Suchergebnisse

Over the course of the 1970s, West Germans fought one another in an attempt to defend democracy. Frustrated with the seemingly ineffectual speeches and demonstrations of the 1960s protest movements, militant groups such as the Red Army Faction (RAF), June 2ndMovement, and the Red Cells took up arms. They declared war on the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) for its failure to rid itself of the vestiges of fascism, for its hierarchical-authoritarian structure, and for the abuses of western consumer society. Inspired by national liberation movements in the formerly colonized world, the groups aimed both to raise revolutionary consciousness among the West German population and to demonstrate the state's vulnerability through illegal action. The RAF, in particular, stressed the importance of violence as a simultaneous act of emancipation and defense—the latter understood as counterviolence necessitated by state-initiated violence. The repeated violation of norms would, its members argued, undermine Germans' traditional "habit of obedience" and, at the same time, force the state to reveal openly its fascism. These tough-love tactics, in short, aimed to save West Germans from themselves and thereby save German democracy.

The European Union's motto "Unity in Diversity" is the demonstration of the enduring vision of Europe's different languages and different cultures as a priceless asset. Ensuring that this diversity is not a barrier to understanding is the task of 10% of the European Commission staff, comprising roughly three quarters translators, one quarter interpreters. I shall of course be concentrating on the latter. Danica Seleskovitch very pertinently pointed out that the chain of communication does not stop in the booth. We in the European Commission's Directorate-general for Interpretation have long taken this to heart, both literally and figuratively. Literally, in the sense that the ultimate destination of the message is of course the customer: I will present some key findings of our latest Customer Satisfaction Survey which has just been finalised. Figuratively, because the looming shortage of good young conference interpreters coming into the profession threatens that the message may only reach an empty booth for some languages. Within those two over-arching themes, there are of course other important interwoven issues which I would like to tease out for your consideration.

International audience ; The impact of European integration on party politics has elicited a growing research interest. A sociological approach, focused on power relations and the redistribution of political resources by actors referring to 'Europe' has recently opened new research perspectives. This article considers to what extent the use of the reference to European integration has enabled conservative and radical Polish political parties on the right – such as the Law and Justice (PiS) and the League of Polish Families (LPR) – to modulate their position in relationship with other parties. The uses of European references will be analysed both in the transnational and the domestic political field, in order to discuss whether – and under what conditions – the critical reference to European integration may appear as a resource that enables the strengthening of the radical party leaders' discourse and visibility on the eve and in the aftermath of accession. The article argues that taking into account the domestic context, the relations between the political parties and the temporal dimension are necessary preconditions of a valid demonstration.

International audience ; Aerospace industry is experiencing exponential growth in the size and complexity of onboard software. It is also seeing a significant increase in errors and rework of that software. All of those factors contribute to greater cost; the current development process is reaching the limit of affordability of building safe aircraft. An international consortium of aerospace companies with government participation has initiated the System Architecture Virtual Integration (SAVI) program, whose goal is to achieve an affordable solution through a paradigm shift of―integrate then build. A key concept of this paradigm shift is an architecture- centric approach to analysis of virtually integrated system models with respect to multiple operational quality attributes such as performance, safety, and reliability. By doing so early and throughout the life cycle at different levels of fidelity, system-level faults are discovered earlier in the life cycle—reducing risk, cost, and development time. The first phase of this program demonstrated the feasibility of this new development process through a proof of concept demonstration and a return on investment analysis, which are the topics of this paper.

This article provides some background to the Safe Communities concept and sets out the criteria to be satisfied as an International Safe Community (ISC). It concludes with reflections about Chelmsford Borough Council's responsibilities as a Demonstration Site within the UK, and how Council has contributed within an International Network.There are currently over 200 communities across the world that have been designated as International Safe Communities by the World Health Organisation (WHO), and in June 2010, the Chelmsford Borough Council became the first local authority area to achieve this recognition in the UK. International Safe Communities is a World Health Organisation initiative that recognises safety as a 'universal concern and a responsibility for all'. 1 It is an approach to community safety that encourages greater cooperation and collaboration between a range of non-government organisations, the business sector and local and government agencies. In order to be designated as an ISC, communities are required to meet six criteria developed by the WHO Collaborating Centre on Community Safety. The ISC accreditation process provides support for communities and indicates a level of achievement by an organisation within the field of community safety.

We assess threats to environmental sustainability by examining the trends in three measures of the ecological footprint (EF) — the total EF, the per capita EF, and the EF intensity of the economy (EF/GDP) — for China, India, Japan, and the United States. from 1961 to 2003. The EF, an estimate of the land area needed to sustain use of the environment, is the most comprehensive measure of anthropogenic pressure on the environment available and is growing in use. We argue that the total EF is the most relevant indicator for assessing threats to nature's capital and services, that per capita EF is the most relevant indicator of global inequalities, and that EF intensity is the most relevant indicator of economic benefits from environmental exploitation. We find in all four nations that the ecological intensity of the economy declined (i.e., efficiency improved) over this period, but the total national EF increased substantially. This is a demonstration of the Jevons paradox, where efficiency does not appear to reduce resource consumption, but rather escalates consumption thereby increasing threats to environmental sustainability.

Carbon capture and storage (CCS) is increasingly considered to be a tool that can significantly reduce the emission of CO2. It is viewed as a technology that can contribute to a substantial, global reduction of emitted CO2 within the timeframe that seems available for mitigating the effects of present and continued emission. In order to develop the CCS method the European Union (EU) has supported research programmes for more than a decade, which focus on capture techniques, transport and geological storage. The results of the numerous research projects on geological storage are summarised in a comprehensive best practice manual outlining guidelines for storage in saline aquifers (Chadwick et al. 2008). A detailed directive for geological storage is under implementation (European Commission 2009), and the EU has furthermore established a programme for supporting the development of more than ten large-scale demonstration plants throughout Europe. Geological investigations show that suitable storage sites are present in most European countries. In Denmark initial investigations conducted by the Geological Survey of Denmark and Greenland and private companies indicate that there is significant storage potential at several locations in the subsurface.

In Robert Looney ed, Handbook on US. Middle East Relations, Routledge, pp. 310-323, 2009. ; For Americans, Lebanon conjures up images of terrorism and Israeli invasions. More recently, Lebanon's mass demonstrations to rid the country of its Syrian occupation swept the media in 2005. Often called the Cedar revolution, the West saw contrasting images of Western-looking women and black-dad Islamists. The perspective of Lebanese politics neatly divided into two--one western, Lebanese, and democratic, the other lslamist, non-Lebanese, and antidemocratic- has permeated US perspectives of the country. Moreover, this divided view of Lebanese domestic politics is usually equated with international and regional alignments and conflicts. Domestic actors here are viewed as reflecting regional ambitions and not their own political priorities. Throughout Lebanon's history, actors have been seen to represent the opposing forces in the cold war, civilizational divisions, or neighboring hostile states. These lenses, obscuring the domestic players' interests, transmit a skewed interpretation of Lebanese politics and hinder a complete understanding of the effects of US foreign policy in Lebanon.

The passage of a free-electron beam through a nanohole in a periodically layered metal-dielectric structure creates a new type of tunable, nanoscale radiation source-a >light well>. In the reported demonstration, tunable light is generated at an intensity of ∼200W/cm2 as electrons with energies in the 20-40keV range are injected into gold-silica well structures with a lateral size of just a few hundred nanometers. © 2009 The American Physical Society. ; The authors from the University of Southampton acknowledge the support of the UK Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council (EPSRC, Projects No. EP/C511786/1 and No. EP/F012810/1) and the European Union (FP6 Project No. NMP4-2006-016881, ''SPANS''); Those from the National Taiwan University thank the National Science Council of Taiwan (NSC-97- 2120-M-002-013, NSC-97-2112-M-002-023-MY2, and NSC-97-2915-I-002-001) and the EPSRC (EP/F012810/ 1); Professor Garcı´a de Abajo acknowledges the European Union (NMP4-2006-016881) and the Spanish MEC (MAT2007-66050 and Consolider 'NanoLight.es'). ; Peer Reviewed

The overthrow of the Iraqi monarchy in 1958 was followed by an upsurge in collective action, which took the form of strikes and huge street demonstrations. Tens of thousands joined political organizations that had been forced to operate in secret during the pre-revolutionary era, including
the trade unions and political parties, such as the Communist Party and Ba'ath Party. This article takes a contrasting perspective to those existing accounts of this period which focus exclusively on the role of the state in empowering these social movements, arguing that collective action
during the Iraqi revolution was both enabled from above, through the actions of elite figures and by processes within the state, and driven from below by the dynamic of the social movements which had fatally undermined the monarchy. The article analyses the dimensions of political opportunity
for Communists and Ba'athists in the aftermath of the military coup, the interaction between their two movements and explores the impact of the organizational and ideological legacy of the pre-revolutionary era on the translation of opportunity into collective action.

AbstractThe French 2005 riots in the urban outskirts were the most numerous, widespread and violent France has experienced since the beginning of the 1980s. In The Politics of Collective Violence, Charles Tilly refused the term 'riot as a scientific idiom' because it embodies a political judgment rather than an analytical distinction. Authorities and observers label as riots the damage‐going gatherings of which they disapprove, but they use terms like demonstrations, protest, resistance or retaliation for essentially similar events of which they approve (2003, 18).Our aim here is to discuss this assertion. How far is violence an act of protest? How far can the authors of collective violence acting in the French deprived urban areas in November 2005 be described as 'rioters' or rebels? The following contribution mainly focuses on empirical data (quantitative and qualitative) in order to fulfil this aim. We will leave the root causes and contextual aspects by one side (economic deprivation, urban segregation, conflicts with police forces, etc.) and concentrate on immediate data produced in the wake of the riots, in the little research produced afterwards.