mem-bers of another community. The broken pots provide continuity of life that the village community needs. Maybe a spirituality for mission could be called a spirituality of broken pots: the more pots we break, the more successful we are, for we have experienced the past and present community pulling together, and we have recognized the need for others if we are to be successful. A spirituality of broken pots would recognize the need to accept that we cannot fully control the firing pro-cess. Whatever we do, some pots may end up broken, and so there is the possibility of trying again. Other pots may turn out well and then, in one way or another, will help the community to serve other people, even other potters, and people in other villages. The broken pots retain their unique importance because they provide the foundation for a new making of pots and thus for the food and life of the community. I feel that a spirituality for mis-sion should be a spirituality of broken pots--and that a spiritual-ity of broken pots always creates success, as Jeremiah shows: "So I went down to the potter's house; and there he was, working at the wheel. And whenever the vessel he was making came out wrong, as happens with the clay handled by potters, he would start afresh and work it into another vessel, as potters do." Note 1 See M.I. Aguilar, "Nagaa: Centro de Encuentro con el Islam," Chile Misionero, 9 (1992), and "Dialogue with Boorana Religion: A Path of the Gospel in Garba Tulla, Eastern Kenya," The Seed (Nairobi), October 1992. Review for Religious MICHAEL D. MOGA A Spirituality of Aging In life we are confronted with many spiritualities and are frequently forced to make a choice among them. There is the spirituality dis6nctive of a diocesan priest and there are many spiritualities of religious life. The spirituality of a contemplative religious is quite different from that of a religious engaged in the active apostolate. The spiritual-ities offered by oriental religions differ from those of Western religions. The theme of this paper is simple: the spirituality for an older person is quite different from the spirituality for a younger person. As we grow older the Spirit of God leads us through certain approaches and principles that are distinctive to the particular period of life in which we find ourselves. Human life is constantly changing and we are chal-lenged to move with those changes. We move through the stages of childhood and maturity into old age which demand that we leave behind one way of living to face life in a new and different way. The adjustments are difficult and may take many years to accomplish. The change from maturity to old age challenges us once again to leave something behind and to adjust to a new situation of life. Like the passage from childhood to maturity this new change presents us with a difficult Michael D. Moga SJ has taught philosophy in various seminar-ies and colleges in Mindanao. His address is Xavier University; Cagayan de Oro City; Philippines. aging christ March-April 1993 213 Moga ¯ A Spirituality of Aging adjustment which will demand a great deal of effort and pain before it is fully accomplished. I find it strange that a rather long portion of time and edu-cation (as much as 40-45 years) can be set aside to prepare a per-son for adult life whereas little or no attention or time is devoted to planning for one's final phase of life (which can sometimes last as long as 25 or 30 years)! In our early training as religious we were presented with a certain spirituality that for the most part fitted the life of a young person. It emphasized generosity ("to give and not to count the cost"), high ideals (working for "the greater glory of God"), and commitment. This spirituality was exemplified in a saint like Francis Xavier who lived a life of generous commitment until his early death at 46. He did not live long enough to face the need to change his spirituality. A spirituality for an aging religious must, of necessity, be quite different. I suggest that John the Baptist, who said: "He must increase and I must decrease," would be a fine model. John saw that his disciples were leaving him and following Jesus. He sensed that his basic work was completed and his role in God's plan had been fulfilled. He accepted all of this. He did not try to hold on to his disciples nor did he need to continue his previous work of preparing for the Messiah. He stepped back and let Jesus pro-claim his message, trusting that God was working through Jesus and through others. In a spirit of trust he lived his statement: "He must increase and I must decrease." Aging religious find themselves in the situation of John the Baptist. As they grow older many things are taken from them. As they diminish in body, mind, and spirit their influence in the world around them is lessened, and they are called upon to find God in these losses. Instead of emphasizing generosity as they did as a young religious, they are called to accept these dimin-ishments and even to rejoice in them. The total commitment to apostolic work of the young religious is set aside. Instead of giv-ing themselves more fully to apostolic involvement, aging reli-gious are called to withdraw from such involvements. Above all they are called to trust, to believe that as they decrease, Jesus increases. They are called to trust that their diminishment is part of God's way of furthering the kingdom. A spirituality of aging can take many different forms. Let me present a few of them. 214 Review for Religious 1. The spirituality of an old person should include a serious preparation for death. Death is not simply something that happens to us. It is one of the most important actions of our lives, for in death we go back to God. Such an important movement of our lives should be given due attention and concern. Just as in our younger lives we took the choice of our careers very seriously, so is death a similar crucial moment which deserves to be treated with similar seriousness and to be prepared for. The period of aging has been given to us by God as a time of intense preparation for death. It would be a mistake to be so busy with our work and other affairs that we give no time, thought, or effort to this approaching event in our lives. We may want to die with our boots on but such an attitude may possibly manifest a lack of faith. We are, of course, called by God to do our share of the work of building the kingdom. But our faith affirms that we are called by God to pass beyond ~his world to live with him in an eternal kingdom. It would be wrong in our present lives to be so occupied with the "God of this world" that we ignore that "God of the future" and the life that he calls us to. One way that we prepare for death is to begin to put things aside. Since in death we will be forced to leave our involvements in this world, a preparation would be to step back from these involvements, to become less absorbed in our concern for the achievement of goals and the attainment of success. Nature aids such stepping back from involvements. For an aging person the world often becomes rather "tasteless." The process of aging may not only reduce the sensitivity of our taste buds but also diminish our hunger for the activities and concerns of the world around us. We can find ourselves not caring which basketball team is the champion this year, which songs are the most popular, or who is the most popular movie star. When we were young such things made a difference, but as we grow older we find ourselves losing touch with these "popular" concerns. The tendency to lose touch need not be conceived as a sad thing, a loss. It is clearly the way nature guides us to turn away from unimportant things and to focus our lives on what is more Aging religious find themselves in the situation of John the Baptist. March-April 1993 215 Moga ¯ ~1 Spirituality of Aging essential--on the death that is coming, on the God we are soon to meet. Thus as we prepare for death we are challenged to free ourselves from all that is unimportant in life. In our journey through life we easily let ourselves get caught up in concerns, possessions, and habitual ways of thinking and being. How won-derful it would be if the contemplation of death could make us truly "free" of all these petty things so that we might live for what is truly important. Preparing for ~something means that we focus on it. The preparation for death demands a positive focus on that meeting with God which is found in death. Preparing for death thus invites us to turn toward God and give ourselves directly to God. Older religious shbuld be freed from apostolic involvements precisely so that they might have more time for prayer, more time for God. Every year we prepare to meet God in our celebration of Advent. During Advent we join with the people of the Old Covenant in their "waiting for God." We also join with Mary as she waits for her child to be born. During Advent we Christians give our energies to "waiting," to living out our waiting in a full and complete way. The lives of aging religious can embody this spirit of Advent and be filled with a "waiting for God." 2. A challenge to accept. One major characteristic of a spiritu-ality of aging is its emphasis on a person's acceptance of dimin-ishment. As we grow older various things are taken from us. There is a basic lessening of energies as we grow older. Vision and hear-ing begin to deteriorate. Health fails as we encounter various ill-nesses and pains. Control over one