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Behavioral Economics: Evidence, Theory, and Welfare provides an engaging and accessible introduction to the motivating questions, real-world evidence, theoretical models, and welfare implications of behavioral economics concepts. Applications and examples-- from household decisions, finance, public finance, labor, business, health, development, politics, education, energy, and sports-- illustrate the broad relevance of behavioral economics for consumers, firms, markets, and policy makers alike. This textbook provides readers with both the intuition and analytical tools to apply behavioral economics concepts in understanding the complex social world. Each part of the book covers a key concept, beginningwith a range of empirical evidence that is anomalous within the standard economics framework. In light of this evidence, a second chapter introduces and applies a nonstandard behavioral modeling approach. The last chapter of each part explores market reactions and policy responses to individuals behaving in nonstandard ways. Numerous exercises of varying types and levels provide readers the opportunity to check and enrich their understanding. The book's clear structure orients readers to the many concepts of behavioral economics. It also highlights the process by which economists evaluate evidence and disentangle theories with different social welfare implications. Accessible to students from diverse economic backgrounds, this textbook is an ideal resource for courses on behavioural economics, experimental economics and related areas. The accompanying Solutions Manual further extends learning and engagement

Intro -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- List of Images -- 1 Introduction -- Western Drama: From Social Concerns to Social Change -- Theatre in the University and Beyond -- 2 Staging the Shoah: The Persecution of Jews in France Under German Occupation -- Bearing Witness: Charlotte Delbo -- Armand Gatti and "Concentration Camp Culture" -- Liliane Atlan and the "Theatre of Cruelty" -- Children of Drancy: A Montage of Voices -- Children of Drancy -- Bibliography: Sources and Further Reading on the Shoah in France -- 3 Theatre of and About the German Occupation of France and the French Resistance -- Theatre as Resistance? The Question of Sartre -- Jeanne D'Arc in Occupied France: Claude Vermorel -- Turncoats and Angels: Henry de Montherlant and Gilles Segal -- Theatre About the Resistance: Jean-Claude Grumberg and Charlotte Delbo -- Art as Resistance: The Eagle and the Cactus -- The Eagle and the Cactus -- Bibliography: Sources and Further Reading on the German Occupation of France and the French Resistance, 1940-1944 -- 4 Theatre of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict -- Israeli Theatre-The Early Years -- Israeli Theatre After the Six-Day War (1967) -- Israeli Theatre After the Yom Kippur War (1973) -- Israeli Theatre and the Lebanon War (1982-1985) -- Israeli Theatre and the First Intifada (1987-1991) -- Israeli Theatre in the New Millennium -- The "Israeli-Palestinian Conflict" on the International Stage -- Kafka in Palestine -- Bibliography: Sources and Further Reading on the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict -- Afterword -- Index.

An estimated 2 billion people live in countries affected by fragility, conflict and violence. Extreme poverty is increasingly concentrated in these areas, and governments and international agencies seek avenues to enable socio-economic recovery and to support people as they try to rebuild their lives and livelihoods. People, Aid and Institutions in Socio-economic Recovery: Facing Fragilities provides an in-depth understanding of people's strategies in the face of conflict and disaster-related fragility and examines how policies and aid interventions enable their socio-economic recovery - or fail to do so. Through field-based research, the book captures the complex and unfolding realities on the ground, exploring the interfaces between economic, social and institutional change. This provides a rich and unique vantage point from which to reflect on the impact of recovery policies. The book provides a set of cross-cutting findings that aim to inform policy and practice. The detailed case studies of the book lay bare key dynamics of recovery. Set against the findings from two chapters that review the literature, the cases provide evidence-based lessons for socio-economic recovery. The chapters combine qualitative and quantitative methodologies and form a valuable resource to researchers and postgraduate students of disaster management, conflict, humanitarian aid and social reconstruction, and development management.

This project scrutinises and examines the important role played by A.C. Jordan in the struggle for liberation of the African people in South Africa. The main objective of this research is to unveil and expatiate the extent to which A.C. Jordan used the African custom and culture to fight the oppression of blacks by whites in his novel, Ingqumbo Yeminyanya. In this book he highlights the conflict between Western Culture and Education, and African customs and tradition. Whilst at the same time showing the superiority of the African culture over the Western values and tradition. This raises the ire of the white folks like Shepherd, the editor. It led to Shepherd's refusal to publish this novel, causing a two- year delay in the publication of this book. The book was supposed to have been published in 1938, but was published in 1940. Literary experts in all aspects of literature generally, have commented extensively on the book of A.C. Jordan, Ingqumbo Yeminyanya, analysing the book from its original isiXhosa version, to its English, Afrikaans and other translations. To a great extent, past and current research by literary experts puts special emphasis on Jordan as a well renowned writer of note and well acclaimed academic who has made tremendous contribution in the development of African literature. However, very few of these experts delve into Jordan's political activity and involvement in the fight against oppression and liberation of the Black's in South Africa and abroad. Mda (1991:1) concurs with this notion. His (Jordan's) contribution in the literacy and educational fields have, I venture to say, been adequately portrayed. It is his political life that has not been fully addressed Mda says that literature does enough to portray Jordan in many aspects in which he excelled but not enough is done in the political aspect. Therefore, this research endeavours to contribute to the few already made about Jordan's political activism and the valuable contribution he has made in the fight for liberation of the African people. The methodology used in the study is descriptive, investigative, interpretative and analytic with the aim of illustrating the views of the author on the book in question. This makes it easy for the researcher to elucidate her objectives of the study on the theme of Jordan's novel. Marxist theory as developed by Antonio Gramsci, and other theories related to it have been employed as the framework of this study. This theory has been chosen since it proved to be more relevant to the objectives of the study. The findings of the study reveal that A.C. Jordan has been very much vocal in addressing political issues of South Africa during his time, using both African custom and culture in his novel. The findings also indicate the vital role played by Jordan in the struggle for the freedom of South Africa. Recommendations are that Jordan deserves to be awarded like any other politician of his calibre, who displayed commitment and loyalty in the liberation struggle. In the hope that this piece of work might get to the relevant authorities who can take this view into consideration. ; Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, 2021

From the ""Facebook"" revolutions in the Arab world to the use of social networking in the aftermath of disasters in Japan and Haiti, to the spread of mobile telephony throughout the developing world: all of these developments are part of how information and communication technologies are altering global affairs. With the rise of the social web and applications like Facebook, YouTube and Twitter, scholars and practitioners of international affairs are adapting to this new information space across a wide scale of issue areas. In conflict resolution, dialogues and communication are taking the.

Government aid doesn't always go where it's supposed to. Foster care agencies team up with companies to take disability and survivor benefits from abused and neglected children. States and their revenue consultants use illusory schemes to siphon Medicaid funds intended for children and the poor into general state coffers. Child support payments for foster children and families on public assistance are converted into government revenue. And the poverty industry keeps expanding, leaving us with nursing homes and juvenile detention centers that sedate residents to reduce costs and maximize profit, local governments buying nursing homes to take the facilities' federal aid while the elderly languish with poor care, and counties hiring companies to mine the poor for additional funds in modern day debtor's prisons. In The Poverty Industry, Daniel L. Hatcher shows us how state governments and their private industry partners are profiting from the social safety net, turning America's most vulnerable populations into sources of revenue. The poverty industry is stealing billions in federal aid and other funds from impoverished families, abused and neglected children, and the disabled and elderly poor. As policy experts across the political spectrum debate how to best structure government assistance programs, a massive siphoning of the safety net is occurring behind the scenes. In the face of these abuses of power, Hatcher offers a road map for reforms to realign the practices of human service agencies with their intended purpose, to prevent the misuse of public taxpayer dollars, and to ensure that government aid truly gets to those in need

Global is everywhere - recent years have seen a significant proliferation of the adjective "global" across discourses. But what do social actors actually do when using this term? Written from within the political studies and International Relations disciplines, and with a particular interest in the US, this book demonstrates that the widespread use of "global" is more than a linguistic curiosity. It constitutes a distinct political phenomenon of major importance: the negotiation and reproduction of the "new world". As such, the analysis of the use of "global" provides fascinating insights into an influential and politically loaded aspect of contemporary imaginations of the world.

A few months after the 2011 Tunisian and Egyptian revolts, the satellite news channel Al Jazeera English, broadcasting from the Middle-Eastern region for an international public, launched 'The Stream', presented as "A television show based on a social media community". By integrating the social media into the news production process, The Stream is expected, according to its authors, to transfer the geographic and cultural variety of the internet into a television format. This paper aims to explore how a transnational media like Al Jazeera English uses the convergence between television and social networks to 'give voice' to the changing relations of power and cultural influence between the West and the Rest, particularly through the category of the 'diaspora'. By analyzing some episodes of the program, this paper will look at how in The Stram this term, loaded with historic and cultural meaning in migration studies and media- and postcolonial theory, becomes part of the everyday language of a multi-media community. The article analyzes how the term 'diaspora' is used and transformed within The Stream media environment: as a field for 'social change'; as an element contributing to discussion, democracy, modernization; as a key aspect to elaborate the cultural complexity of contemporary societies. ; A few months after the 2011 Tunisian and Egyptian revolts, the satellite news channel Al Jazeera English, broadcasting from the Middle-Eastern region for an international public, launched 'The Stream', presented as "A television show based on a social media community". By integrating the social media into the news production process, The Stream is expected, according to its authors, to transfer the geographic and cultural variety of the internet into a television format. This paper aims to explore how a transnational media like Al Jazeera English uses the convergence between television and social networks to 'give voice' to the changing relations of power and cultural influence between the West and the Rest, particularly through the category of the 'diaspora'. By analyzing some episodes of the program, this paper will look at how in The Stram this term, loaded with historic and cultural meaning in migration studies and media- and postcolonial theory, becomes part of the everyday language of a multi-media community. The article analyzes how the term 'diaspora' is used and transformed within The Stream media environment: as a field for 'social change'; as an element contributing to discussion, democracy, modernization; as a key aspect to elaborate the cultural complexity of contemporary societies.

While Twitter has become an increasingly important platform for public opinion formation, little is known about its use in recent Latin American election campaigns. We therefore investigate the case of the presidential elections in Brazil in October 2014, in order to analyze communication structures in actual and para-social interactions with presidential candidates. In particular, while Twitter makes it easy for ordinary citizens to express their opinion online, it is maybe even more important that they can also address and communicate with persons who would otherwise not be reachable at all. Politicians are probably the most important group in this regard. Based on N = 1,891,657 tweets containing an @mention of a candidate in the Brazilian elections of 2014, we investigate which actual or para-social interactions with the candidates take place. Furthermore, because framing literature suggests that all actors involved in a discussion on social media will try to highlight specific aspects and interpretations of issues and events, we used techniques of co-word analysis to investigate the ways in which the main candidates were framed by the Twitter users. The results give insight into the deliberative potential of Twitter: they show how the candidates are presented to the social media community and thus how this presentation may be reflected in public opinion. ; While Twitter has become an increasingly important platform for public opinion formation, little is known about its use in recent Latin American election campaigns. We therefore investigate the case of the presidential elections in Brazil in October 2014, in order to analyze communication structures in actual and para-social interactions with presidential candidates. In particular, while Twitter makes it easy for ordinary citizens to express their opinion online, it is maybe even more important that they can also address and communicate with persons who would otherwise not be reachable at all. Politicians are probably the most important group in this regard. Based on N = 1,891,657 tweets containing an @mention of a candidate in the Brazilian elections of 2014, we investigate which actual or para-social interactions with the candidates take place. Furthermore, because framing literature suggests that all actors involved in a discussion on social media will try to highlight specific aspects and interpretations of issues and events, we used techniques of co-word analysis to investigate the ways in which the main candidates were framed by the Twitter users. The results give insight into the deliberative potential of Twitter: they show how the candidates are presented to the social media community and thus how this presentation may be reflected in public opinion.

This thesis, meant to be an intercultural comparison of social policy, provides a systematic exploration of institutionalized, free and reduced cost psycho-social counseling concerning general life issues in Bremen and Columbus, Ohio. The main aspects of the comparison are: type and amount of counseling services available, financing, target group, training level of counselors, and access hurdles to the counseling process. The comparison shows significant structural differences that can be traced back to the differing functions of the counseling system in each country. After a detailed description of the current state of both systems a direct comparison of many structural elements of counseling in each city is provided which eventually demonstrates the strengths and deficiencies of each system. The benchmarking process is to show how the effectiveness of the one system could be used as a model for improving the other system. While free counseling services in Bremen are (still) available to all social groups and persons, in Ohio they are available only for those needy who can prove financial need through complicated and extensive procedures. The provision of free general life counseling for all social groups by the general public (country, state or county) does not exist in either country (exept for children and teenagers in Germany). All services provided are based on the initiative of non-profit agencies, many of which, especially in Germany, are linked to the church or religious institutions. It is shown that the system in Ohio, in contrast to that in Germany, is significantly affected by local and state government, especially by the rules and guidelines of the quasi-governmental Community Mental Health Boards (ADAMHs)). At the same time counseling agencies in Ohio are forced to operate almost like a private business in order to stay in the market, be competitive and financially viable. This is unlike any of the agencies in Bremen. That is why there are two main aspects of work in agencies in Ohio: to be efficient and to help those in need; whereas in can be said that in Bremen only the latter is the center of work. In the end the enormous social effect of early psycho-social intervention (maintenance of psychological health and well-being for a wide range of social groups as well as national economic advantages) is demonstrated and linked to the call for acknowledgement of general life counseling as a meaningful method of prevention by those responsible for social policy.

Beside being a discipline, bioethics is a social phenomenon closely linked to development of democracy, with repercussions on the theoretical field that influences its practice. There is a larger dissemination and incidence of reflection on the bioethical endeavor worldwide and in our country. In this article I will show critically the vitality of bioethics in Mexico in its social dimension and as well as in secular philosophy. I will name briefly, some historical background of the discipline and the creation of mexican institutions advocated to practical and theoretical aspects. Then I shall explain some of the most concern issues to society that constitute a detonator to the pending jobs of philosophical bioethics. I shall concentrate on the laity reflection of philosophers over some items that have affected equally in mexican social awareness and in the fields of medicine theory: AIDS, abortion and euthanasia, and in the biomedicine fields: eugenics and cloning. My main idea is that secular philosophical bioethics affects in different ways the social conscience, nevertheless there is much to do about it. At the end I raise some considerations about certain aspects that in my opinion could shorten distance between theory and practice. ; Además de ser una disciplina, la bioética es un fenómeno social cercanamente relacionado al desarrollo de la democracia, con repercusiones en el campo teorético que influye su práctica. Hay una más amplia diseminación e incidencia de reflexión en el esfuerzo de la bioética a nivel mundial y en nuestro país. En este artículo se muestra críticamente la vitalidad de la bioética en México en su dimensión social así como en la filosofía secular. Se mencionan, brevemente, algunos antecedentes históricos de la disciplina y la creación de las instituciones mexicanas avocadas a los aspectos teóricos y prácticos. Luego, se exponen algunos de los temas que implican una mayor preocupación para la sociedad que constituyen además un detonador para los trabajos pendientes de la filosofía bioética. Se presta especial atención a la reflexión laica de los filósofos sobre los mismos temas que han afectado igualmente en la conciencia social y en el campo de la teoría de la medicina: SIDA, aborto y eutanasia, y en los terrenos de la biomedicina: eugenesia y clonación. La idea central es que la bioética filosófica secular afecta de diferentes maneras la conciencia social, sin embargo hay mucho que hacer respecto de esto. Al final se asientan algunas consideraciones acerca de aspectos que en opinión de la autora podrían acortar la distancia entre la teoría y la práctica.

Los desequilibrios regionales han ocupado un lugar destacado en la definición, de las políticas de acción territorial en los países periféricos. La descentralización se entiende aquí como un paradigma que busca contrarrestar las tendencias desequilibrantes del desarrollo espacial de las localidades en América Latina. En este artículo se desarrollan algunos aspectos polémicos de dicha política centrándose, en cuestionar si realmente el proceso logra alcanzar los objetivos planteados: la democracia social; la participación popular, la justicia social y el desarrollo local Las condiciones que han permitido la emergencia del proyecto descentralizado, en América Latina son también objeto de reflexión as! como la fetichización institucional que subyace a la descentralización; si bien ésta transforma la distribución territorial de la administración del poder no logra modificar las tendencias inherentes al desarrollo capitalista. Esta conclusión permite abordar el análisis de los principales supuestos complementarios de la ideología descentralizadora, tales como la autonomía local; o la posibilidad de un proyecto político de orientación popular las que se encuentran en franca contradicción con las prácticas sociales reales. Es posible afirmar la descentralización no constituye un mecanismo eficaz para el logro del desarrollo local; la democratización social o la participación ciudadana ; Regional unequal distrlbution of incomes have played an important role in the definition of policies for territorial action in periferical countries. De-centralization in comprehended in this essay as a paradigm that aims to contrast the unequal development tendencies of spatial development of Latin-american towns. In the essay the author discusses some polemic aspects on the possibility of reaching the goals that decemralization proposes, goals such as social democracy, popular participation; social justice and local development. Several aspects on decentralization are discussed, such as the condaions that have allowed the emergence of the project and the institutional fetichization that is subjacent to the theory of de-centraliauion: In other words; even thoug decentralization transforms the territorial distribution of administrative power, it does not modify the tendencies inherent to capitalist development. This conclusion allows the anaIysis of complementary suppositions of ideology of de-ceniralization such as the local autonomy or the possibiüty of a popular power oriented to a political project which are definitely contradictory ta real social practices. It is possible to conclude that de- centrallzation is not an ejJicient mechanism to obtain local development, social democracy nor popular participation.

"COVID-19: Individual Rights and Community Responsibilities provides critical insights into the tensions between individual rights and community responsibilities during the COVID-19 pandemic. Questions about mandates, lockdowns, priorities, and broader questions related to neighborly responsibilities and human rights have been central to debates about how to confront the pandemic. The scholarship presented in this volume adds to those debates by confronting such issues as the role of social media in spreading misinformation, mask mandates, pandemic politics, and the very ethos of what is meant by human and individual rights. Drawing on the expertise of scholars from around the world, the work presented here represents remarkable diversity and quality of impassioned scholarship on the impact of COVID-19 and is a timely and critical advance in knowledge related to the pandemic"--

Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr, is considered by many to be the most influential American jurist. The voluminous literature devoted to his writings and legal thought, however, is diverse and inconsistent. In this study, Frederic R. Kellogg follows Holmes's intellectual path from his early writings through his judicial career. He offers a fresh perspective that addresses the views of Holmes's leading critics and explains his relevance to the controversy over judicial activism and restraint. Holmes is shown to be an original legal theorist who reconceived common law as a theory of social inquiry and who applied his insights to constitutional law. From his empirical and naturalist perspective on law, with its roots in American pragmatism, emerged Holmes's distinctive judicial and constitutional restraint. Kellogg distinguishes Holmes from analytical legal positivism and contrasts him with a range of thinkers

In the 1960s, the crisis of the hacienda regime in the Andes of Ecuador signaled the beginning of a vast social transformation. In this process, ethnic identity became a powerful tool used to obtain essential resources and rights for indigenous peasants under the power of rural landlords. Centered on a case study from the province of Chimborazo, in the central mountains of Ecuador, this article reviews the specifics of this long-standing form of domination and explores the form and the impact of indigenous peasant uprisings until the consolidation of agrarian reform from the 1960s to the 1980s. The article discusses the links between the reform, the strengthening of indigenous organizations, and the re-ethnicization of their demands as a structural component of their relation to the state and agencies of development at the beginnings of the twenty-first century. The intention is to contribute to a discussion of aspects of the ethnicization of identities that address other comparable phenomena in the Andean region. ResumenDurante el último tercio del siglo XX, la crisis del régimen de hacienda en los Andes septentrionales marcó el inicio de una gran transformación social. En ese proceso, la identidad étnica devino en una poderosa herramienta de reivindicación por el acceso a recursos (y derechos) esenciales de los campesinos-indígenas sometidos al poder de los terratenientes. Tomando el ejemplo de la provincia de Chimborazo, en la sierra central del Ecuador, y tras una revisión de las peculiaridades de ese longevo sistema de dominación, el artículo centra la atención en las formas y alcance de la insurgencia indígena-campesina hasta la consolidación del proceso de reforma agraria, entre las décadas de 1960 y 1980. A continuación, se establecen los vínculos entre el desenlace de la reforma, el fortalecimiento organizativo indígena y la etnitización de sus demandas como recurso estructurante de su relación con el Estado y las agencias de desarrollo, ya en las postrimerías del siglo XX. La intención es aportar reflexiones sobre algunos aspectos de la politización de la etnicidad que, desde un escenario concreto, interpelan a otros fenómenos comparables de la región andina.