Suchergebnisse

La Semana Trágica de enero de 1919 catalizó distintas tendencias sociales presentes en la ciudad de Buenos Aires durante la inmediata posguerra. En un contexto de polarización política, la Iglesia Católica y el catolicismo asumieron un rol activo en la defensa del orden. En el artículo se analizan las perspectivas con que el catolicismo social porteño –especialmente aquel organizado en torno a los Círculos de Obreros (1892) – intervino en la coyuntura del final de la I Guerra Mundial, qué posición tomaron en relación a la violencia estatal y paraestatal durante la huelga general, y qué tipo de iniciativas promovieron en lo sucesivo. ; The Tragic Week on January 1919 triggered different social tendencies which were acting in Buenos Aires during the first postwar period. In a specific political polarization context, the Catholic Church and Catholicism took on an active role in order to defend the social order. Particularly, this article analyses the perspectives with which Social Catholicism of Buenos Aires –especially the one organized by Workers Circles (1892)– acted during the late First World War, which was the attitude towards state and non-state violence used in the general strike and what kinds of initiatives they promoted thereather. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

The explicit and implicit meanings about the armed conflict were identified in political-electoral spots of the 2014 Congress campaign. Twenty spots were analyzed according to the theory of relevance of Sperber and Wilson. It was found that the conceptualization of peace and war occurred almost exclusively implicitly and that the most discussed issue was that of peace, which generated political polarization in the face of the Government's peace negotiations with the FARC guerrilla. This discourse, as a characteristic of communication, also serves for the understanding of the candidate's message by his voters. ; Se identificaron los sentidos explícitos e implícitos sobre el conflicto armado en spots político-electorales de la campaña legislativa de 2014. Veinte spots fueron analizados según la teoría de la relevancia de Sperber y Wilson. Se encontró que la conceptualización de la paz y la guerra se dio casi exclusivamente de manera implícita y que el tema más tratado fue el de la paz, el cual generó polarización política ante las negociaciones de paz del Gobierno con las FARC. Este discurso, como un rasgo propio de la comunicación, sirve también para la comprensión del mensaje del candidato por sus electores.

This essay examines the implications Wikipedia holds for theories of deliberative democracy. It argues that while similar in some respects, the mode of interaction within Wikipedia represents a distinctive form of "collaborative editing" that departs from many of the qualities traditionally associated with face-to-face deliberation. This online mode of interaction overcomes many of the problems that distort face-to-face deliberations. By mitigating problems that arise in deliberative practice, such as "group polarization" and "hidden profiles," the wiki model often realizes the epistemic and procedural aspirations of deliberative democracy. These virtues of the Wikipedia model should not, however, lead to the simple conclusion that it ought to replace traditional face-to-face deliberation. Instead, this essay argues that the collaborative editing process found within Wikipedia ought to be viewed as a promising supplement to traditional deliberation. These two modes of communication ought to be viewed in Madisonian terms – as distinctive forms of interaction that check and balance the vices of one another. When combined, the wiki model promotes the virtues of inclusion and accuracy at large scales, while the face-to-face model excels in conditions of localism and promotes the virtues of solidarity and social capital.

The breakdown of the Born-Oppenheimer approximation is an important topic in chemical dynamics on metal surfaces. In this context, the most frequently used work horse is electronic friction theory, commonly relying on friction coefficients obtained from density-functional theory calculations from the early '80s based on the atom-in-jellium model. However, results are only available for a limited set of jellium densities and elements (Z=1−18). In this paper, these calculations are revisited by investigating the corresponding friction coefficients for the entire periodic table (Z=1−92). Furthermore, friction coefficients obtained by including the electron density gradient on the generalized gradient approximation level are presented. Finally, we show that spin polarization and relativistic effects can have sizable effects on these friction coefficients for some elements. ; N.G. is grateful for his research stay in San Sebastian that has been cofunded by the Erasmus+ programme of the European Union. J.M. acknowledges financial support from the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) under VIDI Grant No. 723.014.009. J.I.J. acknowledges financial support by the Gobierno Vasco-UPV/EHU Project No. IT1246-19, and the Spanish Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación [Grant No. PID2019-107396GBI00/AEI/10.13039/501100011033]. ; Peer reviewed

Ramie is a plant whose fibers are used in fabrics. Ramie films are prepared by hot pressing and studied with transmission Mueller-matrix ellipsometry, which provides a complete description of polarizing and depolarizing sample properties. Symmetries of the Mueller matrices imply that the ramie films are linearly birefringent and act as waveplates. The linear birefringence is quantified by the differential decomposition of the Mueller matrices and the materials birefringence is found to be of the order of 0.05-0.08 with small dispersion in the visible spectral range. The films exhibit depolarization, which is quantified in terms of the depolarization index and varies from 0.9 in the infrared to 0.25 in the ultraviolet range. The deep understanding of ramie films polarization properties will pave the way for applications in optical and photonic devices. ; Funding Agencies|Conacyt MexicoConsejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia (CONACyT) [2018-000007-01EXTV-00169]; Carl Tryggers Foundation; Knut and Alice Wallenberg FoundationKnut & Alice Wallenberg Foundation; European Research Council Advanced GrantEuropean Research Council (ERC) [742733]; Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation through the Wallenberg Wood Science Center at KTH Royal Institute of Technology; Wood NanoTech; Swedish Government Strategic Research Area in Materials Science on Advanced Functional Materials at Linkoping University (Faculty Grant SFO-Mat-LiU) [2009-00971]

The extreme right hate speech propagated currently in Brazil addresses a broad social spectrum, from feminist movements to traditional communities. The academic community and higher education institutions are also targets, as they are identified as poles of democratic resistance. Specific hate speech towards academy in Brazil is the subject of this paper. The persecution of academic community and knowledge itself occurs through the discursive dispute especially on social networks, and thus in this analytical exercise, we looked up at Facebook's largest bolsonarista's group - the "Jair Bolsonaro Presidency Support Group", which brings together 317,000 members. We analyzed the memetic discourse on the page, focusing memes that were published between April and June 2019, thematizing higher public education, and presenting a bimodal verb-visual composition. These criteria led to the collection of 115 memes analyzed with the support of a QDA package. Analysis reveals the disqualification of university institutions and their actors through ironies, negative associations including stereotypes, simplification of debate to the shallower. Students are often associated with nudity as immorality, professors of indoctrination and ridicule, protesters of ignorance, or bad character. Political debate is reduced to extreme left-right polarization, with the criminalization of the left.

AbstractPossible gender differences in the self-presentation of political candidates have been a recurring research topic for many years. Yet studies that compare large numbers of candidates have mainly used data from the United States. This article uses a unique data set from the run-up to the 2016 general election in Ireland to compare the self-presentation of male and female candidates. The data are based on video statements of almost 90% of the candidates who ran in the election. With its lack of party polarization and recent introduction of a gender quota, Ireland is a particularly interesting case for analyzing possible gender differences in political campaigning. Findings confirm previous research that has found few gender differences in issue priorities but contradict it in other respects, especially regarding differences in stressing political experience and personal background. The results suggest that female candidates saw electoral benefits from conforming to expectations about women as caregivers, but they wished to avoid a stereotype limiting them to this role by also emphasizing their occupational background. Their strong personalization may also indicate an attempt to stress individuality in a context in which the gender quota drew special attention to women as a category.

White evangelicals–both men and women–are a mainstay of the Republican Party. What accounts for their ongoing loyalty, particularly when Republican candidates and leaders fail to embody closely held moral standards around sexual monogamy and propriety, as Donald Trump did in 2016? To answer this question, I draw on research about social sorting and polarization, as well as gender and religion gaps in public opinion, to theorize about the nature of the cross-pressures partisans may experience as a result of the religious and gender identifications they hold. Using data from the 2016 American National Election Study, I evaluate whether cross-cutting identities have a moderating effect on partisans' thinking about gender issues, their evaluations of the presidential candidates, and their relationship to the parties. I find only modest evidence that gender and evangelical identification impact political thinking among white Republicans, including their reactions to the Access Hollywood tape. Other groups, however, experienced more significant cross-pressures in 2016. Both evangelical Democrats and secular Republicans reported less polarized affective reactions to the presidential candidates and the parties. The results highlight the contingent role that gender and religious identities play in the United States' highly polarized political climate.

AbstractFor Dauvergne (2016), one consequence of the "end of settler societies" is nativism, or what she calls "mean‐spirited politics": anti‐immigrant, anti‐Muslim, anti‐Multiculturalism. This accords with the prevailing tone of public opinion literature on the subject, which links anti‐immigrant hostility in settler societies to influxes of diversity and associated racial threat. In this essay, we determine just how closely this stylized vision of anxiety‐fuelled nativism resembles the true state of mass opinion about immigration. Using a variety of surveys fielded in recent years, we show that Americans: 1) hold generally positive views about immigration, though with a substantial dose of ambivalence about its consequences; 2) are not especially consistent in their policy attitudes over time; 3) express policy attitudes that readily depart from their underlying predispositions, and; 4) have only become more pro‐immigrant in recent years, and whatever partisan polarization exists on the issue stems from the fact that Republicans are becoming more positive at a slightly slower pace than Democrats. All of this suggests that, while there is a hard core of ethnocentrism and "mean‐spiritedness" in the U.S., the prevailing tone is much less negative than the standard portrayal assumes.

AbstractWe study whether and to what extent the electoral dynamics in Italy over the 1994–2008 period can be explained by the development of economic factors associated with globalization. To measure the level of exposure to globalization for local labor markets, our main unit of analysis, we use the intensity of import competition from China and the presence of immigrants. Looking at parties' political positions and employing an estimation strategy that accounts for endogeneity and time‐invariant unobserved effects across local labor markets, we find that both immigration intensity and exposure to import competition from China have contributed positively to the electoral outcomes of far‐right parties, whereas only immigration intensity has increased the vote shares of right‐wing and traditionalist/authoritarian/nationalist parties. Some evidence, albeit not robust, shows that immigration may have also had a positive impact on far‐left parties, thus possibly further contributing toward political polarization. Moreover, electoral turnout has responded negatively to an increased presence of migrants. While the above effects seem to work through the mediation of labor markets, our results, especially those related to immigration, suggest that other mechanisms at the level of local communities are also at play.

AbstractThis article explains a surprising wave of lethal attacks by drug cartels against hundreds of local elected officials and party candidates in Mexico, 2007–2012. These attacks are puzzling because criminal organizations tend to prefer the secrecy of bribery over the publicity of political murder. Scholars suggest that war drives armed actors to attack state authorities in search of protection or rents. Using original data on high-profile attacks in Mexico, the authors show that war need arguments underexplain violence. Focusing on political opportunities, they suggest that cartels use attacks to establish criminal governance regimes and conquer local governments, populations and territories. The study presents quantitative and qualitative evidence showing that cartels took advantage of Mexico's political polarization and targeted subnational authorities who were unprotected by their federal partisan rivals. Cartels intensified attacks during subnational election cycles to capture incoming governments and targeted geographically adjacent municipalities to establish control over large territories. The findings reveal how cartels take cues from the political environment to develop their own de facto political domains through high-profile violence. These results question the widely shared assumption that organized criminal groups are apolitical actors.

AbstractHow can a microbial approach to global health security protect life? Contemporary infection control mechanisms set the human and the pathogenic microbe against each other, as the victim versus the menace. This biomedical polarization persistently runs through the contemporary dominant mode of thinking about public health and infectious disease governance. Taking its cue from the currently accepted germ theory of disease, such mechanisms render a global city like Hong Kong not only pervasively "on alert" and under threat of unpredictable and pathogenic viruses and other microbes, it also gives rise to a hygiene and antimicrobial politics that is never entirely able to control pathogenic circulation. The article draws on recent advances in medical microbiology, which depart from germ theory, to invoke an ecological understanding of the human-microbe relation. Here, while a small number of viruses are pathogenic, the majority are benign; some are even essential to human life. Disease is not just the outcome of a pathogenic microbe infecting a human host but emerges from socioeconomic relations, which exacerbate human-animal-microbial interactions. In a final step, the article draws on Daoist thought to reflect on the ways that such a microbial understanding translates into life and city dwelling.

With increasing attention devoted to automated bot accounts, fake news, and echo chambers, how much of the theory of a Habermassian public sphere is still applicable to social media? Drawing on Twitter data collected on April 16, 2017, during the night of Turkey's 2017 Constitutional Referendum, we test whether the networks of political communication resemble the communicative structures characteristic of Habermas's "public sphere." The referendum left the country sharply divided; 51.4 percent of the electorate voted in favor of amending the constitution to grant sweeping new executive powers to the presidency, with an overall turnout of 85.46 percent. In this article, we examine whether Twitter users were meaningfully engaged on the night of the referendum, and if their communicative patterns resembled a networked public sphere, that is, a space where information and ideas are exchanged, and public opinion is formed in a deliberative, rational manner. We find ideological uniformity, polarization, and partisan antipathy to be especially evident—mirroring existing social tensions in Turkey. Rather than resembling a public sphere, we found Twitter users to be more likely to communicate on the basis of homophily—rather than to engage in democratic debate or establish a common ground between the two campaigns.

Political economy suggests that media owners try to influence the process of media production by providing career incentives to like-minded journalists and adjusting the level of professional autonomy granted to them. Accordingly, we analyze whether the political distance between editors and journalists (i.e., reporters) affects the careers of journalists in terms of rank and salary, as well as their perceived professional autonomy. We hypothesize that editors reward and allow freedom to journalists whose political viewpoints coincide more precisely with their own. Political proximity to editors should lead to a better salary and rank for reporters and to a stronger perception of editorial autonomy among reporters. We tested our hypotheses through statistical analysis using data from the Worlds of Journalism Study. We analyzed the answers of 3,087 journalists interviewed between 2012 and 2016 in six European countries: Germany, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, and the United Kingdom. The results support our hypotheses. The analysis reveals a polarization of media outlet editors, and robust results were achieved via a measure of political proximity that takes into account the particular influence of left-leaning and right-leaning editors. Such partisan leaning, however, seems less relevant in countries belonging to Hallin and Mancini's Atlantic model.

AbstractIn recent years, concerns about misinformation in the media have skyrocketed. President Donald Trump has repeatedly claimed that various news outlets are disseminating 'fake news' for political purposes. But when the information contained in mainstream media news reports provides no clear clues about its truth value or any indication of a partisan slant, do people rely on the congeniality of the news outlet to judge whether the information is true or false? In a survey experiment, we presented partisans (Democrats and Republicans) and ideologues (liberals and conservatives) with a news article excerpt that varied by source shown (CNN, Fox News, or no source) and content (true or false information), and measured their perceived accuracy of the information contained in the article. Our results suggest that the participants do not blindly judge the content of articles based on the news source, regardless of their own partisanship and ideology. Contrary to prevailing views on the polarization and politicization of news outlets, as well as on voters' growing propensity to engage in 'partisan motivated reasoning,' source cues are not as important as the information itself for partisans on both sides of the aisle.