Suchergebnisse

Using a case study of the UN's experiences in Croatia, this essay addresses the question of why some UN peace-keeping missions succeed, while others fail. The essay develops wider criteria of success than usually employed in peace-keeping literature and analyzes the performance in Croatia based on these measures. It then takes hypotheses extracted from the international relations literature on peace-keeping and comparative politics literature on civil conflict management and tests them against this case. First,'international' factors, those related to the UN itself, such as its level of commitment to a mission, and the presence or absence of leadership by a major power, are considered. Second, 'domestic' factors are addressed, including the level of consent and cooperation of the warring parties and the existence of a military stalemate. In light of these findings it is asserted that peace-keeping can indeed be successful when certain necessary and sufficient conditions are met. In Croatia, success seems mostly dependent on the domestic factors. This supports the notion of a 'ripeness' point for resolution.

The timing and nature of a negotiated peace, or truce, in Ukraine are the subject of uncertainty and speculation. Adding to the uncertainty is the question of how to sustain peace if it were achieved. ...

Nobel Lectures—Peace—1971–1980 edited by Irwin Abrams Nobel Lectures—Peace—1981–1990 edited by Irwin Abrams

In Quality Peace, leading peace researcher Peter Wallensteen offers a broad analysis of peacebuilding, isolating what does and not work when settling conflicts. The book uses statistical analysis to compare two war outcomes-negotiated settlement and victory- in the post-Cold War era.

Jewish American, Arab American, Israeli American, and American positions on the Oslo and Cairo Agreements; 5 articles.

The democratic peace hypothesis is compared with the liberal peace hypothesis, using the case of India and Pakistan. Econometric analysis suggests that trade between the two countries increases the chance of peace. Economic progress, combined with greater openness to international trade in general are more significant drivers of peace between nations like India and Pakistan, than are the independent contributions of a common democratic polity. So economic interdependence rather than politics is more likely to contribute to peaceful relations between India and Pakistan in the future.

Chapter 1: Introduction to ICT and Smart technologies in Cities -- Chapter 2: The role of ICT and Smartness for Peace-building Processes (with Narrative of 8 positive peace pillars/dimensions) -- Chapter 3: ICT for well-functioning government in cities -- Chapter 4: ICT for equitable distribution of resources in cities -- Chapter 5: ICT for free flow of information in cities -- Chapter 6: ICT for good relations with neighbours in cities -- Chapter 7: ICT and high levels of human capitals in cities -- Chapter 8: ICT and acceptance of the rights of others in cities -- Chapter 9: ICT and low levels of corruption in cities -- Chapter 10: ICT and sound business environment in cities -- Chapter 11: Learning from practices and the use of ICT for positive peace -- Chapter 12: Augmented Plans: Future Directions and Potential Pathways. .

In spite of the fact that substantial progress has been made in the improvement of relations between China and Taiwan, there have been no talks on sensitive political issues. Beijing's proposal for a cross-strait peace agreement is put on hold. Disagreement over the sovereignty of one China and the political reality in Taiwan have conspired to create an apparent impasse and contributed to an indefinite delay of the negotiations. At the moment, a large section of Taiwanese people do not seem to want this peace agreement. The ruling Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) cannot afford to start negotiations without a strong domestic consensus. This article examines the political situation in Taiwan, analyzes the main obstacles to reaching a cross-strait peace agreement, and explores possible solutions. (Asian Aff/GIGA)

IN AN ATTEMPT TO ILLUSTRATE THE MERITS OF NEUTRALIZATION IN THE ARAB-ISRAELI CONTEXT, THIS ARTICLE ANALYZES THE ESSENCE OF THIS CONCEPT AND THE FACTORS WHICH BEAR UPON ITS POLITICAL FEASIBILITY. IT ALSO DELINEATES THE PROPOSED NEUTRALIZATION PACKAGE AND INDICATES THE REGIONAL AND GLOBAL ADVANTAGES RESULTING FROM ITS IMPLEMENTATION.

The long-term success of any political settlement in Northern Ireland will rely not only on the willingness of young people to transcend their inheritance but also on the degree to which they are empowered to do so. This article focuses on the `next generation' in Northern Irelans, young people between the ages of 13 and 18 years, and in particular on young Catholics. It is based on a study conducted in the wake of the Good Friday Agreement of 1998, using a method influenced by the Participation Action Research (PAR) tradition employed in social psychology scholarship. The article explores the ways in which these young Catholics imagine and define community and peace. It examines the degrees to which they consider themselves to be part of a sectarian community, their perceptions of the ultimate attainability of peace, and of their own roles in peacebuilding. The study finds that young people's peacebuilding potential is hampered by the institutionalized bipolarity of the political system and by the continued existence of a system of communal deterrence. The varied exposure to the conflict of young people in different parts of Northern Ireland influences their conceptualizations of peace and recognition of this should be operationalized in the peace process.