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The paper is a critical appraisal of Femi Osofisan's ideological perspectives of Pan-Africanism, imperialism and reconciliation as exemplified in his plays especially in Nkrumah-Ni… Africa-Ni and Reel, Rwanda. The paper also explores the playwright's views on the dynamics of the problems confronting the African continent such as bad leadership, military intervention in politics, imperialism, betrayal, hatred, greed, disunity, poverty, injustice among others. Nkrumah, the play's eponymous hero in Nkrumah- Ni… Africa-Ni is eulogized as the epitome of Pan-Africanism—a panacea for African recurrent problems. The article further interrogates the justification for the continual meaningless carnage, massacre and genocide in the African continent as dramatized by Osofisan in Reel, Rwanda in a most tragic form and supports the recommendation of the playwright that only true justice and reconciliation can ensure the success of democracy in Africa. In conclusion, the paper notes the splendid literary creativity of Osofisan in transposing history to the stage.

Central Florida comprises a very unusual mix of agriculture, high-technology industry, and tourism. No other region in the USA, except California, has such a combination of sectors. This paper looks primarily at two metropolitan areas: Orlando and Melbourne-Titusville-Palm Bay, which comprise a contiguous area in Central and East Central Florida (Figure 1). The paper begins with a brief historical look at the area - brief in part because the economic history of the region is so recent. The next section focuses briefly on citrus fruit production, a mainstay of the local economy until only recently. This is followed by a discussion of the space and defense industry, a high-technology sector that is the base of manufacturing in the region. The tourism industry, focused on Walt Disney World, is described as the atypical economic base of the Central Florida region. Finally, transportation links related to the tourism complex are discussed.

This paper contributes to the theme of the special issue by identifying concepts that both embody relationality and have the capacity to address and articulate temporal processes. Based on an empirical study of first time motherhood, we offer a sensitising conceptual framework which privileges the temporal, scaffolding the macro socio-historical with the micro personal and subjective. The study combines longitudinal and intergenerational approaches to develop an understanding of maternal experience as it unfolds, while forging connections between individual biography, generational investments and intergenerational dynamics. Drawing on a conceptual tool kit from life history, cultural studies, social psychology and sociology, we profile two biographical case studies as an illustration of our approach. Our analysis of their contrasting experiences as 'young' and 'old' mothers demonstrates the salience of key conceptual terms including 'generation', 'situation' and 'narrative' and how this conceptual framework can both map and animate accounts of contemporary mothering.

Zwelethu Mthethwa: Inner Views, at the Studio Museum in Harlem from July 15 to October 24, 2010, was the first major US museum exhibition of the South African photographer since 2003. The show drew from three of the artist's photographic series to focus on the domestic interiors of black subjects in Cape Town, Johannesburg, and New Orleans. With Mthethwa's customary saturated color, subtle composition, and exacting attention to ephemeral detail, the images depicted the reach of politics in the aesthetics of everyday life. They also revealed the artist's interest in the longer history of artistic convention and transcultural exchange, drawing on references ranging from seventeenth-century Dutch genre painting to contemporary art. In Mthethwa's photographs an intense pictorial visuality serves as a starting point for both documentary portraiture and critical inquiry, highlighting both the artist's stunning images and photography's capacity to convey both personal expression and the stark facts of social crisis.

By combining arguments about causal explanation in history found in the writings of Veyne and Dray, this article discusses one plausible line of reasoning which suggests that there is a type of causal explanation which historians offer to which their moral judgements are conceptually integral. It assesses the validity of this line of thinking and suggests that the reason why, in some cases, our moral judgements seep through to our causal explanations is not that certain concepts, such as, in particular, passivity and activity of the key actors' acts, used in our causal narratives, necessarily involve moral judgements for their application, but rather that any explanation is an answer to a question and some causal questions turn out to be, or may plausibly be construed as, asking for our moral views. The 'intrusion' of moral judgement into causal explanation is not logically necessary, but may be contextually appropriate in some cases.

FIRST PART - Solidarity: relationship between individual/person and society; Solidarity/social citizenship/models of welfare in a liberal theory of citizenship Solidarity for all or for whom? Different concepts: universalistic and (vs.) selective solidarity Social private/social communitarian/voluntary actions/third sector/ family networks and social cooperation; SECOND PART- Republic Constitution: solidarity model in different traditions: charity vs. solidarity Public solidarity vs. private social solidarity Voluntary and free initiatives vs. State intervention and its institution Reciprocity and horizontal subsidiary : new space for the third sector? Universalistic Welfare state vs. particularistic-patronage system ; THIRD PART - 1.The recent history of INHS 2. The impact of the market on health care outcome (INHS Principles) 3. The impact of market thinking on the Italian culture and public opinion 4. The impact of the market on health care costs 5. The impact of the market on the equilibrium between the public and the private sector.

Relatively little research has examined the relations between growing up in a community with a history of protracted violent political conflict and subsequent generations' well-being. The current article examines relations between mothers' self-report of the impact that the historical political violence in Northern Ireland (known as the Troubles) has on her and her child's current mental health. These relations are framed within the social identity model of stress, which provides a framework for understanding coping responses within societies that have experienced intergroup conflict. Mother-child dyads (N = 695) living in Belfast completed interviews. Results suggest that the mother-reported impact of the Troubles continue to be associated with mothers' mental health, which, in turn, is associated with her child's adjustment. The strength of mothers' social identity moderated pathways between the impact of the Troubles and her mental health, consistent with the social identity model of stress.

In 1948, Laurence Duggan fell from a window in New York City. Duggan was a veteran official of the U.S. State Department, where he had worked for fourteen years primarily as head of the Latin American division before resigning in 1944 under suspicion of being a communist and a possible spy for the USSR. Duggan's tragic story speaks to the confusions and agonies, both public and private, that mark this episode in American history. This essay poses some tentative questions about how the clandestine actions of American communists may challenge, or fail to challenge, some of our long held assumptions about the Red Scare, and how they bear on actions taken by the U.S. government. It assumes that the culture of secrecy that grew within the national security state cannot be disconnected from the secret world of American communism against which it was officially counterposed. Adapted from the source document.

The status of prisoners' mental health has wide-reaching implications for prison inmates, prison authorities and institutions, and the general community. This paper presents the mental health findings from the 2008 Health of Prisoner Evaluation (HoPE) pilot project in which 146 maximum security prisoners were interviewed across two prisons in Western Australia. Results revealed significant discrepancies across gender and Indigenous status regarding the history and treatment of mental health complaints, use of prescribed psychiatric medication, and experience of psychosocial distress. Illicit drug use and dependency, as well as patterns of self-harm and suicide are also reported. These findings highlight that imprisonment is an opportune time to screen for mental health problems and provide appropriate evidence-based treatment. Although this process may initially increase government costs, it will reduce overall expenditure by improving prisoners' ability to cope with prison to community transitions, and reduce the high rate of recidivism.

Thirty years since its first public use in 1980, the phrase structural adjustment remains obscure for many anthropologists and public health workers. However, structural adjustment programs (SAPs) are the practical tools used by international financial institutions (IFIs) such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank to promote the market fundamentalism that constitutes the core of neoliberalism. A robust debate continues on the impact of SAPs on national economies and public health. But the stories that anthropologists tell from the field overwhelmingly speak to a new intensity of immiseration produced by adjustment programs that have undermined public sector services for the poor. This review provides a brief history of structural adjustment, and then presents anthropological analyses of adjustment and public health. The first section reviews studies of health services and the second section examines literature that assesses broader social determinants of health influenced by adjustment.

'Passive revolution', understood here as a specific moment of global capitalism, provides an indispensable key to Canadian history, especially that unfolding from the 1840s (when seigneurs, Tories, agrarian radicals and democrats were forcibly unified through a top-down, British-orchestrated administrative revolution) to the 1940s (when plutocrats, Liberals and Conservatives, trade unionists and social democrats were forcibly unified through the imposition of a top-down, Ottawa-orchestrated Fordist compromise). The 'long Confederation' of Canada, from 1841 to 1949, was in Marxist terms a social revolution, entailing the subordination of non-capitalist and proto-capitalist formations, through which northern North America was liberalised; yet this 'active' achievement of a liberal order was also 'passive' insofar as it constituted a strengthening of Britain's imperial power; subdued, transformed and incorporated subaltern movements; and culminated in a new socioeconomic order that integrated Canadian producers into continental and global circuits of capital while denying them any de facto sovereignty over 'their' state.

This is an article on the utopian life projects of immigrant youth in a disadvantaged Swedish community. These projects are analyzed through the concept of utopian diaspora biography which describes a process whereby a high level of aspiration concerning education and labour is accumulated as a consequence of the social, temporal and spatial dynamic of the biography. Utopian diaspora biographies, it is suggested, are fragile projects that reproduce political notions of meritocratic social mobility and individual agency. However, they may also explore individual possibilities and thereby challenge hierarchies in a segregated education and labour market. The risks and potentials associated with these modernist projects are analyzed through Ricoeur's (1986) thoughts on ideology and utopia. It is suggested that the diaspora condition implies a movement between different internal systems of ideology and utopia — between a modern, Fordist system and a late modern, post-Fordist version. The article is based on life history interviews.

AbstractThis article asks whether international law is moving towards a more unified constitutional order or whether differentiated types of constitutional processes are emerging. We study the sequencing and ratification pace of 32 'quasi-constitutional' international agreements containing procedural guidelines for inter-state relations and fundamental human rights provisions for individuals drawn up between 1945 and 2007. We do so in a comparative and quantitative fashion applying sophisticated statistical tools, namely event history techniques combined with counting processes. On the basis of our multi-treaty framework, the findings do not lend support to a unified and quick process of global constitutionalisation. Rather, they provide evidence for the idea of a 'multi-speed globe' of differentiated constitutionalisation. We also make a first attempt to study antecedents to global constitutionalisation. Our findings show that processes of global constitutionalisation vary across regime types and world regions (while there is no effect for new and old states).

L'identité européenne selon Raymond Aron : entre mythe et réalité Throughout his work, Raymond Aron denounces a European identity torn between a construction based on economy and a Europe based on myths. He is not convinced by the functionalist method, and he appeals for the constitution of a political Europe, the only one capable of developing a European sentiment. On the other hand, Aron rejects back to back the project of a federal Europe and the Europe imagined by De Gaulle as two Utopian myths where identity can not be revealed. Europe needs to again become the subject of its own history. Building the Europe of defence, promoting its own identity, and not one which is systematically against the two superpowers, and defending the Europe of freedom : it is about nourishing a community of destinies. Only in this way can European identity transform itself from potential to reality.