Suchergebnisse

The Amphawa community houses the birth place of King Rama II Nowadays this community is still water-based and one can see Thai-styled and row houses, canal-side walkways and ladders leading down to the canal. Against this backdrop are coconut plantations and mixed orchards of pomelo, lychee, etc. Amphawa is also rich in Thai culture featuring mural paintings, traditional dance and music and architecture. Water-based ways of life are very much alive as evidenced by water traffic. The objective of the project is to modify and apply the SAVE and CHIP techniques devised by the Danish Government as part of Cultural Heritage Conservation, awareness-raising campaign and demonstration of conservation campaign of traditional buildings ranging from government buildings, Thai-styled and contemporary houses and row houses to the rehabilitation of a canal landscape. As a result, local people are better aware of the advantages of cultural heritage conservation while the project enhances the preparedness of the community to accommodate ecological tourism. Finally, the experience gained from this project can also be applied to other areas of Thailand.

The role of voluntary associations in the repertoire of joint action in France and Finland captures in a concrete way the character of the political culture in the two countries. The role of associations is viewed, first, in a historical state–society perspective. In Finland, they appear to be the main vehicle for making claims and taking joint action, whereas in France they have long been harassed or barely tolerated by the state. Second, seen as a part of a wider repertoire of collective action, the dominant position of the associations in Finland – reflecting the character of Finnish 'organization society'– is contrasted with action orientation in the French tradition, which is manifested, for example, in the linkage of associations with demonstrations. Third, the French and the Finnish view of 'representation', in a wide sense of the term, are compared. It is argued that a 'descriptive' vision 'expressing' society predominates in Finland, whereas a 'constructive' vision 'producing' society characterizes France. Finally, a few reflections are made on the French and the Finnish perceptions of societal dynamics and on the current problem of claim‐making.

Abstract We introduce computer‐based methodologies for investigating object identification in 3‐ to 5‐year‐old children. In two experiments, preschool children and adults indicated when they could identify degraded pictures of common objects as those pictures either gradually improved or degraded in clarity. Clarity transformations were implemented in four ways: blurring, decreasing the picture's physical size, decreasing the pixel signal‐to‐noise ratio, and cropping. In Experiment 1, all age groups correctly identified objects at a more degraded state when those objects began moderately, as opposed to very, degraded and then clarified. This finding supports the notion that previous perceptual hypotheses interfere with object identification (i.e. the perceptual interference effect). In Experiment 2, children, but not adults, overestimated their ability to recognize objects in a degraded state when the object's identity was given to them beforehand. This suggests that for young children knowledge of the object's true identity cannot be ignored when evaluating their current perceptions. This is the first demonstration of the perceptual interference effect in children. We discuss both methodological and theoretical implications of the findings for research on object perception and theory of mind.

The February 2003 demonstrations against the war in Iraq raised a broader question : does this global activism signal the emergence of a new transnational public sphere of collective action? To account for an event some regard as a turning point in the politics of contention, both in essence and in scale, this article undertakes an historical analysis of the social processes that have transnationalized activism. The analysis juxtaposes Jürgen Habermasâ?? definition of public space (1962) with the history of transnational social movements since the mid-1980s. ; Les manifestations de février 2003 contre la guerre en Irak soulèvent une interrogation : cette mobilisation mondiale marque-t-elle l'avènement d'un nouvel espace d'exercice de l'action publique, un espace public transnational ? Pour examiner avec rigueur un évènement qui est apparu comme une rupture, un changement d'échelle de la contestation, il convient d'en faire l'archéologie et de regarder les processus sociaux qui ont amené cette transnationalisation de la mobilisation. On a choisi de confronter la définition que donne Jürgen Habermas de l'espace public dans son ouvrage de 1962 avec l'histoire des mouvements sociaux transnationaux depuis le milieu des années 1980.

The February 2003 demonstrations against the war in Iraq raised a broader question : does this global activism signal the emergence of a new transnational public sphere of collective action? To account for an event some regard as a turning point in the politics of contention, both in essence and in scale, this article undertakes an historical analysis of the social processes that have transnationalized activism. The analysis juxtaposes Jürgen Habermasâ?? definition of public space (1962) with the history of transnational social movements since the mid-1980s. ; Les manifestations de février 2003 contre la guerre en Irak soulèvent une interrogation : cette mobilisation mondiale marque-t-elle l'avènement d'un nouvel espace d'exercice de l'action publique, un espace public transnational ? Pour examiner avec rigueur un évènement qui est apparu comme une rupture, un changement d'échelle de la contestation, il convient d'en faire l'archéologie et de regarder les processus sociaux qui ont amené cette transnationalisation de la mobilisation. On a choisi de confronter la définition que donne Jürgen Habermas de l'espace public dans son ouvrage de 1962 avec l'histoire des mouvements sociaux transnationaux depuis le milieu des années 1980.

Factors responsible for the escalation of violence in Uighur protests in Xinjiang province in the People's Republic of China are studied. The question of whether Kevin J. O'Brien's (1996) notion of rightful resistance is applicable to the Uighurs' protests is addressed, prompting disagreement with popular explanations for the escalation of violence in Xinjiang province. An overview of the Uighurs' principal complaints against the Chinese government is then presented, eg, the incompetence of state cadres & the disproportionately high tax burdens imposed upon Chinese peasants. It is subsequently asserted that the Uighurs' delineation of the Chinese state as conditionally legitimate expedited the rights movement's transition to anti-state resistance; Although several minor circumstances & events encouraged the Uighurs to support separation from the People's Republic of China, it is stressed that the Chinese state's delineation of Uighur resistance as a major threat to Chinese national security & its actions against Islamic groups, also likely prompted the escalation of violence in Uighur demonstrations. Differences between the Uighur & Chinese Han separatist movements are highlighted; the implications of these differences & the study's conclusions for understanding ethnic minority mobilization are also pondered. J. W. Parker

Recent research suggests a conditional relationship between states' domestic regimes or ideologies & their alliances. I argue that the likelihood that alliances will form along ideological lines increases with the fear among at least two governments of ideology I that they are threatened by transnational rival ideology J. Understanding the power of demonstration effects -- that when J advances in one country it gains credibility in others -- I-governments will have an incentive to enter an international agreement to oppose J domestically. Such domestic-security agreements will exacerbate the security dilemma, raising fears among J-governments that I-governments are forming a bloc directed at J & J-governments. J-governments will tend to respond by increasing cooperation among themselves, inducing corresponding fears among I-governments; the coalescing I- & J-blocs will tend to spiral into alliances. I- or J-governments wishing to avoid ideologically based alliances may signal an absence of rollback intentions through various means. I demonstrate this process of alliance formation with a lengthy case study of alliance formation in the Holy Roman Empire in the 16th century. 3 Figures, 111 References. Adapted from the source document.

Laser systems are finding a home in many military applications - such as Space Situational Awareness, imaging and weapons systems. With an increasing focus on programs that entail atmospheric propagations, there is a need for a cost effective method of performing proof-of-concept demonstrations. The use of one SLM (single phase screen) to model atmosphere has been investigated previously with promising results. However, some effects cannot be captured with a single SLM. This paper focuses on the addition of a second SLM and quantifying the results. Multiple screens will allow the user to independently control the Fried parameter, the isoplanatic angle, and Rytov Variance. The research is comprised of simulation and experiment. The simulation demonstrates the ability to accurately model atmospheric effects with two phase screens. Based on the simulation, a hardware implementation was tested in the lab. This thesis describes the experimental set-up and results based on measurement of phase and intensity of the propagated field. It was noted that while analytic results are replicated in simulation, similar results in the lab were difficult to achieve.

This article analyzes some factors underlying the spread of insurgent violence in Africa. It focuses on the impact external factors have on power struggles on the continent. The first of these is the unsteady support for democracy from Western donors, which has impeded more far-reaching domestic changes in much of Africa. Second are wider changes in the international setting that dramatically enhanced the international standing of armed movements in the post-1989 period. The article argues that the interplay of both factors has induced would-be leaders to conquer state power by violent rather than non-violent means. This becomes particularly evident in regard to Western efforts to solve violent conflict through power-sharing agreements. The hypothesis is put forward that the institutionalization of this practice for the sake of 'peace', i.e. providing rebels with a share of state power, has important demonstration effects across the continent. It creates an incentive structure would-be leaders can seize upon by embarking on the insurgent path as well. As a result, and irrespective of their effectiveness in any given case, power-sharing agreements may contribute to the reproduction of insurgent violence.

In this article, the authors examine various questions regarding the new expressions of international contestation, analysing answers and reactions from states to the emergence of non‐governmental actors opposed to the present world order who claim to propose alternatives to neo‐liberal governance. To do so, the authors identify some of the more visible movements of contestation against economic globalisation, like the Seattle, Prague, and Genoa demonstrations, and, first of all, the four editions of the World Social Forum that have taken place, first in Porto Alegre and latterly in Mumbai. At the same time, the article shows the interstate relations that aim to control and if necessary repress these movements, particularly after the attacks on 11 September 2001, and surveys the main legal measures adopted by governments and international institutions, in particular within the European Union. Finally, an account is given of certain strategies to "jurisdictionalise" international conflicts, which some new kinds of litigants purport to use to give legitimacy and visibility to contested claims by directing them to a third‐party adjudicator (a tribunal, a mediator, a humanitarian body, etc.).

Обсуждается изменившееся отношение общества к гомосексуализму. Снижение гомофобии, смягчение законодательства, открытая демонстрация своей принадлежности к гомосексуальным группам, исключение гомосексуализма из списка психических болезней привело как бы к легализации ненасильственных гомосексуальных связей, несколько снизив отрицательное отношение общества к этому варианту сексуальной активности человека. Отмечены следующие причины сексуальной агрессии вообще и гомосексуальной в частности: опыт наблюдения за насилием в детстве, испытание насилия на себе, злоупотребление алкоголем и наркотиками, провоцирование сексуальной агрессии средствами массовой информации. ; It is discussed the attitude of a society to homosexuality. Decrease fear homosexuality, mitigation of the legislation open demonstration of the belonging to homosexuality groups, the exception homosexuality from the list of mental illnesses has resulted as though in legalization unviolent homosexuality communications, a little by lowering the negative attitude of a society to this variant of sexual activity of the man. The following reasons of sexual aggression in general and homosexuality in particular are marked: experience of supervision behind violence in childhood, test of violence on itself, abusing by alcohol and drags, provocation провоцирование of sexual aggression by mass media.

In this article, the authors examine various questions regarding the new expressions of international contestation, analyzing answers & reactions from states to the emergence of nongovernmental actors opposed to the present world order who claim to propose alternatives to neoliberal governance. To do so, the authors identify some of the more visible movements of contestation against economic globalization, like the Seattle, Prague, & Genoa demonstrations, &, first of all, the four editions of the World Social Forum that have taken place, first in Porto Alegre & later in Mumbai. At the same time, the article shows the interstate relations that aim to control & if necessary repress these movements, particularly after the attacks on 11 September 2001, & surveys the main legal measures adopted by governments & international institutions, in particular within the European Union. Finally, an account is given of certain strategies to "jurisdictionalize" international conflicts, which some new kinds of litigants purport to use to give legitimacy & visibility to contested claims by directing them to a third-party adjudicator (a tribunal, a mediator, a humanitarian body, etc). 28 References. Adapted from the source document.