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DeafBlind individuals are resilient human beings who face significant and complex challenges in all aspects of life. Challenges include access to information, communication, academics, social activities, identity, independence, mobility, and moving around in the world. Recently, more DeafBlind students are attending higher education institutions. Therefore, this study focuses on discovering experiences and perspectives of DeafBlind college students who attend a bilingual and bicultural university for sighted Deaf students, where there are a limited number of DeafBlind students. Personal interviews and observations are used to explore how DeafBlind adults navigated college life and what coping strategies they used to overcome academic and social challenges. A grounded theory-based approach was used, as an analysis, as there is limited information and research available about DeafBlind college individuals. Insights and strategies are provided to support new DeafBlind students who plan to attend post-secondary education or are already attending college.

I contend that the popular 'mini-publics' approach to implementing deliberation in practice is unable to realize deliberative democracy in a way that fulfills the deliberative democratic standard of legitimacy. Deliberative democratic legitimacy requires citizens to actively claim their right to justification against government authorities, which the capacity of mini-public deliberation to serve authorities sidelines or even undermines. I propose an alternative account of deliberative democracy with an eye specifically to legitimacy: deliberative democracy as a political culture. On this view, it is cultural aspects (the ethos, social norms and self-understandings that shape and constrain political processes), not institutional specificities, that are decisive for deliberation fulfilling its legitimacy ambition. Deliberative democratic theory ought to conceptualize ways of opening up social and political space for widespread citizen-led engagement and critical scrutiny of authorities, rather than striving for the development of institutional short-cuts.

This essay offers an eco-critical reading of Ignacio de Loyola Brandão 's 1981 novel Não verás país nenhum. (Trans. And Still the Earth, 1985). I examine in detail the novel's unconventional and multi-layered conceptualizations of history while also focusing on aesthetic aspects of Brandão's depiction of social, political, and environmental degradation. My analysis expands on the contextual timeframe of the Military Dictatorship years (1964-1985) with which the novel is conventionally associated. I propose instead to approach Brandão's text through wider historical and spatial perspectives. I show how the novel articulates unconventional conceptualizations of history that challenge long-standing humanistic approaches. Though closely related to specific historical and political contexts in Brazil, this decades-old narrative anticipated many of the anxieties that became part of current global debates on the Anthropocene and its impact on humanistic precepts in the Humanities and in the Social Sciences.

Politische Kultur hat politischer Kultiviertheit wenig zu tun. Sie erfasst vielmehr die "subjektive Dimension von Politik" – Meinungen, Einstellungen und Werte der Bevölkerung gegenüber Politikern, dem Parlament, den Institutionen uvm. Mehr als ein Vierteljahrhundert nach der Deutschen Wiedervereinigung fragt dieses, aus einem Forschungsseminar an der TU Chemnitz hervorgegangene Umfrageprojekt nach ausgewählten Aspekten der lokalen politischen Kultur in Chemnitz. Dazu zählen die Wahrnehmung der politischen Institutionen, die Einschätzung der demokratischen Teilhabechancen, das Sozialkapital sowie schließlich die Nutzung digitaler Medien. ; Political Culture has nothing to do with a civilized mode of political behaviour, Instead, it embraces the "subject dimension of politics" – opinions, attitudes and value orientations of society toward politicians, parliament, and other institutions of political life. More than 25 years after German re-unification this project – a product of a research seminar conducted at TU Chemnitz in 2016 – illuminates selected aspects of local political culture in "Saxony's Manchester", including the societal perception of political institutions, the evaluation of democratic participatory opportunities, social capital as well as the relevance of social media for political participation.

El presente artículo es una edición comentada de la relación de Villena publicada en 1771 por Nipho de Cagigal, en el semanario madrileño Correo General de España, en la que se abordan diversos aspectos económicos, políticos, sociales, religiosos y geográficos de la citada Ciudad en tiempos de la Ilustración. El texto original se acompaña de profusa información documental, obtenida en su mayor parte de fuentes archivísticas de carácter local y nacional, así como de fuentes bibliográficas específicas. ; This article is a commented edition on the description of Villena published in 1771 by Nipho de Cagigal in the magazine Correo General de España, regarding economical, political, social, religious and geographical aspects of the aforementioned City in times of Illustration. The original text is accompanied by profuse information, compilated from sources such as local and national archives, as well as specific bibliography.

In the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis, Bitcoin emerged as an alternative monetary system that could circumvent political and financial authorities. A practice in libertarian prefigurative politics, Bitcoin demonstrates the capacity for online subgroups to creatively appropriate internet-based technologies to enact alternative futures. Andrew Feenberg's critical theory of technology clarifies this capacity and outlines the significance of agency in technical action. As technology mediates many social relations, it has a significant role in the reproduction of social power. Technological agency is therefore a crucial site of resistance in which users can form alternative, democratic rationalizations of technology. Yet are such instances of agency intrinsically democratic? In analysing this aspect of Feenberg's theory, this article argues that Bitcoin represents a 'popular rationalization' of technology - a creative appropriation of technology that empowers some groups while lacking the ethical justification necessary to be considered democratic.

Given the pervasiveness of free Wi-Fi zones in cafes, use of laptops, tablets and smart phones supports the transformation of cafes from social spaces to work spaces for many customers. In this article we analyse, on the basis of an ethnographic study of individuals' laptop work in urban cafes in Norway and the UK, (1) what it is about cafes that makes people visit them for working purposes, and (2) how individual laptop work changes the social life of such venues. By linking our analysis to theories of communal processes and the domestication of technologies, we put forward the concept of 'situational domestication', encompassing the aspects of socially embedded individual working. Consequently, the close study of how cafe spaces are being used for work offers insights into how progressively technologised work and work habits influence not only work itself, but also public space at a broader level.

AbstractExotic livestock disease outbreaks have the capacity to significantly impact individual livestock keepers, as well as devastate an entire industry sector. However, there has been limited research undertaken to understand how farmers think about and carry out exotic livestock disease control practices within the social sciences. Drawing on aspects of Social Identity Theory and Self‐Categorisation Theory, this article explores how the 'good farmer' identity concept influences farmers' exotic livestock disease control practices. Using findings from an in‐depth, large‐scale qualitative study with animal keepers and veterinarians, the article identifies three context specific and at times conflicting 'good farmer' identities. Additionally, a defensive component is noted whereby farmers suggest an inability to carry out their role as a 'good farmer' due to government failings, poor practice undertaken by 'bad farmers', as well as the uncontrollable nature of exotic disease.

Abstract The Brazilian sugarcane industry has experienced a rapid expansion during the 2000s. The prediction of the sugarcane crop expansion in the coming decades raises controversy about social and environmental impacts, which are partially evaluated in the current energy planning. In order to integrate these discussions to the decision-making, this article aims at presenting a Strategic Environmental Assessment framework to support the sugarcane expansion planning as presented in the national Decennial Energy Plan. The main positive aspects of this framework include: the integration of environmental, social and economic issues providing strategic focus and sustainability to the decision-making; the proposition of sustainability indicators whose data are available for watershed scale; and guidelines for analyzing alternative scenarios established in the energy planning. The authors believe this framework allows integrating sustainability into the decision-making of the sugarcane expansion planning supported by the Strategic Environmental Assessment.

Understanding how people make sense of social issues is a fundamental aspect of communications research. In this piece, we apply theory from psychological anthropology to provide a new perspective on this core feature of communication and argue for the importance of considering culture in applied communications research. Drawing on a study of the implicit understandings and patterns of reasoning that Americans use to think about the process of aging and older adults, we show how the theory of cultural models can be applied to arrive at a deeper view of the ways in which members of the public make meaning of aging issues. We discuss the implications of this research for those communicating about aging and other social and scientific issues. The article provides information on public understanding that is directly pertinent to those communicating about aging and demographic change in the United States.

¿Ha inventado la libertad el siglo XVIII? El análisis, que podría hacerse desde la triple experiencia de la libertad artística, "libertina" y política, se limita aquí al examen de esta última tanto desde la perspectiva de la Revolución Gloriosa teorizada por Locke en Two Essays of Government, como desde la experiencia de la Revolución Francesa, anticipada teóricamente en Du contrat social, así como desde la perspectiva de la "meta soñada" prevista por Kant. ; Is freedom an XVIIIth Century invention? Such a question could be analysed involving the artistic, the "libertin" and the political aspects of the experience of freedom. Here, the political one is considered only, not only from the perspective of Lockets "Glorious Revolution" dealt with in Two Essays of Government, but in the light of the Du contrat social theorically anticipated French Revolution as well, and also from the prospective of Kant's "dreamt goal".

In becoming a develop nation by 2020, Malaysia Government realized the need in providing affordable house to the public. Since Second Malaysia Plan, government has implemented various affordable housing projects and it continues until recent Malaysia Plan.To measure the effectiveness of the initiatives taken, public opinion is necessary.A social media platform has been seen as the most effective mechanism to get information on people's thought and feeling towards certain issues. One of the best ways to extract emotions and thoughts from what people post in social media is through Sentiment Analysis (SA).This paper will propose a new framework that focuses on the application of sentiment analysis to assist the decision maker in understanding the real voice of the public in regard to property industry in Malaysia.The framework will consist of two components; sentiment classification at feature/aspect level and sentiment visualization to show the results of the analysis.

I contend that the popular 'mini-publics' approach to implementing deliberation in practice is unable to realize deliberative democracy in a way that fulfills the deliberative democratic standard of legitimacy. Deliberative democratic legitimacy requires citizens to actively claim their right to justification against government authorities, which the capacity of mini-public deliberation to serve authorities sidelines or even undermines. I propose an alternative account of deliberative democracy with an eye specifically to legitimacy: deliberative democracy as a political culture. On this view, it is cultural aspects (the ethos, social norms and self-understandings that shape and constrain political processes), not institutional specificities, that are decisive for deliberation fulfilling its legitimacy ambition. Deliberative democratic theory ought to conceptualize ways of opening up social and political space for widespread citizen-led engagement and critical scrutiny of authorities, rather than striving for the development of institutional short-cuts.

Jayaprakash Narayan, better remembered for his exploits in the Quit India movement of 1942, social work in the 1960s and his call for a 'Total Revolution' in 1974, was also a leading Congress socialist between 1934 and 1948, as well as active in non-Congress socialist politics till 1954. An admirer of Jawaharlal Nehru, he was a vocal critic of Vallabhbhai Patel. A radical with pronounced leftist tendencies, he was a bête noire of an elite-based politics of capitalist, communitarian and majoritarian impulses. Twice a member of Congress Working Committee, he was repeatedly invited by Nehru to join his government after Patel's death and was spoken of as Nehru's successor in the 1950s. These somewhat overshadowed aspects of his political life, in comparison to his social leadership, make it an important prism of Congress politics, its culture of 'control and consensus' and characteristics of 'continuity and change' with the colonial state.

Abstract The multi-ethnic and multilingual complexes of the Upper Rio Negro and the Upper Xingu share common aspects that frequently emerge in ethnographies, including notions of descent, hierarchical social organization and ritual activities, as well as a preference for forms of exogamy and the unequal distribution of productive and ritual specialties and esoteric knowledge. In this article we investigate how the people of both regions conceive of their humanity and that of their neighbours as variations on a shared form, since in both regions ritual processes for negotiating positions and prerogatives seems to take the place of the latent state of warfare typical of the social life of other Amazonian peoples. In this article we will synthesize, for each region, the spatio-temporal processes that underscore the eminently variable constitution of collectivities, seeking, in conclusion, to isolate those elements that the two regions have in common.