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Under pressure from a rebellion, an international intervention, and comprehensive sanctions, Muammar al-Qaddafi's regime is on the verge of collapse. As of late March 2011, regime forces are focussed on retaining control of north-western Libya, raising the prospect of protracted civil war and partition. Qaddafi's demise is a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for Libya's renewed stabilisation. The post-Qaddafi state will essentially have to be built from scratch. However, political players will likely be more focussed on the redistribution of wealth than on building state institutions. Scenarios for the post-Qaddafi era include a new deal among former regime elites that would lead to renewed instability in the medium-term, or a more protracted, but ultimately more sustainable, state-building process. Hastening Qaddafi's fall should be the main priority of Germany and other EU member states now. External actors should also support the Interim National Council as the nucleus of a post-Qaddafi government. However, they should refrain from playing an active role in the state-building process that will follow Qaddafi's demise, as this would risk discrediting the process

Advances in neuroscience are beginning to shape law and public policy, giving rise to the field of "neurolaw." The impact of neuroscientific evidence on how laws are written and interpreted in practice will depend in part on how neurolaw is understood by the public. Drawing on a nationally representative telephone survey experiment, this article presents the first evidence on public approval of neurolaw. We find that the public is generally neutral in its support for neuroscience-based legal reforms. However, how neurolaw is framed affects support based on partisanship: Republicans' approval of neurolaw decreases when neuroscience is seen as primarily serving to reduce offender culpability, whereas Democrats' approval is unaffected by how neurolaw is framed. These results suggest that both framing and partisanship may shape the future of neuroscience-based reforms in law and policy.

Intro -- Title Page -- Acknowledgments, Dedications, Permissions, and Copyrights -- Introduction -- Chapter 1: State Religious Education -- Chapter 2: State Religious Education and the Question of Religious Purpose -- Chapter 3: In Defense of State Religious Education -- Chapter 4: State Religious Education and the Defense of Religious Vitality -- Chapter 5: State Religious Education and Religious Vitality -- Chapter 6: Securitizing American Public Education in the Age of Multiculturalism -- Chapter 7: State Religious Education, Further Reasons for Concern -- Chapter 8: State Religious Education and Global Civil Religion -- Chapter 9: An Open Conclusion -- Bibliography.

Bergerson reviews 'Governing Partners: State-Local Relations in the United States' edited by Russell L. Hanson.

Zimmerman reviews 'Governing Partners: State-Local Relations in the United States' edited by Russell L. Hanson.

Given the fact that two-thirds of all intrastate wars since 1945 have included foreign interventions, what drives sovereign states to support non-state conflict parties? In order to understand causes and calculations of this particular type of third party intervention, this book connects some of the most important contemporary debates in international relations, ranging from security cooperation between states and non-state actors to the effects of intervention on both local conflict dynamics and interstate relations. Presenting a new theoretical framework and a multidimensional concept of support (endorsement, hosting, as well as financial and military assistance), this book establishes a systematic path between international as well as domestic incentives and specific types of sponsorship policies. In a subsequent comparative analysis, the author examines conditions and dynamics of Syria's cooperation with Fatah, the Kurdistan Workers' Party, and Hizballah from 1964 to 2006.

Given the fact that two-thirds of all intrastate wars since 1945 have included foreign interventions, what drives sovereign states to support non-state conflict parties? In order to understand causes and calculations of this particular type of third party intervention, this book connects some of the most important contemporary debates in international relations, ranging from security cooperation between states and non-state actors to the effects of intervention on both local conflict dynamics and interstate relations. Presenting a new theoretical framework and a multidimensional concept of support (endorsement, hosting, as well as financial and military assistance), this book establishes a systematic path between international as well as domestic incentives and specific types of sponsorship policies. In a subsequent comparative analysis, the author examines conditions and dynamics of Syria's cooperation with Fatah, the Kurdistan Workers' Party, and Hizballah from 1964 to 2006.

Validly due and payable state and local taxes often go unpaid because the absent tax debtor chooses not to pay voluntarily and has no assets from which the tax debt can be collected in the taxing state. He often has assets elsewhere, but they may be difficult for the tax creditor to discover and to reach. Only a few years ago out-of-state assets could not be reached at all, nor could the tax debtor himself be reached except within the taxing state, in its own courts, and by its own legal processes. Formerly, no state would use its law or its courts to enforce the penal or the revenue laws of another state. As to claims based upon penal laws, this inhospitality to some extent still persists, although the definition of penality for that purpose is being narrowed.' With respect to claims based upon revenue laws, however, the legal attitude has changed. As is often the case, this change was initiated by a few thoughtful common law courts and then was taken up by the state legislatures. Today it is generally possible for a state or its subordinate units to maintain tax collection actions in most of the sister states. Yet such revenue collecting lawsuits seldom are brought and are not always successful when brought. Attempted evasion of tax obligations is no small matter, and movement from state to state affords a large part of the opportunity for it. Sales and use taxes normally are collected from sellers of goods, and an in-state seller can be investigated with reasonable thoroughness. Such an investigation often is not possible with out-of-state sellers, and it is probable that large amounts of use taxes are never collected from them.' Income taxes can be evaded by nonresidents who earn income in a state then remove themselves and the income before taxes can be collected, and also by residents who move from the state before tax collection. Moreover, withholding can reach only a portion of these absentees. Death taxes provide another of several examples of levies that can be minimized through interstate slippage. ...

At head of title: State of New York. Department of social welfare. David C. Adie, commissioner. ; Mode of access: Internet.

In choosing strategies of state capture (the extraction of private benefits by incumbent officeholders from the state), rulers choose whether to share rents with popular constituencies and whether to tolerate competition. These choices are conditioned by existing organizational endowments, the costs of buying support, and the trade-off between the cost and probability of exit from office. In turn, both rent distribution and competition result in distinct configurations of state capture: clientelism, predation, fusion, exploitation, and the formation of specific state institutions and capacities.

AbstractFederalism scholars have increasingly recognized the impact of state attorneys general in national politics. State attorneys general also are in a unique position to contribute to the development and application of state law through their advisory opinion duties. I examine advisory opinion activity on state constitutional questions across all states for 2016–2018 in the context of legal, institutional, and political explanations developed in studies of attorney general behavior and judicial decision-making. Most opinions addressed issues of finance, legislative power or local power and were most often issued to state legislators and local officials. Republican attorneys general in Southern states with similar political cultures were most active issuing opinions, with significant party collaboration between requesters and attorneys general.

At head of title: . State of New York. Department of social welfare. David C. Adie, commissioner of social welfare. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This article offers a synoptic narrative informed by a political anthropology that retraces the historical genesis of modern nation-state formation in Yemen, and describes the mechanisms of its reproduction as an explanatory prelude to the ultimate political implosion of both the Yemeni state and the national polity in the aftermath of the Arab Spring. The article elucidates the trajectory of the state's formation through the following tasks: First, it examines the catalytic factors and forces that structured the relations between the Yemeni state and the national polity, and systematically reviews the institutional and agential consequences in the form of endemic antinomies of governance, which resulted in the permanent structural disarticulation between state and nation. Second, it undertakes a history-embedded analysis of the state's adoption of an existential politics that led to a hybrid political system of elite patronage and mass clientelism. Third, it performs a structural anatomy of the state formation process that culminated in a cabalistic corporatist state exercising a consociational domination over a socio-geographically fragmented polity. And fourth, it assesses the impacts of Yemen's Arab Spring on the likely configuration of the nation-state nexus given the re-emergence of centrifugal forces that are threatening to sunder the nation into multiple regional polities.

"This contribution adopts a state- and regulation-theoretical approach to the welfare state in Europe and the more general issue of whether the EU operates more as a marionette or regisseur. I argue that the concepts of welfare and competition state are too vague to provide a useful account of recent transformations in European statehood and propose instead that a transition is now well under way from different forms of Keynesian national welfare state to different forms of Schumpeterian workfare postnational regime. I also reject the two competing descriptions of the European Union and suggest an-other, namely, that the EU is a co-dependent co-regisseur of the multilevel metagovernance of the contradictory and conflictual process of Europeanization in a still emerging world society. In this context I further argue that, while the EU is the dominant metagovernance instance within Europe in this regard, it is only a nodal instance of multilevel metagovernance on the global stage." (extract)