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First published in 1995. This volume offers a comparative perspective on labour relations and political change in eastern Europe within a common theoretical and empirical framework. Its coverage includes Bulgaria, and Czech and Slovak republics, Hungary, Poland, and Russia. Particular attention is given to the dynamics of changes in labour relations and privatisation, which are now critical to the more general process of political and economic transformation. This title will be of interest to scholars and students of politics, sociology and modern history.

Over the past two decades, numerous contributions to the history of economics have tried to assess Paul Samuelson's political positioning by tracing it in the subsequent editions of his famous textbook Economics. This literature, however, has provided no consensus about the location of Samuelson's political ideas. While some authors believe that Samuelson has always had inclinations toward interventionism, others conclude that he more often acted as a pro-business advocate. The purpose of this paper is not to argue for one of these two interpretations but to depict the making of Economics itself as a political process. By 'political' it is not meant the conduct of party politics but the many political elements that a textbook author has to take into account if he wants to be published and favorably received. I argue that the "middle of the road" stance that Samuelson adopted in the book was consciously constructed by the MIT economist, with the help of his home institution and his publishing company, McGraw-Hill, to ensure both academic freedom and the success of the book. The reason for which the stance developed is related to pre-McCarthyist right-wing criticisms of the textbook and how Samuelson and the MIT department had to endure the pressures from members of the Corporation (MIT's Board of Trustees), who tried to prevent the publication of the textbook and threatened Samuelson's tenure at MIT as soon as 1947 - when early manuscripts were circulated. As a result, it was decided in accordance with both the Corporation and McGraw-Hill that the Readings volume would be published to balance conflicting ideas about state intervention. Following these early criticisms, the making of the subsequent editions relied on a network of instructors and referees all over the US in order to make it as successful and consensual as possible. This seemed to work quite well in the 1950s and for a good portion of the 1960s, until Economics became victim of its own success and was seen, in an ironical twist of fate, as a right ...

Newly available in paperback, this thorough and engaging examination of an institution and its young charges is set in the wider social, cultural, demographic and medical context of the eighteenth century. By examining the often short lives of abandoned babies, Levene illustrates the variety of pathways to health, ill-health and death taken by the young and how it intersected with local epidemiology, institutional life and experiences of abandonment, feeding and child-care. Child fostering, paid nursing and family formation in different parts of England are also examined, showing how this metropolitan institution called on a network of contacts to try to raise its charges to good health.Of significance to scholars working in economic and social history, medical and institutional history and histories of childhood and childcare in the early modern period, the book will also appeal to anthropologists interested in child-rearing and feeding practices, and inter-family relationships

What constraints do history and the global economy place upon Africa's economic development? To answer this question, Alemayehu Geda offers a new study of international finance and trade in Africa using a global macro model focused on the region. A unique study of the African continent, this book offers development economists and policymakers an innovative alternative to the IMF and World Bank's framework for national development strategy.

This paper investigates the monetary autonomy of Central Eastern and South Eastern European countries with the Euro area. These countries are European Union Member States that have not adopted yet the Euro single currency. Despite high degree of convergence as measured by Maastricht criteria, four of them do no plan to enter the Euro area soon. We therefore assess monetary autonomy of these countries over the long run through the use of a multivariate cointegration methodology with structural breaks (Johansen et al., 2000). This methodology allows us to capture the multidimensional aspects of monetary autonomy in the context of nominal convergence in the Economic and Monetary Union, by including both domestic and Euro area variables into the system (policy rates, inflation rates, exchange rate). It also enables us to exploit all information contained in the macroeconomic series of these countries, for which broken economic history translates into non-stationary time series with breaks. Our empirical results suggest that modelling structural breaks changes the number and/or nature of cointegrating relations between our variables compared to the standard error correction model without breaks. With this modelling, we find monetary policy spillover from the Euro area to Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Romania. The inclusion of Euro area inflation to our baseline model enriches the cointegrating relations for the Czech Republic and Bulgaria. Poland is found to be the most monetary-independent country of our study across the various models estimated. On the other hand, Romania's monetary interdependence with Euro area is better modelled without taking into account any structural break. ; La motivation de ce papier est de comprendre les interdépendances existant entre les politiques monétaires conventionnelles menées par les pays CESEE membres de l'Union Européenne et par la zone Euro. Elles sont théoriquement renforcées par la convergence nominale à l'œuvre dans ces pays (et telle que mesurée par certains critères de Maastricht) et les trilemme et dilemme de politique monétaire. Pour autant, les pays CESEE en régime de change flottant ne sont pas candidats à l'adhésion au Mécanisme de Change Européen II, dernier stade du processus d'adhésion à l'Euro. La question de recherche posée se rapporte ainsi au degré d'autonomie des politiques monétaires domestiques par rapport à la zone Euro. La principale contribution de ce papier est de proposer une analyse de cointégration multivariée par pays des variables de politique monétaire domestique (augmentées des variables monétaires de la zone Euro et du taux de change), robuste aux ruptures structurelles caractéristiques des séries macroéconomiques de ces économie en transition. Nos résultats confirment la pertinence de cette modélisation à ruptures pour la Bulgarie, la Hongrie et la République Tchèque. Le degré de dépendance monétaire est lié aux régimes de change, sans que cela soit vérifié pour la Croatie. La Pologne est le pays le plus autonome monétairement sur longue période et l'interdépendance entre la Roumanie et la zone Euro est mieux modélisée sans prendre en compte de rupture structurelle.

The series aims at publishing works operating at the intersections of political theory, intellectual and conceptual history, and empirically dense socio-economic and political analyses of power. The works published in this series will place particular emphasis on the transregional - transimperial, transnational, transcultural - and the transtemporal orientation of political concepts and practices of power, with a special focus on idioms of rulership, political normativity and order, as well as subversion and rebellion against such regimes.European expansion began in the early modern period, but in the 18th century Europeans were still far from establishing their rule in Africa or Asia. Many attempts at expansion failed miserably. Nevertheless, the belief in European supremacy and civilizing charisma was consolidated. This study examines the reasons for these unrealistic plans and shows how a gap developed between imperial aspirations and the reality of intercultural encounters. Using the history of French attempts at expansion in Madagascar as an example, it analyses the unfolding of colonial fantasy, the production of bureaucratic knowledge and the role of the Enlightenment in the development of colonialism.

"Now in its second edition, The Civil Rights Movement: The Black Freedom Struggle in America recounts the extraordinary story of how tens of thousands of seemingly ordinary African Americans overcame segregation, exercised their right to vote, and improved their economic standing, and how millions more black people, along with those of different races, continue to fight for racial justice in the wake of continuing police killings of unarmed black men and women. In a concise, chronological fashion, Bruce Dierenfield shows how concerted pressure in a variety of forms has helped realize a more just society for many blacks, though racism is far from being extinguished. The new edition has been fully revised to include an entire chapter on the emergence of the Black Lives Matter movement. In addition, the black experience in the slave and Jim Crow periods has been expanded, and greater emphasis has been placed throughout on black agency. The book also features revised maps, new primary documents, and an updated bibliography that reflects recent scholarship. This book will provide students of American history with a compelling and comprehensive introduction to the Civil Rights Movement"--

For the first time in their modern history, the Kurds in Iraq and Turkey at least are cautiously ascending. In northern Iraq the two U.S. wars against Saddam Hussein have had the fortuitous side effect of helping to create a Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). The KRG has become an island of democratic stability, peace, and burgeoning economic progress, as well as an autonomous part of a projected federal, democratic, post-Saddam-Hussein Iraq. If such an Iraq proves impossible to construct, as it well may, the KRG is positioned to become independent. Either way, the evolution of a solution to the Kurdish problem in Iraq is clear. Furthermore, Turkey's successful EU candidacy would have the additional fortuitous side effect of granting that country's ethnic Kurds their full democratic rights that have hitherto been denied. Although this evolving solution to the Kurdish problem in Iraq and Turkey remains cautiously fragile and would not apply to the Kurds in Iran and Syria because they have not experienced the recent developments their co-nationals in Iraq and Turkey have, it does represent a strikingly positive future that until recently seemed so bleak

Utopian Movements and Ideas of the Great Depression explores several lesser known movements for change and reform in the Great Depression Era of the 1930s. It includes studies of a few communal societies, proposals for reform, and analyses of several books written in the 1930s that propose solutions to the nation's economic ills.

John F. Henry is an eminent economist who has made important contributions to heterodox economics drawing on Adam Smith, Karl Marx, Thorstein Veblen, and John Maynard Keynes. His historical approach offers radical insights into the evolution of ideas (ideologies and theories) giving rise to and/or induced by the changes in capitalist society. Essays collected in this festschrift not only evaluate John Henry's contributions in connection to Marx's and Veblen's theories, but also apply them to the socio-economic issues in the 21st century. In Part I leading heterodox economists in the traditions of Marxism, Post Keynesianism, and Institutionalism critically examine Marx's and Veblen's theoretical frameworks (and their connections to each other) that have become the foundations of heterodox economics. Chapters in Part II showcase alternative theoretical explanations inspired by Marx, Veblen, and Henry. Topics in this Part include financial crisis, financialization, capital accumulation, economics teaching, and the historical relationship between money and class society. Part III is devoted to John Henry's heterodox economics encapsulated in his "farewell" lecture, interview, and bibliography. Essays in this book, individually and collectively, make an important point that the history of economic thought (or historical analysis of economic theory and policy) is an integral part of developing heterodox economics as an alternative theoretical framework. Anyone who is troubled by the recurring failure of capitalism as well as mainstream economics will find this book well worth reading.

The current importance that the studies have Historiographies on the questions of the Argentina agro in the XXth century and the growth of works of investigation and of balance sheets on the above mentioned production they generate a propitious context for the critical reappraisal of the contributions that have been done to the history of the Argentine agro from the perspective cepalina, mas specifically that one expressed in the wide production of the economist Aldo Ferrer: his explanation of the agrarian problematics from the analysis of the internal weaknesses of the productive Argentina system and the basic failings of the functioning of the capitalist economy constitutes a speech in historical perspective that demonstrates the representations identitarias that the capitalist national sectors had of the Argentine agro at the end of the decade of sixty. The analysis of his classic work The Economy Argentina (1963) allows to argue that in his theoretical and methodological boarding of the economic Argentine development the agrarian question occupies the center of the problems that they have afflicted to the productive Argentine system during all the 20th century and specially during the stage called of "nationalistic opening" (1970-1971) in which the author had an active political participation as Secretary of the Treasury of the Nation Argentina. ; La actualidad que tienen los estudios historiográficos sobre las cuestiones del agro argentino en el siglo XX y el crecimiento de trabajos de investigación y de balances sobre dicha producción generan un contexto propicio para la reevaluación crí­tica de los aportes que se han hecho a la historia del agro argentino desde la perspectiva cepalina, mas especí­ficamente aquella expresada en la amplia producción del economista Aldo Ferrer: su explicación de la problemática agraria desde el análisis de las debilidades internas del sistema productivo argentino y las falencias básicas del funcionamiento de la economí­a capitalista constituye un discurso en perspectiva ...

Slavery Hinterland explores a neglected aspect of transatlantic slavery: the implication of a continental European hinterland. It focuses on historical actors in territories that were not directly involved in the traffic in Africans but linked in various ways with the transatlantic slave business, the plantation economies that it fed and the consequences of its abolition. The volume unearths material entanglements of the Continental and Atlantic economies and also proposes a new agenda for the historical study of the relationship between business and morality. Contributors from the US,Britain and continental Europe examine the ways in which the slave economy touched on individual lives and economic developments in German-speaking Europe, Switzerland, Denmark and Italy. They reveal how these 'hinterlands' served as suppliers of investment, labour and trade goods for the slave trade and of materials for the plantation economies, and how involvement in trade networks contributed in turn to key economic developments in the 'hinterlands'. The chapters range in time from the first, short-lived attempt at establishing a German slave-trading operation in the 1680s to the involvement of textile manufacturers in transatlantic trade in the first quarter of the nineteenth century. A key theme of the volume is the question of conscience, or awareness of being morally implicated in an immoral enterprise. Evidence for subjective understandings of the moral challenge of slavery is found in individual actions and statements and also in post-abolition colonisation and missionary projects. FELIX BRAHM is Research Fellow at the German Historical Institute in London. EVE ROSENHAFT is Professor of German Historical Studies, University of Liverpool.CONTRIBUTORS: Felix Brahm, Peter Haenger, Catherine Hall, Daniel P. Hopkins, Craig Koslofsky, Sarah Lentz, Rebekka von Mallinckrodt, Anne Sophie Overkamp, Alexandra Robinson, Eve Rosenhaft, Anka Steffen, Klaus Weber, Roberto Zaugg

This article is devoted to understanding the genesis of the Soviet intelligentsia and identifying meaningful changes in its attitude to power in 1953–1964. The research methodology is based on complementing the historical-party approach with sociological theories of functionalism and structuralism, as well as the theory of elites and the new class. The hypothesis of the study is the complex nature of the Soviet intelligentsia, which included the remnants of the pre-revolutionary educated layer, as well as representatives of the "new" Soviet intelligentsia who emerged during the years of Soviet power, possessing high cognitive qualities, partisanship and the ability for social conformism and mimicry. The modernization of the socio-political course under N.S. Khrushchev and his opening of the floodgates of criticism of the "cult of personality" of J.V. Stalin revived the function of critical analysis and construction of new meanings, characteristic of the intelligentsia, which was successfully suppressed in the USSR. The growth of critical sentiment among the Soviet intelligentsia in the conditions of desacralization of power and half-hearted de-Stalinization, the articulation of doubts about the effectiveness of the Soviet system began in the early 1960s to failures in economic policy. The economic uncompetitiveness of socialism in the conditions of weakening mobilization mechanisms for its development gives rise to a crisis of confidence in power among the Soviet intelligentsia. In the conditions of the USSR's transition to a post-industrial society, there is a growing dissonance between the humanization and technocratization of the Soviet intelligentsia and the further dogmatization of the CPSU system of ideological education. The result is an increasing trend since the mid-1960s anomie of the Soviet intelligentsia from power.