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The evolution of Taiwan's political economy seems paradoxical. From the 1960s to 1980s, Taiwan went through economic transformations that have been called an "economic miracle." This was followed by a successful democratic transition from the late 1980s to mid‐1990s that might be considered a "political miracle." In the early 1990s, Taiwan could be regarded as a success story and a model for developing nations. Yet, Taiwan was soon to "enter troubled waters" marked by growing conflict and threat from China (PRC), fears about the "hollowing out" of its previously vaunted economy, and vicious polarization and gridlock in its domestic politics. We argue that many of the challenges facing Taiwan derive from unanticipated and unintended costs of its previous successes. In particular, what worked to promote successful economic and political development at one point later became counterproductive in the changed circumstances created by the country's rapid developmental trajectory. Our basic research questions, hence, are whether the challenges currently facing Taiwan's political economy can be explained by the country's past pattern of development and, if so, whether these linkages appear to be connected to success or failures in Taiwan's history.

Islam has been interpreted by individuals since its birth and Political Islam is one of them. Moderate Muslim Scholars have identified some of its interpretations as extreme due to their consequences and negative effects on Muslims and others. Political Islam has a long history and the Justice and Development Party (the AKP) is a new face of it in 21st Century. The purpose of this paper is to explore the defining political Islam, especially in the characteristics of the Ruling Party (Justice and Development Party) and compare its Islam to Hizmet (service) Movement. Although the AKP has long benefitted from the valuable support of Fethullah Gülen and his followers in the way of democratizing the state and its institutions the two allies have clearly separated from each other since 2013 maybe a little bit earlier. This separation has created a massive impact on Muslims as well as on other people. Due to a great polarization, hatred and enmity between the two groups and its huge effect on society it has become a necessity to analyze the interpretation of Islam by these two groups.

Since late 2000s, the political landscape in Bangladesh moved from democracy to an authoritarian kleptocracy, and experienced a new set of political and social narratives. This paper aims to contest some of these dominant/official narratives which have been discursively constructed and promoted by the secularist parties (including the ruling regime) and groups in Bangladesh over recent years. Examining the sociopolitical and historical facts and figures of the country, we have identified five major contested narratives related to (a) Bengali nationalism in East Pakistan, (b) foundational ideology of Bangladesh's war of liberation, (c) state-sponsored Islamization in Bangladesh, (d) pro-liberation and anti-liberation dichotomy, and (e) war crimes trial. Drawing on a robust content analysis of the credible secondary sources substantiated by qualitative interviews, we have examined these dominant narratives and found that they are not supported by historical evidence and popular mandate, yet have been constructed largely to support and legitimize the current authoritarian regime. The paper offers both counter-narratives and some pragmatic policy recommendations to elude increasing polarization and sociopolitical instability and foster a peaceful democratic society in Bangladesh.

Scholars are increasingly concerned with the polarizing nature of incivility which extends from the offline context to interactions on social networking sites. Although this is a common concern in the literature, few studies have empirically tested whether online swearing behaviors are purely individual acts of uttering strong emotion or contagious social practices that may heighten group polarization. Using the case of Hong Kong–Mainland China conflict, the current study taps into the discursive struggles in Sina Weibo discussion over contentious issues that provoke major conflicts between Hong Kong and Mainland China residents, with a focus on the use and diffusion of swear words. To explore the mechanism that underlies the virality of swearing on Sina Weibo, this study links the expressive and social functions of swearing to its linguistic contexts. Our findings show that emotion is not the single motivating factor. Personal pronouns—which the swearers used as positioning devices and identity markers—are the most important predictor. The effects of source cues particular to social networking site settings were also examined.

The aim of this article is to analize the TV programme Intratables in the context of the argentine air television. In 2014, Intratables made a shift in the topics to be covered: from the world of entertainment to issues related to current politics, thus occupying an absten niche market on open television. Political polarization, also manifested in the media, made TV criticism characterize Intratables as a program that allows the plurality of opinions. We are interested in discussing these opinions and understand them in the context of the current air television. ; El objetivo del artículo es analizar el programa Intratables en el marco de la televisión de aire argentina. En el año 2014 Intratables realiza un viraje de los temas a tratar: del mundo del espectáculo a cuestiones vinculadas con la actualidad política, ocupando así un nicho de mercado ausente en la televisión abierta. La polarización política, también manifiesta en los medios de comunicación, hizo que la crítica de televisión caracterizara a Intratables como un programa que permite la pluralidad de opiniones. Nos interesa problematizar estas valoraciones y comprenderlas en el marco de las tendencias de la televisión de aire.

Millimeter-wave communication systems require many innovative antennas adapted for future application scenarios such as the upcoming 5G cellular networks. Due to the strong path loss in free space at the millimeter-wave frequency range, high gain and low-cost antennas are in great demand. Also, advanced features such as multi-beam for multiple user, dual-polarization, or even complete phased arrays with enormous degrees of freedom in beamforming are some of the key research lines for antenna designers nowadays. In this article an overview of a new type of family of low-loss antennas and components based on the recently developed gap waveguide technology is presented. With the advent of new millimeter-wave applications, this low-cost and low-loss waveguide technology can be considered as a good candidate to be used as the core RF building block. ; This work has been partly funded by the Spanish Government through projects TEC2013-44019-R, TEC2016-79700-C2-1-R and TEC2016-79700-C2-2-R and by Madrid Regional Government under the project S2013/ICE-3000.

The Trump administration has undertaken an assault on the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), an agency critical to environmental health. This assault has precedents in the administrations of Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush. The early Reagan administration (1981–1983) launched an overt attack on the EPA, combining deregulation with budget and staff cuts, whereas the George W. Bush administration (2001–2008) adopted a subtler approach, undermining science-based policy. The current administration combines both these strategies and operates in a political context more favorable to its designs on the EPA. The Republican Party has shifted right and now controls the executive branch and both chambers of Congress. Wealthy donors, think tanks, and fossil fuel and chemical industries have become more influential in pushing deregulation. Among the public, political polarization has increased, the environment has become a partisan issue, and science and the mainstream media are distrusted. For these reasons, the effects of today's ongoing regulatory delays, rollbacks, and staff cuts may well surpass those of the administrations of Reagan and Bush, whose impacts on environmental health were considerable.

We tested whether mere source attribution is sufficient to cause polarization between groups, even on consensual non-divisive positions. Across four studies (N = 2182), using samples from Germany, the UK, and the USA, agreement with aphorisms was high in the absence of source attribution. In contrast, atheists agreed less with brief aphorisms when they were presented as Bible verses (Studies 1 and 2), whereas Christians agreed more (Study 2). Democrats and Republicans (USA) and Labour supporters and Conservative supporters (UK) agreed more with politically non-divisive aphorisms that were presented as originating from a politician belonging to their own party (e.g., Clinton, Trump, Corbyn) than with the same aphorisms when they were presented as originating from a politician belonging to the rival party (Studies 3 and 4). This source attribution effect was not moderated by education, amount of thinking about the aphorisms, identification with the ingroup, trust, dissonance, fear of reproach, or attitude strength. We conclude that source attribution fundamentally interferes with epistemic progress in debate because of the way in which attributions of statements to sources powerfully affects reasoning about their arguments.

Millimeter-wave communication systems require many innovative antennas adapted for future application scenarios such as the upcoming 5G cellular networks. Due to the strong path loss in free space at the millimeter-wave frequency range, high gain and low-cost antennas are in great demand. Also, advanced features such as multi-beam for multiple user, dual-polarization, or even complete phased arrays with enormous degrees of freedom in beamforming are some of the key research lines for antenna designers nowadays. In this article an overview of a new type of family of low-loss antennas and components based on the recently developed gap waveguide technology is presented. With the advent of new millimeter-wave applications, this low-cost and low-loss waveguide technology can be considered as a good candidate to be used as the core RF building block. ; This work has been partly funded by the Spanish Government through projects TEC2013-44019-R, TEC2016-79700-C2-1-R and TEC2016-79700-C2-2-R and by Madrid Regional Government under the project S2013/ICE-3000.

Since late 2000s, the political landscape in Bangladesh moved from democracy to an authoritarian kleptocracy, and experienced a new set of political and social narratives. This paper aims to contest some of these dominant/official narratives which have been discursively constructed and promoted by the secularist parties (including the ruling regime) and groups in Bangladesh over recent years. Examining the sociopolitical and historical facts and figures of the country, we have identified five major contested narratives related to (a) Bengali nationalism in East Pakistan, (b) foundational ideology of Bangladesh's war of liberation, (c) state-sponsored Islamization in Bangladesh, (d) pro-liberation and anti-liberation dichotomy, and (e) war crimes trial. Drawing on a robust content analysis of the credible secondary sources substantiated by qualitative interviews, we have examined these dominant narratives and found that they are not supported by historical evidence and popular mandate, yet have been constructed largely to support and legitimize the current authoritarian regime. The paper offers both counter-narratives and some pragmatic policy recommendations to elude increasing polarization and sociopolitical instability and foster a peaceful democratic society in Bangladesh. ; Published version

A lo largo del siglo XX, varias naciones reformaron sus escritos constitucionales decimonónicos con el propósito de ampliar los derechos de los ciudadanos e incorporar regulaciones económico-sociales. La reforma de la Constitución se instauró en la Argentina hacia el año 1949 en un contexto de gran polarización política. En este artículo buscaremos exponer los diferentes argumentos que mostraron los intelectuales y políticos peronistas para defender la iniciativa reformista, teniendo en cuenta, además, las diferentes cosmovisiones que esbozaron y las influencias de otros intelectuales que recibieron los senadores y diputados. ; Throughout the twentieth century, several nations reformed their nineteenth-century Constitutions in order to broaden the rights of citizens and incorporate socio-economic regulations. The reform of the Constitution came to Argentina in 1949 in a context of great political polarization. In this article we will try to explain the different arguments that peronist intellectuals and politicians provided in order to defend the reformist initiative, taking into account also the different worldviews they outlined and the influences of other intellectuals received by senators and deputies. ; Fil: Rubio García, Gonzalo. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina

The book offers a comprehensive analysis of public opinion toward presidential candidate spouses over the course of three decades, drawing on multiple theoretical frameworks including the concept of "new traditionalism" and a plethora of empirical data to explore why some spouses engender greater support than others—and what these reactions reveal about the American public and the gendered nature of the American presidency. Recognizing that presidential candidate spouses are important but understudied political actors, this book provides extensive analysis of public evaluations of Bill Clinton and Melania Trump during the 2016 presidential election as well as the presidential candidate spouses in the 1992 and 2012 elections and places public reaction to these individuals in historical context. The book considers important trends in U.S. elections including party polarization from the distinctive vantage points of candidate spouses and explores the symbolic importance of historic firsts including the first African American candidate spouse and the first male candidate spouse. No other work provides a systematic exploration of public opinion towards candidate spouses as distinct political entities across the modern political era. ; https://vc.bridgew.edu/fac_books/1172/thumbnail.jpg

Much of what we believe we know, we know through the testimony of others (Coady, 1992). While there has been long-standing evidence that people are sensitive to the characteristics of the sources of testimony, for example in the context of persuasion, researchers have only recently begun to explore the wider implications of source reliability considerations for the nature of our beliefs. Likewise, much remains to be established concerning what factors influence source reliability. In this paper, we examine, both theoretically and empirically, the implications of using message content as a cue to source reliability. We present a set of experiments examining the relationship between source information and message content in people's responses to simple communications. The results show that people spontaneously revise their beliefs in the reliability of the source on the basis of the expectedness of a source's claim and, conversely, adjust message impact by perceived reliability; hence source reliability and message content have a bi-directional relationship. The implications are discussed for a variety of psychological, philosophical and political issues such as belief polarization and dual-route models of persuasion.

There are a number of problems of regional development, including tgose that impress most of all – the growing differentiation and polarization of the regions' development. It caused the emergence of so called depressed territories with the level of social and economic development being the lowest among the territories of this type. In this context, it is quite urgent to stimulate the development of depressed territories, in particular, the development and efficient use of investment instruments in this process. This research aims at stipulating investment instruments to support the development of depressed regions. The article considers theoretical grounds of the emergence and functioning of depressed regions, foreign experience on financial support for the depressed territories' development. Based on experts' survey, investment instruments to support the development of depressed regions are stipulated, peculiarities of forming priorities of developing depressed regions are specified, an algorithm for selecting top priority areas for economic activity in the depressed region is offered, a generalized system of financial instruments to stimulate the development of priorities for sustainable development of the depressed region is given, and consequences of applying them in the region are characterized. ; peer-reviewed

We tested whether mere source attribution is sufficient to cause polarization between groups, even on consensual non-divisive positions. Across four studies (N = 2,182), using samples from Germany, the UK, and the USA, agreement with aphorisms was high in the absence of source attribution. In contrast, atheists agreed less with brief aphorisms when they were presented as Bible verses (Studies 1 and 2), whereas Christians agreed more (Study 2). Democrats and Republicans (USA) and Labour supporters and Conservative supporters (UK) agreed more with politically non-divisive aphorisms that were presented as originating from a politician belonging to their own party (e.g., Clinton, Trump, Corbyn) than with the same aphorisms when they were presented as originating from a politician belonging to the rival party (Studies 3 and 4). This source attribution effect was not moderated by education, amount of thinking about the aphorisms, identification with the ingroup, trust, dissonance, fear of reproach, or attitude strength. We conclude that source attribution fundamentally interferes with epistemic progress in debate because of the way in which attributions of statements to sources powerfully affects reasoning about their arguments.