Suchergebnisse

E. J. Mishan, an iconoclastic economist who has taught at such schools as the London School of Economics and the New School for Social Research, is in this volume a provocateur, smashing staunchly held beliefs of the right (free trade and common markets are good for the economy), and the left (local jobs are always lost when factories close down, pay disparity between men and women signifies discrimination). He also pokes holes in the accepted wisdom held by all, arguing for example that economic growth does not necessarily improve lives. Those who believe the fallacies Mishan exposes to the

Keynesianism is a national focused economic theory. The Keynesian theory builds on the assumption that prices and wages are sticky sizes evolves imbalance; high inflation or deflation follows. This in combination with various market crises, such as the current financial crisis, is suggesting that the market always fails, both in achieving full employment and avoiding crisis that affects unemployment. Thus, Keynesian argues that for an active state stabilization and labor market policy in the form of fiscal and monetary policies that can create just full employment and good business, while market deregulation and laissez-faire policies fail.

Keynesianism is a national focused economic theory. The Keynesian theory builds on the assumption that prices and wages are sticky sizes evolves imbalance; high inflation or deflation follows. This in combination with various market crises, such as the current financial crisis, is suggesting that the market always fails, both in achieving full employment and avoiding crisis that affects unemployment. Thus, Keynesian argues that for an active state stabilization and labor market policy in the form of fiscal and monetary policies that can create just full employment and good business, while market deregulation and laissez-faire policies fail.

THE TERM PERSUATION MEANS THE COMPLETE ACT OF CAUSING ONE TO DO SOMETHING BY APPEALING TO REASON AND EMOTION. THE PURPOSE OF THIS PAPER IS TO DEVELOP AN ECONOMIC THEORY OF PERSUASION. FIRST IT DISCUSSES HOW INDIVIDUALS PERSUADE THE MEDIAN VOTER IN COLLECTIVE DECISION-MAKING CONCERNING THE SOCIAL SUPPLY LEVEL OF A PUBLIC GOOD WITHIN THE MEDIAN VOTER MODEL. SECOND, IT DEVELOPS A MODEL OF PERSUASION IN THE CASE OF EXTERNALITIES WITHIN THE COASIAN FRAMEWORK. FINALLY, IT PRESENTS A SUMMARY OF ARGUMENTS AND POINTS OUT THE PROBLEMS THAT REMAIN TO BE EXPLORED.

THE MEDIA PREDICTS THAT, IF THE SOVIET UNION DOES NOT INTERVENE, EAST EUROPEANS SHOULD SOON BE BLESSED WITH AN UNFETTERED CAPITALIST ECONOMY. THIS PROGNOSIS IS PREMATURE. IT SUGGESTS THAT A SINGLE IDEOLOGY HAS EMERGED VICTORIOUS, ALTHOUGH EVEN A CURSORY OVERVIEW REVEALS THE OPPOSITE. IN THIS ESSAY, THE AUTHOR DEMONSTRATES THE DEGREE OF COMPLEXITY CHARACTERIZING EASTERN EUROPEAN DEBATES ABOUT THE FUTURE, FOCUSING ON HUNGARIAN DISCUSSIONS ABOUT ECONOMIC REFORM. HE ARGUES THAT SUPPORT FOR A MARKET ECONOMY DOES NOT NECESSARILY REPRESENT A VOTE FOR CAPITALISM BUT MAY BE AN EXPRESSION OF SOMETHING ELSE--A DESIRE TO BECOME TRULY WESTERNIZED.

"Efficient breach" is one of the most discussed topics in the literature of law and economics. What remedy incentivizes the parties of a contract to perform contracts if and only if it is efficient? This book provides a new perception based on an in-depth analysis of the impact the market structure, asymmetry of information, and deviations from the rational choice model have, comprehensively. The author compares the two predominant remedies for breach of contract which have been adopted by most jurisdictions and also found access to international conventions like the Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods (CiSG): Specific performance and expectation damages. The book illustrates the complexity such a comparison has under more realistic assumptions. The author shows that no simple answer is possible, but one needs to account for the circumstances. The comparison takes an economic approach to law applying game theory. The game-theoretic models are consistent throughout the entire book which makes it easy for the reader to understand what effects different assumptions about the market structure, the distribution of information, and deviations from the rational choice model have, and how they are intertwined.

In Russia federalism and the design of federal institutions have been greatly debated topics ever since the beginning of the 1990s. When the newly elected Russian president Vladimir Putin introduced a number of federal reforms in May 2000 it represented the culmination of a debate on federalism that had been triggered by the political and economic crisis of 1998. In many ways these reforms entailed a different perspective on federalism, or in the terminology of this thesis a new "federal paradigm", from the one that had dominated most of the Yeltsin era. At the same time the relations between federal and regional authorities, often referred to as intergovernmental relations, appeared to become less confrontational and fragmented than before. This work examines this latest stage in the Russian state-building process. In particular two elements are scrutinized. The first is the shift of federal paradigms that the federal reforms reflected. Combining organisation theory and historical institutionalism it is argued that the origins of federal paradigm shifts often can be traced to the federal system itself. In Russia the failure of the federal system manifested through the political and economic crisis of 1998 changed many governmental actors' views on federalism. However, it was not until Putin became president that the new federal paradigm could consolidate. The second element concerns the connections between the new federal paradigm and the mode of intergovernmental relations. This work presents the argument that the way in which federalism is interpreted and conceptualised by governmental actors is important for the variation of intergovernmental relations across and within federal systems. Deriving from federal theory and some comparisons with other federal systems it is concluded that the federal paradigm that Putin represented in his first presidential term was on the whole more conducive for coordinate intergovernmental relations, at least in the short term.

The objective of this paper is to construct a creativity composite index designed to capture the growing role of creativity in driving economic and social development for the 27 European Union countries. The paper proposes a new approach for the measurement of EU-27 creative potential and for determining its capacity to attract and develop creative human capital. We apply a modified version of the 3T model developed by Richard Florida and Irene Tinagli for constructing a Euro-Creativity Index. The resulting indexes establish a quantitative base for policy makers, supporting their efforts to determine the contribution of creativity to economic development.