Suchergebnisse

The Italian foreign policy is the topic of the present research; more precisely, the policies pursued in relation to the Libyan crisis of the year 2011. The most recent events taking place in the African country bring along the necessity of shedding a new light on the role of the Western state that most interests had to defend in Libya, and that is still very much concerned by the latter situation at a time when a new possible military intervention is considered. The object of the research is the Italian foreign policy considered from the beginning of the Libyan crises in 2011, namely from when protests against the government started in Benghazi and clashes with the police took place in mid February, until the end of the NATO mission Operation Unified Protector in Libya on October 31 of that same year, following the death of Col. Gaddafi and the defeat of the loyalist forces. The goal of the research is to identify the Italian postures and their consistency with its actual behaviour during the Libyan crisis, evaluating if the Italian foreign policy has been capable of serving the national interest. The tasks of the research are to justify the choice of the neorealist theoretical framework introducing the main vectors of Italian foreign policy from 1945 to the present and their relations with the Libyan case, to assess the status of the relations between Italy and Libya at the end of the year 2010, to trace the Italian diplomatic and political rhetoric related to the crisis understanding the rational behind the Italian formal positioning, to check it against the actual Italian actions along the crisis, and to assess the results achieved. Document analysis is the research method employed, and the results indicate that Italy displayed a negligent management of the crisis since non-linearity, inconsistency and ineffectiveness were recurrent features to be found in its behaviour, sided by a lack of understanding of the overall Libyan situation. The Italian stances and actions were taken into account through a neorealist theoretical framework. The conclusion of the work is that the Italian foreign policy in relation to the Libyan crisis of 2011 have showed strong signs of non-linearity and inconsistency during the last phase of the crisis, and that the results achieved can not be considered satisfactory in any of the two phases, whilst in both of them an important lack of knowledge on key elements related to the issue has been displayed.

Difícilmente caben dos transiciones de la dictadura a la democracia más diferentes que la española y la de la antigua RDA. En la española no cambia nada en la organización socioeconómica, ni en la estructura del Estado, y la de la RDA vino marcada por una intromisión directa del otro Estado alemán que transplanta su organización socioeconómica y política. La unificación fue posible en un tiempo récord, gracias a las negociaciones de Kohl con Gorbachov. La dificultad mayor era privatizar toda la riqueza del país. En febrero de 1990 el Gobierno de la RDA puso en marcha una compañía fiduciaria Treuhandgesellschaft, que se convirtió en la propietaria de todo el patrimonio de la RDA, pasando después de la unificación a depender del Ministerio de Hacienda, con la capacidad de decidir qué vendía, a quién y a qué precio. La privatización de los bienes públicos constituye el mayor negocio para los amigos de los gobernantes, pero cuando lo que está en venta es un país entero, la corrupción sobrepasa con mucho los contactos personales. La anexión de la RDA costó muchísimo a los ciudadanos alemanes, pero significó también un colosal negocio para las grandes empresas. Los enormes costos los pagaron todos, los también enormes beneficios recayeron en unos pocos. ; Hardly there are two transitions from dictatorship to democracy more different than the Spanish and the former GDR. In Spanish does not change the socio-economic organization or the structure of the state, and the GDR was marked by direct interference of the other German state that transplanted their socioeconomic and political organization? The unification was possible in a record time, thanks to Kohl negotiations with Gorbachev. The greatest difficulty was to privatize all the wealth of the country. In February 1990 the GDR government launched a trust company, Treuhandgesellschaft, which became the owner of all the assets of the GDR, passing after unification under the Ministry of Finance, with the capacity to decide which sold, to whom and at what price. The privatization of public goods is the biggest deal for friends of the governors, but when what is for sale is a whole country, corruption far exceeds personal contacts. The annexation of the GDR took much money to the Germans, but also meant a huge business for large companies. Everybody paid huge costs, the huge profits also fell on a few.

El artículo tiene por objetivo describir, analizar e interpretar los acuerdos que Cataluña ha firmado con las administraciones de territorios vecinos —tanto comunidades autónomas como estados independien­tes— para legalizar las emisiones de la televisión autonómica TVC en esas zonas, sin cobertura legal des­de su nacimiento en los años ochenta. También se consideran aquellos casos en los que han existido negociaciones pero no se ha llegado a acuerdos. El artículo descansa sobre los resultados obtenidos en una investigación de corte cualitativo basada en el uso combinado de análisis documental y entrevistas en profundidad. Así mismo, recoge los resultados de investigaciones previas llevadas a cabo por los au­tores. La investigación ha tenido un fuerte carácter exploratorio de un objeto de estudio —las emisiones supra-autonómicas— poco estudiado científicamente, con la voluntad de generar conocimiento original. El texto muestra cómo los acuerdos son fruto de la voluntad catalana de regular las emisiones de TVC en todos los territorios donde se habla catalán. Así mismo, pone de manifiesto cómo estos acuerdos hacen explícitos los conflictos políticos y culturales existentes entre comunidades autónomas con un acervo cultural común. Más allá de la descripción, el artículo aporta elementos interpretativos que permiten en­tender tanto el origen y naturaleza de estos acuerdos como de los conflictos a que han dado lugar algunas de las negociaciones. ; The article aims to describe, analyze and interpret the agreements signed by the Catalan Government with its neighboring territories and states in order to legalize the broadcasting of its regional television, TVC, in those areas, where it had lacked a legal basis since its birth in the eighties. Cases in which negotiations have taken place but no agreement has been reached are also considered. The article is based on the results of qualitative research combining documentary analysis and interviews and it includes the results of previous research carried out by the authors. The research is exploratory in nature and deals with an under-resear­ched topic —broadcasting outside the boundaries of a specific Autonomous Community— with the aim of creating original knowledge. The text shows how the agreements are the result of a Catalan desire to legalize TVC's broadcasts throughout the Catalan-speaking territories. It also shows how these agreements make ex­plicit the political and cultural conflicts between regions with a common cultural heritage. The article moves beyond description to provide interpretive elements which allow us to understand the origin and nature of these agreements and the conflicts caused by the negotiations.

The Volunteer Union to set up the Lithuanian army was the most numerous organization of combatants in Lithuania. It was organized on January 7–8, 1927, and in the year 1940 had around 4 thousand members and 35 departments throughout Lithuania. The aim of the Union was to protect and defend freedom and independence of the country, to raise and cherish national consciousness, to improve social welfare of its members and to take care of the eternal memory of the national heroes. The organization was active in the country's political life. The volunteers ardently responded to the events critical for the homeland and took an active part or even acted as leaders in crucial situations. The government of that time, however, sometimes failed to respond constructively to their requests. In the year 1938 the congress of volunteers was summoned, which was expected since 1933. The number of participants was 6500 from all over Lithuania and not all of them were members of the Union. Following the Soviet occupation of 1940 the Union was dissolved. Most part of the money was transferred to the Communist Party of Lithuania. The Volunteer Union was then re-established in three places: Germany, the USA, and Lithuania (1994) and is still in force with the volunteers of 1990–1991. The author of the present article is the President of the Kaunas department of the Volunteer Union of the Lithuanian army creators. ; Związek Ochotników – twórcy armii litewskiej (1927–1940)Związek Ochotników twróców armii litewskiej był najliczniejszą organizacją weteranów na Litwie. Powstała 7–8 stycznia 1927 roku i w 1940 r. miał około 4000 członków i 35 oddziałów na całej Litwie. Celem Związku była obrona wolności i niepodległości kraju, pielęgnacja świadomości narodowej, poprawa sytuacji społecznej jego członków oraz pielęgnacja pamięci bohaterów narodowych. Organizacja była aktywna w życiu politycznym kraju. Ochotnicy gorliwie odpowiadali na wydarzenia krytyczne dla ich ojczyzny i w nich brali aktywny udział albo nawet w kluczowych momentach występowali jako przywódcy. W tym czasie rząd jednak czasem nie dawał rady konstruktywnie zareagować na ich prośby. W roku 1938 zwołano kongres ochotników, którego oczekiwano od 1933 r. Było na nim 6500 uczestników z całej Litwy i nie wszyscy byli członkami Związku. Po okupacji sowieckiej w 1940 r. Związek został rozwiązany. Większa część pieniędzy została przekazana Komunistycznej Partii Litwy. Związek Ochotników został później odtworzony w trzech miejscach: Niemczech, USA i Litwie (w. 1994 r.) i wciąż jest siłą z nowymi ochotnikami z lat 1990–1991. Autorka powyższego artykułu jest przewodniczącą kowieńskiego biura Związku Ochotników twórców armii Litewskiej.

El artículo tiene por objetivo describir, analizar e interpretar los acuerdos que Cataluña ha firmado con las administraciones de territorios vecinos -tanto comunidades autónomas como estados independientes- para legalizar las emisiones de la televisión autonómica TVC en esas zonas, sin cobertura legal desde su nacimiento en los años ochenta. También se consideran aquellos casos en los que han existido negociaciones pero no se ha llegado a acuerdos. El artículo descansa sobre los resultados obtenidos en una investigación de corte cualitativo basada en el uso combinado de análisis documental y entrevistas en profundidad. Así mismo, recoge los resultados de investigaciones previas llevadas a cabo por los autores. La investigación ha tenido un fuerte carácter exploratorio de un objeto de estudio -las emisiones supra-autonómicas- poco estudiado científicamente, con la voluntad de generar conocimiento original. El texto muestra cómo los acuerdos son fruto de la voluntad catalana de regular las emisiones de TVC en todos los territorios donde se habla catalán. Así mismo, pone de manifiesto cómo estos acuerdos hacen explícitos los conflictos políticos y culturales existentes entre comunidades autónomas con un acervo cultural común. Más allá de la descripción, el artículo aporta elementos interpretativos que permiten en -tender tanto el origen y naturaleza de estos acuerdos como de los conflictos a que han dado lugar algunas de las negociaciones. ; The article aims to describe, analyze and interpret the agreements signed by the Catalan Government with its neighboring territories and states in order to legalize the broadcasting of its regional television, TVC, in those areas, where it had lacked a legal basis since its birth in the eighties. Cases in which negotiations have taken place but no agreement has been reached are also considered. The article is based on the results of qualitative research combining documentary analysis and interviews and it includes the results of previous research carried out by the authors. The research is exploratory in nature and deals with an under-resear-ched topic -broadcasting outside the boundaries of a specific Autonomous Community- with the aim of creating original knowledge. The text shows how the agreements are the result of a Catalan desire to legalize TVC's broadcasts throughout the Catalan-speaking territories. It also shows how these agreements make explicit the political and cultural conflicts between regions with a common cultural heritage. The article moves beyond description to provide interpretive elements which allow us to understand the origin and nature of these agreements and the conflicts caused by the negotiations.

The Italian foreign policy is the topic of the present research; more precisely, the policies pursued in relation to the Libyan crisis of the year 2011. The most recent events taking place in the African country bring along the necessity of shedding a new light on the role of the Western state that most interests had to defend in Libya, and that is still very much concerned by the latter situation at a time when a new possible military intervention is considered. The object of the research is the Italian foreign policy considered from the beginning of the Libyan crises in 2011, namely from when protests against the government started in Benghazi and clashes with the police took place in mid February, until the end of the NATO mission Operation Unified Protector in Libya on October 31 of that same year, following the death of Col. Gaddafi and the defeat of the loyalist forces. The goal of the research is to identify the Italian postures and their consistency with its actual behaviour during the Libyan crisis, evaluating if the Italian foreign policy has been capable of serving the national interest. The tasks of the research are to justify the choice of the neorealist theoretical framework introducing the main vectors of Italian foreign policy from 1945 to the present and their relations with the Libyan case, to assess the status of the relations between Italy and Libya at the end of the year 2010, to trace the Italian diplomatic and political rhetoric related to the crisis understanding the rational behind the Italian formal positioning, to check it against the actual Italian actions along the crisis, and to assess the results achieved. Document analysis is the research method employed, and the results indicate that Italy displayed a negligent management of the crisis since non-linearity, inconsistency and ineffectiveness were recurrent features to be found in its behaviour, sided by a lack of understanding of the overall Libyan situation. The Italian stances and actions were taken into account through a neorealist theoretical framework. The conclusion of the work is that the Italian foreign policy in relation to the Libyan crisis of 2011 have showed strong signs of non-linearity and inconsistency during the last phase of the crisis, and that the results achieved can not be considered satisfactory in any of the two phases, whilst in both of them an important lack of knowledge on key elements related to the issue has been displayed.

RESUMEN:El presente artículo propone hacer visible el testimonio del movimiento contrarrevolucionario mismo que ha sido excluido del memorial nicaragüense. Se trata de una serie de testimonios de los contras que han sido marginados tanto de los discursos oficiales del Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) como del discurso contrarrevolucionario. La memoria de estos combatientes antirrevolucionarios fue aplastada doblemente, por un lado, los "Freedom Fighter" fueron concebidos como subordinados del imperio norteamericano por lo que su voz se omitió por su naturaleza antagónica del gobierno sandinista; por el otro, para sus dirigentes su discurso merecía ser transmitido sólo en la medida en que sirviera como propaganda anticomunista. Posteriormente, la derrota electoral del FSLN y la victoria de Violeta Barrios de Chamorro —neoliberal y antisandinista—continuó con la restricción en la labor enunciativa del discurso y la memoria contrarrevolucionaria. Buscando un rescate de voces ocultas, este trabajo se encuentra dividido en tres partes. En primer lugar, se caracterizan los discursos testimoniales del sandinismo para entender la ausencia de la construcción de una identidad contrarrevolucionaria; en segundo lugar se hace un mapeo de algunos de los discursos elaborados por simpatizantes y/o militantes de la contra; y finalmente, se dan las conclusiones. Palabras clave: Testimonio, Contra, sandinismo, anti-sandinismo. ABSTRACT:The purpose of this article is to bring to the fore the testimony of the Contras movement that has been excluded from the Nicaraguan memorial. These are the testimonies which have been removed from official speeches by the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) and the counterrevolution discourse. The memory of these anti-revolutionary fighters was crushed twice: first when the "Freedom Fighter" was depicted as a subordinate of the American empire so that this voice would be omitted by the antagonistic nature of the Sandinista government and second as political leaders used these discourses only as anti-communist propaganda. Subsequently, the FSLN´s electoral defeat and the victory of Violeta Barrios de Chamorro –against sandinistas and neoliberal- eroded the declarative speech and counterrevolutionary memory. This paper is divided in three parts. The first one describes the sandinista speeches in order to understand the lack of a counterrevolutionary identity; the second section locates some of the main speeches were made by supporters and/or Contra militants; and in the third part both authors make their final conclusions on the contested counterrevolutionary memory. Key Words: Testimony, Contra, sandinista, anti-sandinismo.

Доведено, що В.Г. Короленко, характеризуючи класові ціннісні орієнтації сучасного йому суспільства, зауважує, що російські марксисти намагаються відстояти вузькокласові цінності пролетаріату, забуваючи при цьому про інші верстви суспільства. На відміну від адептів марксизму та легальних марксистів, В.Г. Короленко однією з основних суспільних ціннісних орієнтацій визнавав релігію, оскільки вважав, що релігія є головним консолідуючим фактором у суспільстві, зауважуючи, що розпалювання релігійної ворожнечі може привести його до морального здичавіння. ; V.G. Korolenko considered the basic social value orientations of the late 19th century – early 20th century in the light of the theory of Karl Marx and his Russian followers who, according to the thinker, in many ways vulgarized and simplified the teachings of Marxism adherents. V.G. Korolenko concludes that communism that is the aim for the theorists of Marxism as a philosophical, political and economic doctrine and movement seeks only to defend narrow class values, and particularly the needs of factories for providing the proletariat, forgetting about the social value orientations and values of other layers of society including intelligentsia and peasants. V.G. Korolenko reproached newly created government of the country that by rejecting the values of other social classes (especially the intelligentsia that was always followed by the common people) they had created a "barracks communism" thereby alienating the supporters of socialism in the country. Unlike the legal Marxists, including Struve and Tugan-Baranovsky, V.G. Korolenko admits that the religion is one of the major social values. Due to the fact that the thinker cannot be called a religious person, we can claim that his observations of the people's resistance to violent imposing of atheism and his justification of the importance of spiritual and religious value orientations are objective, if detached, but at the same time they are deeply concerned and sincere. In V.G. Korolenko's view, only the true religion is the main factor in consolidating the society because increased inciting ethnic and religious hatred that is opposite to the spirit of true Christianity suppresses a sense of justice and humanity, fundamentally corrupts society and can lead to moral savagery, especially under the decline of humanistic feelings and the weakness of the law, observed in the Russian society in the early twentieth century. Values of faith are important to Korolenko primarily because the religious faith, which is perceived mainly as an ethical value keeping from bad behavior, provides peace of mind, gives strength and hope, and creates a sense of mercy, compassion and kindness.

В статье рассматривается концепция юридического лица публичного права, анализируется, одобренная Советом при Президенте РФ по кодификации и совершенствованию гражданского законодательства в 2009 году, Концепция развития законодательства о юридических лицах (протокол № 68 от 16 марта 2009 г.). Проводится сравнительный анализ с гражданским законодательством Грузии, в котором регламентирован статус юридических лиц публичного права. Так, согласно Гражданскому кодексу Грузии, юридическими лицами публичного права считаются: а) государство; б) местное самоуправление; в) юридические лица, созданные государством на основании законодательства или административного акта, которые не сформированы в организационно-правовых формах, определенных Гражданским кодексом или Законом Грузии «О предпринимателях»; г) государственные учреждения и государственные фонды, которые созданы не в соответствии с Гражданским кодексом Грузии или Законом «О предпринимателях»; д) созданные на основании законодательства и для достижения публичных целей негосударственные организации (политические партии, религиозные объединения и др.» (ст. 1509 ГК Грузии «Юридические лица частного и публичного права»). Сделан вывод о необходимости включения в правовую систему категории «юридическое лицо публичного права» в учетом единого понимания и выработки четкой концепции, принятия не противоречащих друг другу систематизированных правил и норм, посвященных порядку создания, организации и деятельности указанных субъектов права. ; The article discusses the concept of a legal entity of public law, analyzed, approved by the Council under the President on codification and improvement of civil legislation in 2009, the Concept of development of the legislation on legal entities (Protocol No. 68, March 16, 2009). Authors analyze with the civil legislation of Georgia, which regulated the status of legal entities of public law. So, according to the Civil code of Georgia, legal entities of public law are: (a) the state; b) the local government; C) legal entities established state, on the basis of the law or administrative act, which is not formed in the organizational-legal forms stipulated by the Civil code or the Law of Georgia «On entrepreneurs»; d) public institutions and public funds, created in accordance with the Civil code of Georgia, or the Law «On entrepreneurs»; d) established under the legislation and to achieve public goals non-governmental organizations (political parties, religious groups and others» (Art. 1509 of the civil code of Georgia's «Legal persons of private and public law»). The conclusion about the necessity of inclusion in the legal system of categories «legal entity of public law» in regard to a common understanding and to develop a clear concept of adoption is not contradictory codified rules and regulations on the establishment, organization and activities of these entities.

В статье описаны результаты регионального исследования престижа работников библиотек. По итогам проведенного в 2014 г. в Тамбовской области экспертного опроса руководителей учреждений культуры определено место профессии библиотекаря в рейтинге профессий, выделены региональные отличия в статусе библиотекарей Тамбовской области от соседних регионов. Обозначены ведущие факторы, влияющие на социально-профессиональный престиж библиотекарей в регионе. ; The article is devoted to the problem of overcoming the growing gap between the demand for professional knowledge for work with information and fall of the social prestige of the profession of librarian. Researchers call among the causes of the false stereotypes of perception of the profession and the lack of attention of the authorities to the problem of prestige librarian in society. The author conducted interviews with experts, managers of cultural institutions of the Tambov region (135 people). Objectives of the survey were the selection of positive and negative trends in the formation of socio-professional status of the studied group, the key problem areas in enhancing the prestige of the professions cultural workers in the region, as well as possible measures and means of changing the situation for the better. Key findings are as follows. Group of businessmen, entrepreneurs, workers transfers public opinion about the low prestige of the profession of librarian. Pensioners, teachers, intellectuals, social workers, and physicians provide a positive assessment of the prestige of the profession of librarian. The author highlights the trend: the profession of the librarian takes the last place in the ranking of the estimates of the public, government officials and the experts of culture. The greatest prestige among professions in the sphere of culture have profession representing the creative and performing arts. Professions related to education and leisure activities the General population, are of minor importance in society. Experts see regional differences and believe that the status of librarians is higher in the capital and neighboring Lipetsk, Belgorod and Voronezh regions. The experts attributed to regional benefits provisions librarians Tambov region the pay increase; the presence of educational institutions in the profile; strengthening the authorities ' attention to the cultural sphere. Experts have identified three main groups of factors affecting the prestige of the profession of librarian in the Tambov region. Economic factors the level of remuneration of labour, material and technical base libraries. Administrative-political factors attention from regional and local authorities; the possibility of obtaining grants, organization of competitions, festivals. The factors of professional competence: professionalism, support of young specialists.

В данной статье рассматривается вопрос терминологии при определении понятия «терроризм». Целью данной работы является анализ существующих определений терроризма на предмет их пригодности для исследования информационно-коммуникационной компоненты данного явления и выработка определения терроризма, учитывающего его взаимосвязь с системами общественной коммуникации. Терминология должна применяться очень осторожно, так как это очень важно для понимания, какое деяние может называться террористическим актом, в чем различие между терроризмом и экстремизмом. В ходе исследования проведен анализ определений, данных терроризму в различных иностранных источниках. Определены различия в подходах к классификации деяний, что может практически использоваться в деятельности правоохранительных органов, прокуратуры и судов. По итогам работы в качестве рабочего определения терроризма для исследования коммуникационной системы терроризма предложено использовать следующее: терроризм это комбинация стратегий и жестокой тактики, при которой жертвы (т. е. обычные граждане) являются частью более широкой цели (например, правительство). Эти стратегии и тактики используются лицами или группами лиц в преследовании определенного типа целей обычно политического, социального, криминального, экономического или религиозного характера, и они считают терроризм самым эффективным способом получения власти, необходимой для достижения этих целей. ; The article dwells on the problem of terminology while defining the notion "terrorism". The aim of the article is to analyze the existing definitions of terrorism in terms of their validity for the information-communication component of the given phenomenon and to work out a definition of terrorism that would take into account its interrelationship with the systems of public communications. Terms should be used carefully, as it is very important for the understanding what action can be called a terroristic act and what is the difference between terrorism and extremism. The undertaken research includes the analysis of definitions given to terrorism in different foreign sources. It highlights the differences in the approach to the classification of actions, which could be used practically by law enforcement organizations, attorneys and in courts of law. In the result, the author offers the following working definition of terrorism for the study of its information-communication system: Terrorism is a combination of strategies and tough tactics in the result of which victims (i.e. common people) are part of a more general target (e.g. government). These strategies and tactics are used by persons or groups of persons pursuing certain goals usually of a political, social, criminal, economic or religious character. These people regard terrorism as the most effective way ofgetting power necessary for the realization of those goals.

В статье выявляются заблуждения теории анализа кризисов как недейственные при построении современных систем государственного антикризисного регулирования. Главная проблема вариативность определения самого понятия «кризис» и нечеткость дат его наступления и окончания. Пропаганда знаний в области циклического развития экономики ориентируется в России на разработки Н.Д. Кондратьева в этой области. Обращается внимание на то, что сам Н.Д. Кондратьев подчеркнул, что, во-первых, открываемая им цикличность «лишена точности и, несомненно, допускает исключения», во-вторых, она не содержит авторского объяснения причин, и, в-третьих, автор увидел, что повышательные волны сопровождались крупными социальными потрясениями и переворотами в жизни общества (революциями, войнами), в отличие от периодов понижательных волн. Эти обстоятельства не принимаются во внимание при построении «кондратьевских волн» на сверхдолгосрочную перспективу (до 2060 г.). Произведен анализ развития тематики антикризисного регулирования в действующей нормативной правовой базе Российской Федерации. Автором выявлено, что в российском законодательстве различаются и «крупномасштабные финансово-экономические кризисы», и «кризисные явления», и « системный политический и социально-экономический кризис», и «правительственный кризис», и «бюджетный кризис» и многие другие виды кризисов в современной российской экономике ; In the article we bring to light the delusions of the theory of the crises analysis as effectless at the creation of modern systems of the state anti-recessionary regulation. The principal problem is the variability definition of the term of crisis and the vagueness of the date of its start and the ending. The knowledge propagation in the field of the circular economy development is focused in Russia on the N. D. Kondratiev's works in this area, repressed in the Stalin times. The attention is drawn to the fact that N. D. Kondratyev emphasized that, first, his cyclicity «lacks the preciseness and, of course, admits the exceptions, and secondly, it does not contain the author's explanation of the reasons, and, thirdly, the author saw that the upward waves were accompanied by the major social upheavals and the socials upheavals (revolutions, wars) in comparison of the periods of the downside waves. These circumstances are not taken into the consideration when creating «Kondratiev waves» in the excess long-term (up to 2060 year). The analysis of the development of the scope of anti-recessionary regulation in the operating regulatory legal base of the Russian Federation is performed. The author found that in the Russian legislation there are differs «the large-scale financial and economic crisis», «the crisis phenomena», «the systemic political and socio-economic crisis», «the government crisis», «the budget crisis» and many other types of the crises in the modern Russian economy

This article analyzes the use of rhetorical polemic reformulation process in the speech of the guerrillas of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia. A corpus with articles published in the online journal, Resistencia, 2010-2012 editions, consulted the websites of the insurgent group, and emergent categories were extracted by inductive analysis. As a result, reformulation types that appear in the sample and their co-occurrence with polyphonic denials described reinforcing function. The findings point to interpret the reformulation as a way to oppose the central government, through the controversial and argumentative mode. In this case, reformulation is key in the effort to build forms of political divergence in discourse, because it reinforces the distance between the actors and involves the problem of truth in the speeches of the internal armed conflict. ; En este artículo se analiza el uso del procedimiento retórico de la reformulación polémica en el discurso de la guerrilla de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia. Se conformó un corpus con los artículos publicados en la revista virtual Resistencia, ediciones 2010 a 2012, consultadas en los sitios web del grupo insurgente, y se extrajeron categor.as emergentes por análisis inductivo. Como resultados, se describen los tipos de reformulación que aparecen en la muestra y su coocurrencia con negaciones polifónicas en función de refuerzo. Las conclusiones apuntan a interpretar la reformulación como un modo de oponerse al Gobierno central, por medio de la polémica como modalidad argumentativa. En este caso, la reformulación es clave en el esfuerzo por construir formas de divergencia política en el discurso, porque refuerza el distanciamiento entre los actores e involucra el problema de la verdad en los discursos del conflicto armado interno. ; Neste artigo, analisa-se o uso do procedimento retórico da reformulação polêmica no discurso da guerrilha das Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia. Conformou-se um corpus com os artigos publicados na revista virtual Resistencia, edições de 2010 a 2012, consultadas nos sites do grupo insurgente, e extraíram-se categorias emergentes por análise indutiva. Como resultados, descrevem-se os tipos de reformulação que aparecem na amostra e sua co-ocorrência com negações polifônicas em função de reforço. As conclusões apontam a interpretar a reformulação como um modo de se opor ao Governo central por meio da polêmica como modalidade argumentativa. Nesse caso, a reformulação é fundamental no esforço por construir formas de divergência política no discurso, porque reforça o distanciamento entre atores e envolve o problema da verdade nos discursos do conflito armado interno.

This paper is an attempt to answer the raw philosophical question of 'ti esti state-terrorism'. It is a critical philosophical analysis of the concept of state-terrorism based upon an epistemological discussion, in an effort to re-formulate the question of terrorism by making the case that state-terrorism is the mother phenomenon and root of all forms of terrorism. My ambition is to contribute to our understanding of terrorism by revealing that, in the Greek language which is the language of concepts and philosophy, the term terrorism is terrorcracy and literary means state-terrorism, while it belongs to the same family of words as democracy, since the suffix –cracy, a recognition that may have the power to open new ways of viewing the term and phenomenon of terrorism, if not re-define the whole concept by describing it according to the term's original meaning. Under this logic, terrorism would refer to a form of government and a political system. A hypothesis that my essay introduces into the philosophical dialogues on terrorism, since it never before has been discussed within these terms. State-terrorism is a forbidden term according to legal experts, however should not be treated as a sterile term by critical thinkers. ; Este trabajo aborda la cuestión filosófica y urgente del "ti esti state-terrorism". El ensayo analiza críticamente y filosóficamente el concepto del terrorismo del estado, basado en una discusión epistemológica, que intenta re-formular la cuestión del terrorismo, donde se argumenta que el terrorismo de estado es el fenómeno inicial y la raíz del terrorismo en todas sus formas. Mi aspiración es contribuir a una comprensión del terrorismo que trate de revelar cómo en griego –el idioma de los conceptos y la filosofía– el término "terrorismo" es "terror-cracia" y significa literalmente el terrorismo del estado; también es parte de la misma familia de la democracia, al tener el sufijo "–cracia." Este reconocimiento puede revelar nuevas maneras de ver el concepto y fenómeno del terrorismo, o incluso puede ayudar a redefinir el concepto por completo al ponerlo en sintonía con su sentido original. Según este razonamiento, el terrorismo se referiría a una forma del gobierno y a un sistema político. En mi ensayo introduzco esta hipótesis al hilo de diálogos filosóficos sobre el terrorismo, ya que el asunto no se había discutido nunca antes en estos términos. "El terrorismo del estado" es un término prohibido según los expertos jurídicos, pero los pensadores críticos no deben tratarlo como término estéril.

The proclamation of the Republic II opened horizons of hopes and freedoms for wide sectors of the country and supposed a change in all the orders of the political Spanish life. The Provisional Government of the Republic was placing in the first plane of its worries the problems concerning to the people education. The Republic was aspiring to transform the Spanish reality up to achieve that Spain was an authentic democracy. In this sense, those who were responsible for the new regime, to promote the development of educational politics on new pedagogical bases in order to create a new social and pedagogic philosophy, the educational system. As the society, the education was presenting in Malaga several features. The high rate of illiteracy, the scanty number of public schools, the cultural disinterest, the precarious living conditions of the most numerous social class of the low class, was becoming more accentuated because of the disadvantages in which there were living the big families, who, with a well-off situation, were sending her daughters to the "misses' colleges" and her children to institutions governed, by religious in general. Her privileged position, was allowing them the access to the cultural and recreational centers that were arranged in the city from the previous century. ; La proclamación de la II República, abrió horizontes de esperanzas y libertades para amplios sectores del país y supuso un cambio en todos los órdenes de la vida política española. El Gobierno Provisional de la República situaba en el primer plano de sus preocupaciones los problemas referentes a la educación del pueblo. La República aspiraba a transformar la realidad española hasta lograr que España fuese una auténtica democracia. En este sentido los hombres encargados de consolidar el nuevo régimen nacido, especialmente en el primer bienio, pusieron su empeño en desarrollar una política educativa que reorganizara sobre nuevas bases, con una nueva filosofía social y pedagógica, el sistema de enseñanza. Al igual que la sociedad, la enseñanza presentaba en Málaga múltiples contrastes. El alto índice de analfabetismo, el escaso número de escuelas públicas, el desinterés cultural, las precarias condiciones de vida de la clase social más numerosa de la clase baja, se acentuaba más con las desigualdades en que vivían las grandes familias, quienes, con una situación acomodada, enviaban a sus hijas a los "colegios de señoritas" y a sus hijos a instituciones regidas, fundamentalmente, por órdenes religiosas. Su situación de privilegio, les permitía el acceso a los centros culturales y recreativos que, ya desde el siglo anterior, se repartían por la ciudad.