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Drawing on a range of approaches from the social sciences and humanities, this handbook explores theoretical and empirical perspectives that address the articulation of law in society, and the social character of the rule of law. The vast field of socio-legal studies provides multiple lenses through which law can be considered. Rather than seeking to define the field of socio-legal studies, this book takes up the experiences of researchers within the field. First-hand accounts of socio-legal research projects allow the reader to engage with diverse theoretical and methodological approaches within this fluid interdisciplinary area. The book provides a rich resource for those interested in deepening their understanding of the variety of theories and methods available when law is studied in its broadest social context, as well as setting those within the history of the socio-legal movement. The chapters consider multiple disciplinary lenses – including feminism, anthropology and sociology – as well as a variety of methodologies, including: narrative, visual and spatial, psychological, economic and epidemiological approaches. Moreover, these are applied in a range of substantive contexts such as online hate speech, environmental law, biotechnology, research in post-conflict situations, race and LGBT+ lawyers. The handbook brings together younger contributors and some of the best-known names in the socio-legal field. It offers a fresh perspective on the past, present and future of sociolegal studies that will appeal to students and scholars with relevant interests in a range of subjects, including law, sociology and politics.

The conversation between Jafari S. Allen und Serena O. Dankwa explored different Black postcolonial sites in which desires for (erotic) power, friendship, and intimacy are being negotiated. Both Dankwa's research into the everyday materiality and provisionality of female same-sex intimacy in Ghana and Allen's work on transnational Black desires for political empowerment and autonomy transcend analytical boundaries between friendship and sexuality, between scholarship, art, and activism. While considering intimate connections and disconnections across the 'Black world', this conversation sought to understand the intertwinement of various forms of struggle and sociality.Jafari S. Allen is Associate Professor of African American Studies and Anthropology. He works at the intersections of (queer) sexuality, gender, and blackness, and teaches courses on the cultural politics of race, sexuality, and gender in Black diasporas; Black feminist and queer theory. Allen is the author of ¡Venceremos?: The Erotics of Black Self-Making in Cuba (Duke UP, 2011) and editor of Black/Queer/Diaspora – a special issue of GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies (18:2-3, 2012). Serena O. Dankwa earned her PhD from the Institute of Social Anthropology at the University of Berne. Specialized in the study of gender and sexuality in West Africa, her doctoral project focused on practices of female friendship and same-sex intimacy in postcolonial Ghana. In 2010-2011, she was the Sarah Pettit Fellow in LGBT Studies at Yale University. Besides her academic work, she freelances as a music journalist and broadcaster with SRF2 Kultur. ; Desire, Friendship, and Intimacy Across the 'Black World' , lectures, ICI Berlin, 28 May 2015

Ideology is an integral component in the reproduction of power. Integral to this central tenet of statecraft is the regulation of identity and proscribed methods of social engagement—positive portrayals of "good citizenry" and delegitimized representations of those challenging hegemony. Through an Althusserian and linguistic analysis, positioning the X-Men movie franchise as an Ideological State Apparatus (ISA), one can examine the lives of mutants portrayed in the text as indicative of preferred methods of state-legitimized sociopolitical interaction. This metaphorical and textual analysis is used to discuss the lived realities of queer persons resisting hegemony, and is located in the bodies and performances of those who resist assimilation and homonormativity and who challenge reformist LGBT organizations seeking rights for non-heterosexuals through further entanglement with the state. I explore the world of mutants and queers with the following question in mind: How can one utilize a queerly theoretical analytical lens while maintaining a discernable distance from reformism, homonormativity, and assimilationist reductionism? Both the fictional world of the X-Men and the lived queer reality reflect the state's efforts to dictate the borders of citizenry, the expression of grievance, and the performance of deviance, difference and stigma. Whereas the mutant narrative reflects statist ideals of a neoliberal, "politically correct" politics of integration, this agenda conceals an insidious denial of queer identity through the coerced conformity of "deviant" bodies. This discourse will be discussed through a variety of locales, including the performativity of gender and sexuality, the narrative of racial deviance, and the discussion of "passing."

"Queer South Rising: Voices of a Contested Place is a collection of essays about the South by people who identify as both Southern and queer. The collection's name hints at the provocative nature of its contents: placing Queer and South side-by-side challenges readers to think about each word differently. The idea that a queer South might rise undermines the Battle Cry of "The South's Gonna rise Again!" embedded in the collective memory of a conservative South. This rising does not refer to a kind of Enlightenment transcendence where the region achieves some sort of distinctive prominence. It suggests instead ruptures, like furrows in a plowed field where seeds are sown. The rising Whitlock envisions is akin to breaking and turning over meanings of Southern place. The title further serves to remind readers of the complexities of the place as it calls into question notions of a universal, homogenous LGBT, queer, identity. Queer South Rising is the first truly interdisciplinary collection of essays on the South and queerness that deliberately aims for multiple approaches to the topics. This collection is intended for a wide audience of "regular" folks. Essays explore multiple intersections of Southern place--religion, politics, sexuality, race, education--that transcend regional boundaries. This book counters conventional scholarly texts; it invites all readers interested in the South and queer themes to engage with the narratives it holds--and perhaps question their assumptions. Whitlock has sought, in collecting these essays, to seek out a diverse group of authors--across disciplines, professions, and interests--to shatter perceptions about a nostalgic, romanticized Southern culture in general."--Publsiher's description.

This recording and transcript form part of a collection of oral history interviews conducted by Center for the Study of Women, Gender, and Sexuality at Rice University. This collection includes video recordings and transcripts of interviews with Houstonians who have made contributions to the LGBT community. ; Jack Valinski moved to Houston in 1981. He came to work for an ABC affiliate, 97 Rock, now Mix 96.5. He began listening to the KPFT show Wilde-N-Stein and its host Ray Hill and was soon volunteering to run the audio board. In 1982 Valinski moved into one of the roles as host and producer. This has been his longest continuing thread of activism in Houston. A long-time member of the GLBT Political Caucus, has been a past Vice-President and an Executive Board member, and has been honored with several awards by the Caucus over the years. He's also been honored by the Texas Human Rights Foundation and the Houston Equal Rights Alliance. He was deeply involved for many years with the Montrose Activity Center (MAC) and was its newsletter editor. It was with MAC that the Houston Pride Parade got its beginning, as a sub-project. Valinski had many roles in Pride over his roughly 23 years of involvement, ranging from overseeing the media to being Executive Director, and he helped shepherd the group to become its own organization. A proud accomplishment was when the Parade became a nighttime event in 1997. He was named Male Grand Marshal for the 2007 Pride Parade. Never far from politics, his current job is as Community Liaison with the Mayor's Office for the City of Houston.

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Table -- List of Contributors -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction Reading Social Work -- Part I: The Profession of Social Work -- Commentary One -- 1 Black History Month: A Provocation and a Timeline -- 2 But is it Social Work? -- 3 The Politics of Social Work -- 4 Changes in the form of Knowledge in Social Work: From the 'Social' to the 'Informational'? -- 5 The Quest for a Universal Social Work: Some Issues and Implications -- 6 The (R)evolution and Decolonization of Social Work Ethics: The Global Social Work Statement of Ethical Principles -- 7 Human Rights Practice: Possibilities and Pitfalls for Developing Emancipatory Social Work -- 8 The Impact of Scandal and Inquiries on Social Work and the Personal Social Services -- 9 Social Work in a Risk Society -- 10 Am I my Brother's Keeper? -- 11 Research from the Underside -- 12 What is Professional Social Work? -- 13 The Client Speaks -- 14 Service Users and Practitioners Reunited: The Key Component for Social Work Reform -- Part II: Knowledge and Values for Social Work -- Commentary Two -- 15 The Sociological Imagination -- 16 Reassessing Attachment Theory in Child Welfare -- 17 A Critique of the Adverse Childhood Experiences Framework in Epidemiology and Public Health: Uses and Misuses -- 18 Resilience: Some Conceptual Considerations -- 19 A Critical Understanding of Social Work by Paolo Freire -- 20 There is an Alternative: Homines Curans and the Limits of Neoliberalism -- 21 The Social Model of Disability -- 22 The Relevance of Nancy Fraser for Transformative Social Work Education -- 23 Feminism for the 99% -- 24 Intersectionality's Definitional Dilemmas -- 25 Learning to Deliver LGBT+ Aged Care -- 26 Towards Practising Social Work Law -- 27 What are Values and Ethics?.

Part I. New archives, new epistemologies -- 1. Out back home: an exploration of LGBT identities and community in rural Nova Scotia, Canada / Kelly Baker -- 2. Horatio Alger's queer frontier / Geoffrey W. Bateman -- 3. Sherwood Anderson's "shadowy figure": rural masculinity in the modernizing Midwest / Andy Oler -- 4. A classroom in the barnyard: reproducing heterosexuality in interwar American 4-H / Gabriel N. Rosenberg -- Part II. The rural turn: considering cartographies of race and class -- 5. The waiting arms of Gold Street: Manuel Munoz's 'Faith healer of Olive Avenue' and the problem of the scaffold imaginary / Mary Pat Brady -- 6. Snorting the powder of life: transgender migration in the land of 'Oz' / Lucas Crawford -- 7. Outside forces: black southern sexuality / LaToya E. Eaves -- Part III. Back and forth: rural queer life in circulation and transition -- 8. "We are here for you": the it gets better project, queering rural space, and cultivating queer media literacy / Mark Hain -- 9. Queer interstates: cultural geography and social contact in 'Kansas City Trucking Co.' and 'El Paso Wrecking Corp.' / Ryan Powell -- 10. Epistemology of the bunkhouse: lusty lumberjacks and the sexual pedagogy of the woods / Peter Hobbs -- 11. Rethinking the closet: queer life in rural geographies / Katherine Schweighofer -- 12. In plain(s) sight: rural LGBTQ women and the politics of visibility / Carly Thomsen -- Part IV. Bodies of evidence: methodologies and their discontents -- 13. (Dis)locating queer citizenship: imaging rurality in Matthew Shepard's memory / E. Cram -- 14. Queering the American frontier: finding queerness and sexual difference in late nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century Colorado / Robin Henry -- 15. Digital oral history and the limits of gay sex / John Howard -- 16. Queer rurality and the materiality of time / Stina Soderling.

This essay is a collection of statements, thoughts and opinions that exploded across the internet in response to a controversy that occurred during the 2007 LGBT film festival season. Catherine Crouch's short, The Gendercator, is the first film to be accepted and then removed from San Francisco's Frameline Film Festival, the longest running festival of its kind. The censorship of the film due to community pressure, and the transphobic storyline Crouch created raises central questions of community and identity/post identity politics – personal experience versus group representation, strategies for creating institutional spaces where queer identity formation can both develop and change, and problems that occur when grassroots organizations gain cultural cache that allows mobility for some but not for others.
I became involved when I was invited to sit on a panel with Crouch and others following the screening of The Gendercator at Outfest in Los Angeles. Rather than offer a personal account of the panel, a reading of the film, or analysis of the varying viewpoints and decisions made surrounding The Gendercator, I have relied on "blogosphere" and cyber world to tell this story. They rivaling voices from the LGBTQIA community beautifully convey all of the salient, ironic, painful, political and humorous positions as is. I have added my own positioning on key issues along the way. These are in the footnotes rather than the main text. This is not a strategy to perform the impossible act of journalistic "neutrality," but a conceptual move to contribute to the already loud and disharmonious cacophony surrounding The Gendercator. My contributions can be read as post blog postings, extending the web based conversation into another dimension, material based text.

The Handbook of Constitutional Law in Greater China surveys important issues of constitutional law in Mainland China, Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan. It synthesizes existing scholarship, debates, and views on important constitutional issues in the four jurisdictions. Written by a range of scholars, it contributes to both national and comparative scholarship on constitutional law in these jurisdictions. The book includes four parts: Part I: History. This part explores the constitutional movement of the Qing dynasty; constitutional projects in modern China; and aspects of the drafting and implementation history of the Hong Kong and Macau Basic Laws Part II: Structure. This part discusses the relationship between the party-state and the Chinese constitutional order; Chinese constitutionalism; constitutional aspects of city development under the SAR concept; constitutional review in Mainland China; a history of Taiwan's Council of Grand Justices'; and judicial review in both Hong Kong and Macau Part III: Rights, Society, and Economy. This part deals with Hong Kong's National Security Law and its impact on the one country, two systems model'; social movements and constitutionalism; LGBT rights advocacy; the integration of capitalist regions within socialist China; the constitutional relevance of labour reforms in Mainland China; healthcare rights in both the Mainland and the SARS; and foreign investment under Art. 18 of the PRC Constitution Part IV: Transnational Engagement. This part surveys comparative writings on China's constitution; the influence of international human rights treaties on China's constitutional order; the international dimension of Hong Kong's constitutional order; and the changing role of the overseas judges' in Hong Kong Exploring both historical and cutting-edge constitutional issues, this reference book is important reading for law researchers, lawyers, graduate students, undergraduates, and practitioners in the field of constitutional law and politics in Mainland China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macau.

Explores accountability as a framework for building movements to transform systemic oppression and violence What does it take to build communities to stand up to injustice and create social change? How do we work together to transform, without reproducing, systems of violence and oppression?In an age when feminism has become increasingly mainstream, noted feminist scholar and activist Ann Russo asks feminists to consider the ways that our own behavior might contribute to the interlocking systems of oppression that we aim to dismantle. Feminist Accountability offers an intersectional analysis of three main areas of feminism in practice: anti-racist work, community accountability and transformative justice, and US-based work in and about violence in the global south. Russo explores accountability as a set of frameworks and practices for community- and movement-building against oppression and violence. Rather than evading the ways that we are implicated, complicit, or actively engaged in harm, Russo shows us how we might cultivate accountability so that we can contribute to the feminist work of transforming oppression and violence. Among many others, Russo brings up the example of the most prominent and funded feminist and LGBT antiviolence organizations, which have become mainstream in social service, advocacy, and policy reform projects. This means they often approach violence through a social service and criminal legal lens that understands violence as an individual and interpersonal issue, rather than a social and political one. As a result, they ally with, rather than significantly challenge, the state institutions, policies, and systems that underlie and contribute to endemic violence. Grounded in theories, analyses, and politics developed by feminists of color and transnational feminists of the global south, with her own thirty plus years of participation in community building, organizing, and activism, Russo provides insider expertise and critical reflection on leveraging frameworks of accountability to upend inequitable divides and the culture that supports them

Introduction / Darren Dochuk and Jerald Podair -- The Progressive Era: a historiographical survey / Elaine Frantz -- The 1920s: a historiographical survey / Jennifer Fronc -- The Great Depression and New Deal: a historiographical survey / Mason B. Williams -- World War II: a historiographical survey/ john mccallum -- The Cold War era: a historiographical survey / Gene Zubovich -- The 1960s: a historiographical survey / Doug Rossinow -- The 1970s: a historiographical survey / Kirsten Swinth -- The 1980s: a historiographical survey / Vincent J. Cannato -- The 1990s: a historiographical survey / Mark Thomas Edwards -- Economics and capitalism: a historiographical survey / Sean Vanatta -- Intellectual: a historiographical survey / Daniel Wickberg -- Politics of liberalism and conservatism: a historiographical survey / Jennifer Delton -- Social and cultural: a historiographical survey / Stephen R. Duncan -- Labor and working-class: a historiographical survey / Jon Shelton -- Foreign relations and U.S. in the world: a historiographical survey / Kelly J. Shannon -- Legal and constitutional: a historiographical survey / Mary Ziegler -- Environmental: a historiographical survey / Bartow J. Elmore -- Women's and gender: a historiographical survey / Abigail Trollinger -- LGBT: a historiographical survey / Cookie Woolner -- African American and civil rights: a historiographical survey / Clarence Taylor -- Latino/a history: a historiographical survey / Felipe Hinojosa -- Native America: a historiographical survey / Sherry L. Smith -- Asian American history: a historiographical survey / Cindy I-Fen Cheng -- Immigration and ethnicity: a historiographical survey / Stephanie Hinnershitz -- Metropolitan: a historiographical survey / Andrew R. Highsmith -- American west: a historiographical survey / John William Nelson -- Border/lands: a historiographical survey / Sheila McManus -- Agricultural and rural: a historiographical survey / Pamela Riney-Kehrberg -- Consumerism and popular culture: a historiographical survey / Emily A. Remus -- Science, medicine, and technology: a historiographical survey / Myrna Perez Sheldon -- Sport and leisure: a historiographical survey / Travis Vogan -- Disability: a historiographical survey / Daniel Wilson -- Religious: a historiographical survey / Sarah Ruble -- Food and health: a historiographical survey / Benjamin E. Zeller

The trope of the repressive Muslim, obstinately attached to their regressive world views, recalcitrant antagoniser of modernity, has become a thoroughly familiar drama. Redundant spectacles abound: events often highly mediatised, substantiated by conservativism and liberalism alike, deployed as justification for policing, surveillance and invasion. The 2019 protests against the 'No Outsiders' LGBT lessons held in Birmingham, England are one such spectacle. Foregoing the dominant portrayal of the protests as an event of Muslim homophobia, I instead examine the social processes that render the event exceptional in the British imaginary and the statecraft it subsequently enables. First, the protests' production as a spectacular event is analysed through the historical conditions of Europe's self-constitution through Islam-as-Threat. It is through liberalism's amnesiac frame, one that erases its imperial and racist culpability, that the sexual exceptionalism that undergirds the spectacle of the protests can be understood. Second, reading the protests 'sideways', I argue, reveals how the displacement of homophobia onto Muslims continues liberalism's tradition of situating its Others as oppositional to its purported gendered and sexual freedoms. In this context, sex education as deradicalisation of Muslim pupils becomes normalised, even as British liberalism disavows racism. Thirdly, the inclusion of queer Muslims as the authentic voice emerging from the cross-sections of queer and Muslim identity is critiqued as a 'non-performativity'. Rather than offering a relational understanding of queer, Muslim and queer Muslim vulnerabilities, this inclusion elides an intersectional analysis of British homonationalism. I conclude by arguing for 'an unalienated politics' that is vigilant to co-optation, refusing to treat queerness as an exceptional site of injury. As such, how can we imagine the 'queer' in queer Muslim as a political position that refuses to capitulate to the hierarchisation of the human?

For much of the 20th century, Evangelical churches were a religious sector traditionally resistant to political participation. However, nowadays, they participate inpublic life and are key actors in certain political junctures due to their capacity to convene,mobilize and pressure. Faced with this scenario, this article aims to identify and explain the factors that allow us to understand the reactive politicization of Evangelical churches. For this, in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted with key actors andscholars, and different secondary sources were reviewed to trace the process and providean explanation for this phenomenon. The general hypothesis that guides the analysis isthat Evangelical churches gave up to their traditional resistance to political participation and dabbled in politics through social mobilization due to the confluence of three factors:the neopentecostalization of Evangelical churches, the influence of the AmericanChristian Right and the Peruvian state's responses to the demands of the feminist andLGBT movements. ; Durante gran parte del siglo XX, las iglesias evangélicas se caracterizaron por serun sector religioso tradicionalmente resistente a la participación política; sin embargo, enla actualidad, incursionan en la vida pública y son actores elevantes en ciertas coyunturaspolíticas por su capacidad para convocar, movilizar y presionar. Frente a ese escenario,este artículo tiene como objetivo identificar y explicar los factores que permitancomprender la politización reactiva de las iglesias evangélicas. Para ello, se realizaronentrevistas semiestructuradas a profundidad a actores clave y académicos especialistas, yse revisaron diferentes fuentes secundarias para reconstruir el proceso en cuestión yofrecer una explicación a este fenómeno. La hipótesis general que orienta el análisis esque las iglesias evangélicas desistieron de su tradicional resistencia a participar en políticae incursionaron en ella a través de la movilización social debido a la confluencia de tresfactores: la neopentecostalización del mundo evangélico, la influencia de la derecha cristiana estadounidense y las respuestas del Estado peruano frente a las demandas de losmovimientos feminista y LGBT.

My PhD thesis entitled The Political Economy of Sex Work in Europe' aims at reformulating the most politically relevant aspects of sex work in contemporary Europe in terms of state policy interventions and of main conflicts between groups engaging on the politics of sex work, through a systematic use of materialist tools, in particular French Materialist Feminism (Leonard, Adkins (eds.), 1996). The first step of this theoretical enterprise is the recognition of the uniquely interesting position, both political and epistemological, held by the sex workers' movement in the context of a general sex work regime emerging across different countries: the 'anti-trafficking' regime. Beyond the clear position that 'sex work is work', and its claims for legalisation, this movement offers a variety of original reflections on the specificities of sex work, both in terms of its labour content and its political content. In particular, sex work activists appear to argue that sex work is both sex and work; that, as with the rest of sex, it is first of all a practice of human interaction; and that, centrally, it carries a unique stigma which may correspond to a unique potential resistance. Elaborating on this marginalised knowledge, my contribution furthers an understanding of the specificity of the production of sex - whether it takes place in a work context or not - as a 'focused interaction' (Goffman, 1963) that constitutes a kind of 'factory of the selves' employing 'relational labour'. It also defines the concrete social division relevant to sex work in contemporary Europe, which is one of gender, but also of sexual identity and ethnicity - in other words, of those who are defined as 'abnormals' versus the 'normals'. The thesis overall suggests that, when given theoretical breath, the struggles of sex workers may indicate that a 'class' analysis is necessary to understand the specific relational exploitation that women, LGBT, and ethnicised people are subjected to as abnormals, far beyond the sphere of sex work.

On 11 April 2021 Ecuador's presidential run-off election will take place between leftist candidate Andrés Arauz from the UNES coalition and right-wing conservative Guillermo Lasso from the PSC-CREO alliance. Though this appears to be a conventional left-right battle, the successful first-round performance of Yaku Pérez from Pachakutik and Xavier Hervas from the ID surprised many observers. Ecuador's run-off represents the choice between two opposing models of development. Arauz seeks to advance ex-president Rafael Correa's anti-neoliberal "Citizen Revolution," while Lasso promotes the old neoliberal agenda. Both contenders are betting on revenues from extractivism to fund their development plans. In the first round, Arauz and Lasso avoided taking firm stances on issues related to the environment, gender, and sexual minorities. For the run-off, they have both "greened" their agendas and spun their positions as "women- and LGBT-friendly," recognizing the success of alternative third forces led by Pachakutik and the Izquierda Democrática (ID). Despite a left majority in the legislature, creating a unified leftist front is wishful thinking. The differences between Unión por la Esperanza (UNES) and Pachakutik are irreconcilable: the former seems incapable of turning away from its founding figure, Correa, and the indigenous movement continues to be internally fragmented. As both run-off candidates combined received only a little over half of the first-round vote, endorsements are currently a crucial battleground for the finalists. Pachakutik and the ID have announced they will support neither Arauz nor Lasso. The political tradition in Ecuador indicates that votes are not easily transferred, due to voters' weak identification with programmatic militancy and ideology. Whoever wins the presidential run-off will have to deal with an urgent and profound socio-economic crisis reinforced by the COVID-19 pandemic.