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In this article, Elizabeth Sheehy argues that Jane Doe v. Metropolitan Toronto Police, wherein the police were held accountable in law for sex discrimination in violation of women's section 15 equality rights under the Charter and for negligence in their investigation of a serial rapist, represents a high point in feminist litigation. She details the feminist knowledge, language, and strategy as well as the individual contributions by Jane Doe herself, her lawyers, her experts, her judges, and even a police officer that together made this groundbreaking legal victory possible. She compares this case to Mooney v. Canada, a case also involving sexism in the policing of male violence against women, where Bonnie Mooney's negligence case was lost on the legal stumbling block of proof of causation. Elizabeth Sheehy suggests that although feminists became involved in this case on appeal and argued that Bonnie Mooney's section 15 rights were infringed, proof of the element of causation could have been facilitated had women's equality been at issue at the trial level. She shows how a feminist analysis of wife battering and femicide could have been used to challenge the assumptions of both police and judges that in turn shaped the ruling on causation and argues that even when lawyers fail to raise section 15 arguments, judges bear a responsibility to interpret the law consistent with the equality guarantee.
Dans le présent article, Elizabeth Sheehy soutient que l'arrêt Jane Doe c. Metropolitan Toronto Police marque un point tournant dans la présentation réussie d'arguments féministes devant les tribunaux. Cet arrêt a tenu la police responsable pour son comportement discriminatoire, en contravention des droits à l'égalité des femmes prévus à l'article 15 de la Charte et responsable de négligence dans leur enquête sur un violeur en série. L'auteure identifie les connaissances, la langue et la stratégie féministes aussi bien que les contributions personnelles de Jane Doe elle-même, de ses avocates, de ses spécialistes, de ses juges, et même d'un agent de police qui, ensemble, ont rendu possible cette victoire juridique quasi-révolutionnaire. Elle compare cette décision à l'affaire Mooney c. Canada, un arrêt qui traite également du sexisme dans le contrôle policier de la violence masculine contre les femmes. Dans cette affaire, la difficulté de prouver le lien de causalité a provoqué l'échec de la poursuite pour négligence policière, intentée par Bonnie Mooney. Selon Elizabeth Sheehy, la preuve du lien de causalité aurait pu être facilitée si l'égalité des femmes avait été invoquée en première instance et si les féministes y étaient intervenues à ce stade plutôt que simplement au niveau de l'appel. Elle indique comment une analyse féministe du fémicide et de la violence contre les conjointes aurait pu servir à contester les a prioris de la police et des juges qui ont fondé leur décision sur l'absence de preuve du lien de causalité. Elle soutient aussi que même lorsque les avocates et avocats ne soulèvent pas devant le tribunal des arguments fondés sur l'article 15, le tribunal se doit néanmoins d'interpréter le droit en tenant compte d'office de la garantie d'égalité.

Writing Rethinking Criminal Law ("Rethinking") was a gamble. No one had ever written a serious book on comparative criminal law – in English or in any other language. No one had ever addressed English-speaking readers with the argument that some other system of legal thought – espoused by a nation defeated in a major war just thirty years before – had a superior literature on criminal law and a more refined way of thinking about the structure of criminal offenses. No one had tried to present the system of criminal law as though it were a species of "political and moral philosophy." If ever there was chutzpah, this was it. The structure of Rethinking almost defied readers to find it interesting or useful. The conventional way to write textbooks in continental Europe is to distinguish between the general part and special part and devote a book to each. The general part always receives attention first because it is considered the foundation of the whole system. For all my devotion to philosophical and Continental thinking, my basic training was in the common law, and I still thought about law in the inductive style of the case method. This is why I took the highly unconventional approach of beginning the book with the special part, initially with a detailed analysis of the history of theft in the common law. I would have thought that this choice of topics and the detailed analysis of the cases would turn off most of my readers. The approach was unfamiliar to almost everyone. The style of writing on the Continent is always deductive and authoritative and – though I did not notice it in the late 1970s – the Continental approach is almost always internal and parochial. The German literature cites only German authors; the French cite only the French. The Germans refer to their work on the general principles of criminal law as Dogmatik – a term borrowed from the Catholic Church to refer to the teachings offered by the priests to elaborate the tenets of the faith. This term aptly describes the system of thought that the Germans have developed. They have faith in a certain set of organizational distinctions, and their task is to elaborate and explain the system. Common law lawyers have a similar set of dogmas. They are not aware of the extent to which they subscribe to their ideas as a matter of faith. They subscribe to certain formulae as though they were unquestionable truths – claims, for example, about the necessity of mens rea and actus reus. They believe in the indispensability of "policy" decisions and adhere to Holmesian realism ("general propositions do not decide concrete cases") as though there were no other way to think about law. At the outset I was restrained, in Rethinking, by the assumption that I would not repeat these standard orthodoxies without subjecting them to a thoroughgoing critique. At the level of style and substance, Rethinking was an iconoclastic book. It occurs to me now that it was also a conservative book. I will explain why.

Türkiye ve Yunanistan arasındaki uyuşmazlık konularından bir tanesi azınlıklar sorunudur. En genel tanımıyla azınlık, baskın guruptan dil, din, etnik köken ya da ırk anlamında ayrılan ve genelde sayıca daha az olan guruplar için kullanılır. Kurtuluş Savaşı'ndan sonra imzalanan ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin kurucusu anlaşması olarak kabul edilen Lozan Anlaşması'nda azınlıklar din ekseni üzerinde tanımlanmıştır. Anlaşmanın hemen ardından Türkiye ve Yunanistan arasında gerçekleştirilen nüfus mübadelesinde, Türkiye'deki Rum azınlıklarla, Yunanistan'daki Müslüman azınlıklar değiş tokuş edilmiştir. Bu mübadele sürecine İstanbul'daki Rumlar ve Batı Trakya'daki Müslümanlar dahil edilmemiştir. Şu anda Yunanistan'ın Batı Trakya bölgesinde yaklaşık olarak 150.000 civarında Türk-Müslüman nüfus yaşamaktadır. Mübadeleden günümüze, Batı Trakya Müslüman- Türk azınlığı vatandaşlık hakları, eğitim, dini haklar gibi konularda çeşitli sorunlarla karşılaşmışlardır. 90'lı yıllara gelindiğinde sorunların uluslararası platformlara taşınması ve Yunanistan'ın Avrupa Birliği üyeliğiyle, özellikle vatandaşlık haklarına ilişkin sorunlar önemli ölçüde çözümlenmiştir. Günümüzde ise başta dini özgürlükler konusunda (seçilmiş müftülerin tanınmaması, dini vakıfların yönetimi) azınlık hakları Batı Trakya halkına tam olarak uygulanmamaktadır. Ancak sorunun çözümüne ilişkin çeşitli adımlar atılmaya başlanmıştır. Bu anlamda Yunanistan'ın Avrupa Birliği üyeliğinin Batı Trakya Müslüman- Türk azınlığının üstünde iki temel etkisi mevcuttur. Bunlardan birincisi, Avrupa Birliği bölgesel politikalarının uygulanmasıyla, bölgenin sosyo- ekonomik ve altyapı anlamında kalkındırılması ve buradaki insan hakları durumunun iyileştirilmesi konularında çeşitli çalışmalara başlanmıştır. İkincisi ise buradaki azınlık, yaşadığı sorunlara çözüm arayışına girerken artık soydaş devlet olarak kabul ettikleri Türkiye'den çok Avrupa Birliği mercilerine başvurma bilincini elde etmişlerdir.One of the dispute areas between Turkey and Greece is the treatment of respective minorities. In general terms concept of minority can be explained as: a group of people who are different from the mainstream in terms of religion, language, ethnicity or race. In the Lausanne Treaty, which was signed after Turkish Liberation Movement and accepted as the founding treaty of Turkish Republic, the minorities were defined in terms of religion. The population exchange, which took place right after the signing of Lausanne Treaty, exchanged Greek Orthodox' living in Turkish territory with Turkish- Muslims living in Greek territory. Only the Greek Orthodox in Istanbul and Turkish- Muslims in Western Thrace were excluded from this process. Today, there are about 150.000 Muslim- Turks who live in Western Thrace. From the population exchange, until this day, Muslim- Turks in Western Thrace face several problems concerning citizenship rights, education and religious rights. In the 90s, by carrying the problems to international venues and with the European Union membership of Greece, problems that are associated with citizenship rights are solved to some extent. Today, problems concerning minority rights in general and religious rights in particular (not recognizing the elected Mufti and the administration of religious foundations) are not fully applied here. However, some concrete steps are taken towards solving these problems. In this sense, the European Union membership of Greece has two basic impacts on the Muslim- Turkish minority here. First by applying regional policies here, several steps are taken towards improving region's socio- economic status, infrastructure and human rights situation. Secondly, the minority has achieved the conscious to search for solutions in European Union institutions, rather than in Turkey, the kin state.

Since the 1880s neurasthenia - a term popularised by New York-physician George Beard - was discussed an a phenomenon of modernity, but over a long period of debate, psychiatry were not able to define what this "modern malady" exactly meant nor was it able to find any discernible causes for the epidemic disease. Neurasthenia was not simply a diagnostic term, which was often applied by fin de siècle-physicians to their workaday routine, but a kind of lifestyle, a sign of a certain emotional sensitivity in modern times. In the last decade historical research on neurasthenia has focused on Britain, Germany and the Netherlands. But what happened in Austria-Hungary, especially in Vienna? Focusing on Viennese psychiatry, part one of the book analyses the "invention" of Neurasthenia and the adoption of Beards thesis in Austrian medicine, bringing out various figures and alternative methods of explanations of the disease that was identified as a central, yet unwanted feature of modern manliness. Based on this the outcome of war could be seen as an instance of 'nerve-corrections'. Like many medical professionals in Austria-Hungary, psychiatrists had reacted to the war with nearly unanimous support: patriotic habits went hand in hand with high psychiatric expectations of the powerful mental effects of war. These hopes were badly disappointed. In the more recent literature on the medical and cultural history of the Great War, the phenomenon of the epidemic mental breakdowns of soldiers has been given a prominent place. 'Shellshock' and 'war neurosis' are now key words and frequent metaphors for the shattering effects of an industrialized war. In a sense these psychiatric labels symbolically represent the destructive impact of mechanized weapons on body and soul, the loss of narrative structures and the traumatic after-effects of modern warfare. How can Viennese-centred Austrian psychiatry in the First World War be characterized? With regard to new studies on the history of trauma, war and psychiatry I intend to emphasize two interpretations. Firstly, as in German and other European psychiatric war communities, models of rationalisation and modernisation are of significance when focusing on this topic. Viennese psychiatrists were neither particularly brutal nor especially tolerant in the way they dealt with the situation. Instead, as in other European countries in the Great War, they acted in keeping with military requirements and standards. Secondly, the specific political and cultural context of the Austro-Hungarian situation is of utmost importance as well. Shell-shock was a phenomenon that affected all nations, but reactions differed according to different national traditions and different medical ways of understanding, representing and acting. In a comparative cultural history of World War One, Austria-Hungary is a model of a shattered society, paralysed by ethnic conflicts and cultural differences. In this context, the therapeutic response to war neurosis was affected by language confusion, national stereotypes and malingering. The German-Austrian psychiatrists not only emerged as a group of experts who had taken responsibility for the efficient treatment of war neurosis, but also as a pressure group that intended to keep centrifugal forces of the multinational empire under control.

In 1992 had been teaching for four years at the University of Pennsylvania Law School. I taught voting rights and criminal procedure, subjects related to what I had done as a litigator. Preparing for class meant reading many of the same cases I had read preparing for trial. Some were even cases I had tried. Teaching offered me a fresh chance to read those cases with new interest. I could see the subtle linkages between cases that I had not previously noticed. From the distance of the academy, I observed the evolution of the doctrine without feeling overcome by the lawyer's instrumental urge to plumb each case for useful language or helpful analysis of an issue. I found teaching a relatively simple yet interesting task. My goal was to communicate what I knew about the case law to students eager to learn a new doctrinal area, as well as to students getting ready to take the bar exam. A decade later I find teaching more challenging. It is difficult to be clear, I now realize, when cases are informed by an individual judge's intuition rather than any canons of "law." The doctrine, which I formerly felt dexterous in manipulating, now seems crabbed. The legal rules often look like opaque alibis rather than guiding lights. Missing, for me, is a theory of fundamental fairness or a commitment to democracy or even an understanding of justice that is not simply an ordered society. This search for an overarching jurisprudential vision – one that links ideas of justice with ideas of democracy – animates my scholarship and inspires my research interests. This is what I now value. But student concerns have not changed at the same speed as my own. Many students still simply want to do well and pass the bar exam. Competing with their peers, they treat learning as a process of conveying and retaining information. Equally salient is the unquestioned notion that passive forms of information exchange can enable retention of that information over time. They think that what they learn in a classroom matters because it will be remembered three years later when confronted on the bar exam, with a series of multiple-choice questions designed to test their ability to memorize substantive legal doctrines. Or thevjust want good grades. What they learn is less important than what they need to get a job. Not just any job. A well-paying job. Some need to make enough money to pay back their law school loans. Others are greatly tempted by the prospect of making a lot of money for themselves and their clients. About five years ago I became so disillusioned I thought perhaps I was the one who needed to find a new job. I wanted to be part of an environment in which students felt an intellectual excitement about learning. I wanted to teach students who were committed to social justice, not just social advancement. I decided to try teaching graduate students.

El autor parte de los conocimientos de los estudios internacionales más importantes que se han hecho sobre espacio público, comunicación política y opinión pública. De una forma especial, se basa en la teoría normativa de Jürgen Habermas. Con este bagage se plantea el caso muy particular de la democracia en America Latina. Las dificultades que ha sufrido históricamente la implantación de la democracia en este ámbito geográfico y cultural, cree que se deben ir a buscar en la debilidad de la sociedad civil de los diferentes países del subcontinente, más que ern la perversidad de sus oligarquías y ejércitos. El autor se plantea, asimismo, los caminos que emprende la política en la así llamada globalización, a la vez que constata el hundimiento de los mediadores en la política y en la cultura. En el texto también se intenta esbozar cómo es y será en un futuro inmediato la nueva esfera pública en la sociedad red. Cómo se articularan las relaciones comunicativas telemáticas con los diferentes mundos de la vida dentro de los cuales se crean los significados. Se afirma que la existencia de las tecnologías comunicativas actuales en la configuración de la esfera pública exigen que se hagan cambios importantes en las mentalidades, en los lenguajes y en el diseño de políticas. Porque, ¿cómo mantener la racionalidad discursiva que exige la opinión pública con un sistema comunicativo en que la imagen tiene un papel primordial? El autor hace, finalmente, un llamamiento a que nadie caiga en el error de considerar que las tecnologías pueden ser neutras, ya que son el lugar donde se concentran los intereses económicos y políticos. ; The author takes as his starting-point the knowledge obtained from major international studies on public space, political communication and public opinion, in particular the normative theory of Jürgen Habermas. Within this context, he considers the very special case of democracy in Latin America. According to the author, the historical difficulties attending the implementation of democracy in this geographical and cultural area derive from the weakness of civil society in the various countries on the subcontinent, rather than from the perverse nature of its oligarchies and military structures. The author examines the political paths of the so-called globalization era, as well as noting the collapse of political and cultural mediators. The text attempts to outline the nature of the new public sphere, both at the present time and in the immediate future, in the context of the network society and how telematic communications will interrelate with the various spheres of life which give rise to meaning. It is argued that the place of current communication technologies in the configuration of the public sphere requires major changes in terms of political attitude, language and design. How can the rational discourse demanded by public opinion be maintained in a communication system where image plays an overriding role? Finally, the author cautions us not to make the mistake of thinking that technologies can be neutral, since they are a focus for economic and political interests.

A snapshot at figures of immigration (Aliyah) to the Land of Israel (Palestine) and to the State of Israel reveals the following: between 1882-1947, in successive waves of immigration, some 543,000 Jews immigrated to Palestine, joining the 24,000 who lived there. During the first three years of statehood (1948-1950) the average annual growth rate of the Jewish population was about 24 percent, and between 1948-1952, mass immigration of 711,000 supplemented a population of 630,000. Recently, Israel witnessed a massive influx of Soviet immigrants. During 1990-1998 the Israeli population of 4.56 million was enriched by 879,486 immigrants, a growth rate of 19.3 percent. In 1991, 15,000 Jews were airlifted in one single day in ?Operation Solomon?. What were the factors that drove this unprecedented migration of Jews from around the globe to Israel? Many of the major international migration movements were largely economic in nature (the push of poverty or the pull of expected enhanced standards of living) or have been in response to persecution. While all these factors have played some role in immigration to Israel, the Israeli case is unusual in that its origins are essentially ideological. Israel has always encouraged and assisted the immigration and absorption process as part of a pro-immigration ideology and policy. Its raison d'etre was and remains the ingathering and retention of Jewish immigrants and the forging of these diverse elements into a unified nation. Israel is a country established for and administered by immigrants from diverse countries and origins. In most cases of rapid population growth, per capita income declines. This is due to adjustment problems, low productivity of immigrants and infrastructure bottle-necks. Israel was an exception. Immigration was accompanied by accelerated growth rates even though large public funds were devoted to housing, employment and social services to facilitate the direct absorption of mass immigration. As a result, per capita income which was $3,500 in 1950 surged to $17,000 in 1996 - an annual growth rate of 3.5 percent. This paper describes the major waves of immigration to Israel, starting from 1882 up to the present. For each immigration wave, its size, composition, origin and characteristics are documented. It then focuses on the process of immigrants? assimilation in the local labor market and addresses three main questions: (i) How well do immigrants adapt to the Israeli economy? (ii) What are the effects of immigration on employment opportunities and are they paying their way in the welfare state? (iii) Are population and production growth interrelated? The facts and figures lead to an overall evaluation of the immigration process and to the lessons to be learned from past experience to improve the absorption process. In particular, return migration, which reflects failure to absorb, is discussed, and the very different absorption policies of the 1950s and the 1990s are contrasted and compared. Suggestions for changes in immigration policies are discussed. An evaluation of the contribution of immigration to economic growth and of the importance of Hebrew language acquisition is also presented. The last section of this paper provides a summary and conclusions.

Christian Pelras
This article results from an investigation about the origins of the first book ever published in the West in the last quarter of the XVIIth century about South Sulawesi, then a place quite out-of-the-way except for a handful of Dutch traders and perhaps a few Portuguese smugglers as well as for very occasional stranded travellers. In any case, none of these could possibly have provided the wealth of detailed and accurate details which the book is teeming with and which can only have been reported by somebody well acquainted with the Makassar language and society (although with a shallow historical knowledge).
From research about the author, Nicolas Gervaise, a French priest of the Company of the «Missions-Étrangères», whose family background, individual character, and life story might provide fantastic materials for a talented biographer, it appears that, although he did travel to the East, this was in quality of prospective pupil at the French Catholic Seminary of Ayuthia, and that he never travelled beyond the Kingdom of Siam from where he was sent back home in 1685 by his superiors. On his return he set to write a Natural and Political History of the Kingdom of Siam, in which he displays the usual prejudice over, and no particular knowledge of, the cultures of the Muslim peoples such as the Malays, the Cham and the Makassar then living in Ayuthia. Probably at the time the latter book was sent to press, Nicolas Gervaise was appointed the private tutor of two young Makassar princes called Daéng Ruru and Daéng Tulolo (aged 14 and 13 years) who had arrived in Paris in September 1687. They appear to have been the sole survivors of a rebellion which their father Karaéng Mangallé had led the previous year against the Siamese King Phra Narai. Taken on the battlefield with their arms in hand they were however, due to their young age, not put to death but confided to the representative of the French East India Company who sent them to the French King Louis XIV for their education. As Gervaise published his Historical description of the Makassar kingdom a few months only after having been put in charge of the two youths, they seem to have been his main informants, although there is some evidence that some supplementary information may have had another origin.
Of the subsequent life story of these so-called « Indian » princes with French- Makassar names (Louis-Pierre Daén Rourou de Macassar and Louis-Dauphin Daén Toulolo de Macassar), much still remains to be brought to light. From what is already known, one can point to the fact that they were raised in the best college of their time in Paris together with the flower of the French society, that they received all their life long an allowance directly taken from the French King's civil list, and that they were later admitted in the most prestigious French Naval Academy with the best titled French nobility, thus showing their full acceptance as aristocrats among others aristocrats, without apparently suffering the slightest trace of any racial prejudice.

Despite recent and growing interest in organizational politics, conceptual thought in this area tends to be dominated by a single theoretical perspective. In this paper we describe and contrast three views of organizational politics (functionalist, interpretive and radical) according to their differing structures, processes and outcomes. Each view, or lens, directs attention to some aspects of politics and away from others, and each has strengths and weaknesses embedded in it. In order to assess whether multiple perspectives on politics can be fruitfully applied simultaneously, we describe and analyze a case of a hospital administration engaged in budgeting games and illusion making. The data for the case were collected using naturalistic inquiry and multiple methods including structured and unstructured interviews, review of documents, observation of meetings and casual interaction facilitated by frequent visits over a ten-month period. The case revolves around the hospital administrators' attempts to deal with what they termed a "disastrous deficit" and the most serious financial situation in the hospital's history. Strategies for dealing with the funding agency and board of directors included the management of meaning and communications about the term "deficit." The three perspectives on organizational politics highlight different dynamics in the case. The interpretive perspective on politics assumes that parties exert influence by constructing the meaning of what others experience. Focusing on a deeper structure of power, the elements of politics which become highlighted are the use of language, information, metaphor, symbols, myths and humor. In the hospital case the administration managed meaning so that others believed that the hospital faced a significant deficit. The creation of illusions of financial crisis through use of linguistic games was supported by symbolic gestures, jokes, hit lists and other reality construction strategies. The functionalist perspective on politics is broken into two subsets, the rational and the pluralist. In this case the rationalist perspective was not operating to any great extent. Every effort was made to avoid both data-based debate or resolution of differences through the use of appeal to authority. The functionalist perspective does highlight the possible reasons for the extensive use of information manipulation by identifying the key players in the game and the bases of power they utilize. The radical perspective directs attention to the larger context of the case and asks at a deeper level why the Ministry of Health, Board of Directors and top administration are engaged in such game playing. Analysis of the political policy context of health care is suggested through this perspective. The analysis of the case using multiple perspectives reveals that a unidimensional critique is almost always going to be flawed. A richer understanding comes from the simultaneous use of all the perspectives. The question of a possible integration of perspectives is raised, and five possible approaches are briefly explored. The value for managers in the use of multiple perspectives lies in increasing their ability to understand and diagnose organizational events. Explicit use of more than one lens on politics heightens understanding of the dynamics and context of the situation and provides more options for action.

This Article sets out what I believe are the relevant justifications for free speech, the term "free speech" being meant to cover both freedom of speech and freedom of the press. These are the justifications one might use to assess whether communications fall within a political or judicial principle of free speech and how great the protection of the communications that are covered should be. Such assessments are undertaken in a longer study that is mainly about the ways in which different uses of language affect the application of principles of freedom of speech to the criminalization of behavior. That study concentrates on the communicative acts that lie on the border of free speech, especially solicitations to crime and threats, in an attempt to examine the proper boundaries of free speech. My broader purpose illuminates the ambitions and limits of this Article. What follows is an attempt to set out the various justifications for free speech in a systematic way. This attempt should provide some antidote for confusion and for oversimplification, the main disease of legal and philosophical scholarship. The Article reveals the subtle plurality of values that does govern the practice of freedom of speech; and one can surmise that a similarly close investigation would reveal a plurality of values behind almost any important social practice. This Article also reflects my own sense that, whatever may be true at some ultimate level, human beings dealing with practical problems not only do but should rely on a plurality of values. Rather than undertaking an exhaustive analysis of any individual justification, this Article attempts to set forth the relevant justifications for free speech as clearly, systematically and accurately as possible. The main virtue of the following pages is that they provide a coherent and comprehensive overview of justifications for free speech, an overview that will enable the reader to see how one justification relates to others, to understand what may be left out if one or two justifications are portrayed as dominant, and to assess with a suitably critical eye claims about the content of particular justifications and why they should be given a central place or rejected. Most of the Article is devoted to particular justifications for free speech, but first some preliminary matters are covered. Part I indicates why one can speak of a principle, or principles, of free speech only if there are bases for protecting speech that do not apply similarly to some substantially broader category of acts. Once Part I clarifies the idea of a principle of free speech, Part II examines the nature and classification of justifications. It maintains that efforts to arrive at any single unifying justification risk either simplifying or obscuring the complex values undergirding freedom of expression. This Part also suggests how the distinction between consequentialist and nonconsequentialist justifications usefully differentiates between reasons depending directly on empirical grounds and those resting on other normative claims. Parts III and IV then provide an account of multiple justifications divided along consequentialist and nonconsequentialist lines.

The first attempt to establish a higher education in Malaya was dated back to 1889, a first training course for assistant surgeons. With the public funds, King Edward VII Medical School and King Edward VII College of Medicine were established to meet the local needs. Raffles College was then established a few years later to provide courses in art and science and with the hope that these colleges would form the nucleus of the future university. In 1947, the King Edward VII College was amalgamated with Raffles College to form the University of Malaya, which was located in Singapore. Following the declaration of independence by Malaya and the perspective of expansion of the University in Kuala Lumpur, the committee has agreed to establish two largely autonomous divisions of equal status in Kuala Lumpur and Singapore, with a vice chancellor to be based in Kuala Lumpur. After the formation of Malaysia, the rapid expansion in the social and economic has boosted the number of population. University of Malaya alone could no longer meet the increasing demand for higher education facilities. This led to the establishment of another four universities to accommodate the needs of higher education. Various events that happened have influenced the admissions, teaching and language policies of the universities. In order to restructure the society, the universities have set up the pre-university courses for the bumiputera students to prepare them better for the university courses and thus trying to reduce the higher failure rates among the group. The main medium of communication in the universities has been set as Bahasa Malaysia to promote unity and harmony of the society. The five universities, which are University of Malaya, University of Science, the National University of Malaysia, the University of Agriculture and the University of Technology have their own focus in their respective field of expertise. The University and University College Act was enacted to guide the directions of the universities as well as to restrict the students' activities. As the effect, the universities in Malaysia share the similar administrative pattern. And all the universities are funded by the government. Prior to the admission to the universities, the students need to go through the primary education, lower secondary education (LCE) and upper secondary education (MCE or SPM). Those who pass well in the exams may gain admission to the 2 years of sixth form (HSE), which is set as the university admission requirement. The courses offered in the universities range from certificate to postgraduate studies, in part time or full time. Students' Representative Council (SRC) consists of a representative from each faculty, institutions and all the registered students. The objectives of SRC are to foster a spirit of corporate life among students, to organize and supervise students' welfare activities, to represent students in dealing with the vice-chancellor regarding the living and working conditions of the students and to undertake activities as may be determined by the council from time to time. The tuition fees and the accommodation fees vary from university to the others.

Novelist, playwright and short story writer Milan Kundera is one of the many Czech authors who, though they represent the best in their country's contemporary literature, cannot publish their work in Prague. Acclaimed in France, where in 1973 he won a major literary prize for his last but one novel, and published in English, German, Dutch, Swedish, Finnish, Hebrew, Japanese and many other languages, he remains one of the 400 or more writers who are 'on the index' in post-invasion, 'normalised' Czechoslovakia. Born in Brno forty-eight years ago, Kundera was until 1969 a professor at the Prague Film Faculty, his students including all the young film makers who were to bring fame to the Czechoslovak cinema in the sixties with such movies as The Firemen's Ball, A Blonde in Love and Closely Observed Trains. In 1960 he published a highly influential essay, 'The Art of the Novel'. Two years later the National Theatre put on his first play, The Owners of the Keys. Produced by Otomar Kreja, the play was an immediate success and was awarded the State Prize in 1963. His first novel, The Joke, came out in 1967, being reprinted twice in a matter of months and reaching a total of 116,000 copies. This book, whose appearance was delayed by a long, determined struggle with the censor, opened the way to publication abroad, where Aragon called it one of the greatest novels of the century. After the Soviet invasion Kundera was forced to leave the faculty, his work was no longer published in Czechoslovakia, all his books being removed from the public libraries. Since then, his works have only come out in translation. Life Is Elsewhere ( see Index 4/1974, pp.53–62) first appeared in Paris in 1973, where it won the Prix Medicis for the best foreign novel of the year. The French version of his latest novel, The Farewell Party, was published last year. In 1975 Kundera was offered a professorship by the University of Rennes and obtained permission from the Czechoslovak authorities to go to France, which is now his second home. All his prose works now exist in English translation. (For an appraisal of his work, see Robert C. Porter's article in Index 4/1975, pp.41–6). Unfortunately, The Joke - published by Macdonald in London and Coward McCann in New York in 1969 - was drastically cut without the author's consent, forcing Kundera to write an indignant letter to the Times Literary Supplement, disclaiming all responsibility - an interesting case of a non-political, commercial censorship. The irony of the situation was certainly not lost on the author, who is a master of the genre. His collection of short stories, Laughable Loves ( with a foreword by Philip Roth) and his other two novels have since been published by Knopf, and The Farewell Party has just been brought out by John Murray in London. This selection of Kundera's stimulating and often provocative views on such topics as the writer in exile, committed literature, the death of the novel, the nature of comedy, and so on, has been compiled by George Theiner.

Introducción: se estima que el envejecimiento poblacional continuará en ascenso durante los próximos años, incrementándose los casos de deterioro cognitivo. Esto exige contar con pruebas breves, confiables y de bajos costos destinadas a la detección temprana de las alteraciones cognitivas. El Mini Mental State Examination (MMSE) es una prueba ampliamente utilizada que permite un rastreo inicial de las alteraciones cognitivas. Respecto a dicha prueba, no se cuenta con datos normativos para el Área Metropolitana de Rosario, Argentina, en sujetos de edad avanzada. Objetivo: obtener valores normativos para la prueba MMSE-versión rioplatense en habitantes del Área Metropolitana de Rosario con edades de 50 años en adelante. Materiales y métodos: se administró la prueba MMSE a 1126 sujetos en el contexto de una campaña de prevención del deterioro cognitivo. Al aplicar los criterios de exclusión la muestra se redujo a 824 sujetos. Resultados: la escolaridad y la edad influyeron en el desempeño de la prueba, mientras que el género no tuvo incidencia. Se informan las medias y desvíos estándar según niveles de escolaridad y rangos etarios. Conclusiones: estas normas constituyen un marco de referencia local inédito a los efectos de pesquisar alteraciones cognitivas en sujetos de 50 años en adelante. ; Introduction: It is estimated that population aging will continue to rise over the next few years, increasing cases of cognitive impairment. This requires having short, reliable and low-cost tests aimed at the early detection of cognitive disorders. The Mini Mental State Examination (MMSE) is a widely used test that allows an initial screening of cognitive disorders. Regarding this test, there is no normative data for the Rosario Metropolitan Area, Argentina, in elderly subjects. Objective: Obtain normative values for the MMSE test - language spanish rioplatense version- in inhabitants of the Rosario Metropolitan Area, with ages 50 years and older. Materials and methods: The MMSE was administered to 1126 subjects in the context of a campaign to prevent cognitive impairment. When applying the exclusion criteria, the sample was reduced to 824 subjects. Results: Schooling and age influence the performance of the test, while gender had no incidence. The means and standard deviations are reported according to levels of schooling and age ranges. Conclusions: These norms indicate an unprecedented local frame of reference for the purpose of researching cognitive disorders in subjects 50 years of age and older. ; Fil: Martino, Pablo Luis. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Rosario; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Facultad de Psicología. Secretaria de Ciencia y Tecnología. Centro de Investigación en Neurociencias; Argentina ; Fil: Cervigni, Mauricio Alejandro. Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Facultad de Psicología. Secretaria de Ciencia y Tecnología. Centro de Investigación en Neurociencias; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Rosario; Argentina ; Fil: Infante, Leonardo. Servicio Integral de Terapia Ocupacional Rosario; Argentina ; Fil: Audisio, Eduardo Oscar. Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Facultad de Psicología; Argentina ; Fil: Politis, Daniel Gustavo. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Psicología; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

Enmarcado en los estudios del Análisis del Discurso, este artículo se propone investigar los modos en que el objeto discursivo psicoanálisis circula en diversas revistas argentinas durante la década del cincuenta. Las revistas suelen generar y difundir conocimientos, ideas, valores que repercuten en el imaginario social, por lo que su estudio permite un acercamiento al universocultural de una sociedad en determinada época. En este trabajo, realizamos un recorrido por dos semanarios populares, El Hogar y Para ti, y dos publicaciones prestigiosas, Sur e Imago Mundi, y recopilamos, sistematizamos y analizamos aquellas zonas textuales en las que se hace referencia explícita tanto al psicoanálisis como a su fundador. Entre los resultados alcanzados, hallamos, en primer lugar, cierta correlación entre la aparición del término psicoanálisis y los períodos democráticos. En segundo lugar, evidenciamos un estrecho vínculo entre el psicoanálisis, la psicología aplicada y el peronismo. Como resultado del empuje que la psicología aplicada tiene durante el gobierno de Perón, advertimos que el psicoanálisis se filtra en diversos artículos. Advertimos, por otra parte, la mención a la presencia de nociones psicoanalíticas en ellenguaje cotidiano y, finalmente, encontramos tres modalidades bajo las que el objeto psicoanálisis se construye: como un saber maldito, como un saber sobre el inconsciente y como un saber revolucionario. Estas tres modalidades pueden ubicarse en tres momentos de la década. Mientras que la primera predomina en los primeros años, la segunda asoma a partir de 1953 aproximadamente y la tercera se fortalece durante el último tiempo. ; Based on the studies of Discourse Analysis, this article aims to investigate the ways in which the discursive object psychoanalysis circulates in several Argentine magazines during the fifties. Magazines often generate and disseminate knowledge, ideas, values that impact on the social imaginary, so that their study allows an approach to the cultural universe of a society at a determined time. In this work, we examine two popular weeklies - El Hogar y Para ti - and two prestigious publications -Sur and Imago Mundi – to compile, systematize and analyze those textual areas in which explicit reference is made both to psychoanalysis and to its founder. Among the results achieved, we find, first, a certain correlation between the emergence of the term psychoanalysis and democratic periods. Second, we observe a close link between psychoanalysis, applied psychology and the peronism. As a result of the push that applied psychology has during the administration of Perón, we note that psychoanalysis is filtered in different articles. We also note the mention of the presence of psychoanalytic notions in everyday language and, finally, we find three modalities under which the object psychoanalysis is constructed: as a "cursed" knowledge, as a knowledge about the unconscious and as a "revolutionary" knowledge. These three modalities can be located in three moments of the decade. While the first one predominates in the first years, the second one appears after 1953 approximately and the third one strengthens during the last time ; Fil: Savio, Ana Karina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Instituto de Lingüística; Argentina

El presente propone, a partir de la recuperación de la sociología de Bourdieu, el posestructuralismo de Laclau y la historia de los lenguajes políticos de Rosanvallon, diferentes modos, anudados entre sí, de radicalizar a la crítica jurídica en su distanciamiento de cualquier tratamiento sistémico de lo social y el derecho. La tesis de este trabajo es una actitud radicalmente crítica respecto de lo jurídico, involucra dos cuestiones centrales. Por un lado, el cuestionamiento permanente de aquellos fundamentos del derecho aceptados por la doxa jurídica. Lo cual no implica afirmar la inexistencia de fundamentos del derecho, sino su carácter inconsistente. Inconsistencia que, a su vez, es concebida como insuperable. Por otro, el énfasis en las instancias fundacionales y/o dislocatorias de las estructuras jurídicas de sentido. Antes que poner el acento en los modos en que se expresa cierta supuesta coherencia del ordenamiento jurídico, o de las maneras en que se produce el sentido hacia adentro de determinado sistema jurídico, nuestra preocupación se dirige hacia aquellos momentos disruptivos que impiden a todo sistema alcanzar su plenitud. En definitiva, lo planteado lleva a ver en el derecho un espacio no plenamente medible, calculable y decidible, sino un terreno primordialmente contingente en donde lo político adquiere un lugar central. ; Recovering Bourdieu's sociology, Laclau´s post-structuralism and Rosanvallon´s history of political language, the proposal of the present essay is to show different ways, tied in between, to radicalize the legal critique, distancing it from any systemic treatment of society and Law. The thesis of this work is that a radical critical attitude regarding the legal involves two central questions. The first issue is a permanent questioning of the foundations of Law, as accepted by the legal doxa. This doesn´t mean that the inexistence of any foundation is affirmed, but rather the affirmation of its inconsistent character. Inconsistency, conceived as insuperable. The second issue involves an emphasis on the foundational and dislocatory instances of the legal structures of sense. Before putting the accent in the ways that a supposed coherence of a legislation is expressed, or in the forms that a certain legal system produces sense, our concern lies in those disruptive moments that impede any system to reach its fullness. Finally, the statement leads to a way of observing and analyzing Law not as a space fully measurable and decidable, but as a primarily contingent field in which the political occupies a central place. ; Fil: Villegas Guzmán, Sabrina María. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones Jurídicas y Sociales. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones Jurídicas y Sociales.; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina ; Fil: Pasquale, Maria Florencia. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Centro Experimental de la Vivienda Económica; Argentina ; Fil: Foa Torres, Jorge Gabriel. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones Jurídicas y Sociales. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones Jurídicas y Sociales.; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina