Suchergebnisse

El tema de la integración regional, teniendo como escenario a América Latina y el Caribe, siempre resulta ser objeto de permanente observación y análisis crítico, dicho proceso ha estado signada por avances y retrocesos que en la mayoría de las veces no han logrado superar las expectativas deseadas. En el presente trabajo se abordan los más resaltantes conceptos de Integración tomando en cuenta las teorías clásicas y exponiendo a grosso modo la esencia de dichas experiencias en sus diferentes épocas. Así mismo, se resalta al ALBA (Alternativa Bolivariana de las Américas) como experiencia integracionista que no solo abarca lo meramente económico, si no que incluye aspectos relevantes en el orden histórico, socio-cultural y político. De igual manera se ahonda en la estructura interna y evolución a través de las respectivas cumbres y declaraciones, destacando como una estrategia integracionista caracterizada por su énfasis en la dimensión social motivando a un comercio mas reciproco, solidario y complementario en el marco de un nuevo regionalismo latinoamericano. ; The topic of Regional Integration, having as scene to Latin America and the Caribbean, always turns out to be object of permanent observation and critical analysis, this process has been characterized by advances and backward movements that have not reach the wished expectations. In this work, the main aspects into the concepts of Integration are approached taking into account the classic theories and exposing the essence of this experience at their different times. Also, it is emphasized that ALBA (Alternative Bolivarian for the Americas) as integration experience not only considers economic issues, it also includes relevant aspects in historical, socio-cultural and political order. In the same way, this paper searches the internal structure and evolution of the ALBA through respective summits and declarations, it is worth to say that this integrationist strategy is characterized by its emphasis in the social dimension that motivates a commerce more reciprocal, harmony and complementary in the framework of a new Latin American regionalism. ; 217-232 ; rosali@ula.ve ; elugo@tach.ula.ve ; semestral

This paper analyses a regional integration process that includes Belize, Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala, Mexico and Panama. Formally launched in 2001 as the Puebla-Panama Plan (PPP) with a strong commitment to sustainable development and safeguarding the environmental dimension of the regionalisation process, its current version, renamed the Mesoamerican Project (Proyecto Mesoamérica, PM), does not have the same orientation or goals. This paper addresses two questions: a) which stakeholders and discourses shaped the regional integration's environmental policy process during its different phases? and b) how have the PPP and PM contributed to the environmental governance of the region? The findings suggest that the process has been characterised by strong intervention on the part of supra-national stakeholders that have prioritised liberalisation over the sustainable development agenda for 15 years, weakening regional environmental agencies' ability to produce warrants to reduce the environmental impacts of regionalisation.

Abstract
Regional integration (RI) is an essential part of the discourse on the global economy, viewed often as a "stumbling block" or "building block." However, little research exists that connects RI in the context of a politics of identity (PoI), which can be used to describe the evolving tensions between national sentiment and regional economic cooperation. This paper performs a Web of Science and Google Scholar review of 136 articles to determine how RI is discussed in the context of PoI. Our review demonstrated that the conceptual frameworks normally used to think about PoI are underexpressed in the context of RI. We discuss why this is the case and identify themes to illustrate the connection. We then suggest conceptual frameworks to enhance the discussion of PoI as it relates to RI, particularly as it relates to the teaching of RI across learning groups.

"Existing theories of European integration and political economy usually assume that economic interdependence is an important precondition for successful regional integration. This includes that regional integration among developing countries is unlikely to be successful, because their economies are usually more dependent on developed countries in the North than on their neighbours in the South. However, this article argues that developing countries use regional integration more in order to improve their standing vis-à-vis other world regions in the global economic system than to govern intraregional interdependence. Thus, the progress of regional integration in the South is at least as dependent on the feedback from other regions as it is on developments within the own region. This argument will be illustrated at the example of the Southern African Development Community (SADC), which made important steps towards regional integration in the last decade. It centralised its institutional structure in 2001 and announced a Free Trade Area in 2008. This development can partly be explained by interdependence between the less developed countries of the SADC and the relatively well developed Republic of South Africa, but it was also favoured by external support from other world regions, especially the European Union (EU). Nevertheless, further regional integration towards a customs union is disturbed by external influence, because the EU currently negotiates different Economic Partnership Agreements with the SADC member states, which prevents the harmonisation of tariffs for imports from outside the region." (author's abstract)

Introduction: The importance of the European Union to the world -- Unity and disunity -- Theory and practice of modern European integration -- The economic and legal foundations of the European community -- The contexts and actors of EU governmental decisionmaking -- Inside EU governmental decisionmaking -- The outputs of EU governmental decisionmaking -- EU foreign and security policy -- The internal dimension of European integration -- The external dimension of European integration -- Conclusions

This paper addresses the question of the need for income tax harmonization in the context of regional integration. It analyses the international distortions and fiscal interdependence arising in the presence of tax rate differentials both under a theoretical and an empirical perspective, and with reference to actual experiences of harmonization attempts. Attention is also paid to the influence of the countries' size on the results, to the strategic behaviour of countries under different international taxations rules, and to the relationships with the countries excluded by the integration process. International tax uniformity does not appear to be the preferable solution, even if some form of concerted agreements might help in reducing inefficiencies deriving from taxation differentials. For instance, in the case of highly mobile factors, like financial capital, if the integrating countries apply the source principle and the interest rate is the same across them, the source‐based tax rate on non residents must equal the residence country tax rate on residents. Such a rule would allow the countries to set autonomously their tax rate and, at the same time, eliminate cross‐border effects. If there are more than two integrating countries, the tax rates on non residents should discriminate according to the internal tax rate of the residence country.(J.E.L.: H87, F20, H20).

Nowadays the Republic of Kazakhstan is a member of many international and regional economic and political organizations such as the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the Customs Union, the Eurasian Economic Community customs union, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and so on. Kazakhstan is a country ready to cooperate and participate in regional integration with neighboring states. Kazakhstan in the region of Central Asia is an initiator and leader of all integration processes, is ready to a constructive dialogue with regional and international political and economic partners. Experience of the development of integration processes in various countries with adequate answers to many important problems, the collective effectuation of sovereignty is the most optimal way of assurance of national interests and real independence in the modern interconnected world. Participation of smaller, less developed and militarily powerful states in regional integration associations furnishes them a guarantee and real chance to counteract a policy of dictate, pressure and violence more effective. Therefore, the prevention of threats to national security is the key priority in security in the region of Central Asia. © 2016, Econjournals. All rights reserved.

The Foreign Ministers of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) held
their annual summit from 17 to 18 November 2012 in Phnom Penh, Cambodia.
European Union (EU) decision-makers have paid relatively little attention to the ASEAN
region despite entering into a series of important agreements with ASEAN as a whole
and with individual ASEAN member states: In July 2012 the EU entered into the Treaty
of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia (TAC), an important regulatory framework
for the region. In October 2012, it finished negotiating a partnership and cooperation
agreement (PCA) with Vietnam, and in December of the same year, it signed a free
trade agreement (FTA) with Singapore. But despite these milestones, the EU generally
has played a minor role in the region. To participate in Southeast Asia's economic dynamism,
the EU must make clear its importance to the region – above and beyond trade.
The ASEAN Charter of 2007 brought ASEAN's institutional structures more in line
with the EU. One important reform included making human rights protection one
of ASEAN's goals.
Myanmar's political opening also provides the EU with new room to promote farreaching
regional initiatives that could beef up ASEAN–EU relations.
The EU's role as a security actor in Southeast Asia remains marginal, as shown by
ASEAN's rejection of its bid to join the East Asia Summit (EAS). Whether the EU's
accession efforts will one day succeed depends on how regional actors rate its contribution
to major security issues.

Labour migration in the Asia-Pacific is dynamic and growing. Variable economic growth, deepening regional integration, and growing disparities in wealth, both within and among countries, have created strong incentives for workers to relocate across borders. Patterns of migration are also becoming more complex: the traditional concept of labour migration as being from &#x;South&#x; to &#x;North&#x; is no longer accurate to capture the nuanced patterns of flows across the Asia-Pacific. There is a broad consensus that international labour mobility can contribute positively to development and poverty reduction under certain conditions. The ability to earn higher salaries abroad is broadly good for migrants and their families, and for communities remaining behind in the sending countries. Further, contrary to widespread beliefs that inward migration is socially and economically harmful, receiving countries can also benefit from the skills and economic dynamism brought by new arrivals. But there are also costs involved with migration including: high transaction costs for migrants themselves, low levels of protection for workers&#x; rights, and high human and social costs associated with distance from places of origin. Migration, when not well-managed, can also raise social tensions. Unlike international trade, mechanisms for international governance of migration are underdeveloped. However, some regional initiatives, including regional trade agreements, are increasingly including provisions on migration. This paper reviews recent labour migration trends in the Asia-Pacific region. This is followed by a discussion of the main channels which link labour migration and development combined with analysis of policies that can enhance the developmental impact of migration. Finally, regional co-operation initiatives in the area of migration are summarized and proposals for reform at the regional and bilateral level are advanced