Suchergebnisse

Antideployment peace movement activity in Europe has declined in intensity since deployments of intermediate-range nuclear forces began in December 1983; the issue, however, will likely remain on the political agenda for several years as these deployments continue. Peace movements are nationally oriented with much less transnational collaboration than is usually imagined. The movements vary from country to country, with Dutch peace activities relatively the strongest in terms of effective political influence. Peace movements tend to be stronger in northern European Protestant areas; less so among European Catholics. Explanations for this are speculative but include such factors as religious doctrinal differences, guilt among some churchmen for not having taken stronger moral positions on state matters during the Hitler period, and success in postwar demilitarization policies. In any event, Western publics will likely remain a central part of the negotiations/deployment, two-track process as they have from the outset.

This book examines a new type of state formation evoked by the rise of transnational rule, what Schia calls franchised states. Drawing on anthropological studying-through fieldwork within the UN organization, he demonstrates how peacebuilding activities turned Liberia into an object of governing, whereby the UN, in seeking to build the state, also became the state. The sovereign state of Liberia here emerges as a franchise rather than a self-contained entity. Two implications follow: First, that international peacebuilding turns post-conflict countries into clients of the international community. Second, that?sovereignty? is no longer exclusively associated with the state: it is organized in and through specific practices of governing where a state actor is only one among a range of actors. With these findings, the book moves beyond previous work on peacebuilding by focusing on the unbundling of sovereignty. It contributes to the literature on the changing forms of sovereignty by showing the specific ways in which sovereignty is organized, packaged and enacted, often by actors working under international auspices. This book will be of interest to practitioners and students interested in international organizations, international relations, the study of international practices, UN, and peacebuilding.

This special edition highlights how notions of peace, as well as institutions, practices and relationships that can foster peace, are shaped by and need to be anchored in their specific context of implementation. All three articles show that the experience of peace differs between people in the same location along axes of inequality and difference such as gender, ethnicity, and religion. In exploring how peace varies, we thus need to attend to variation across space and place as well as to variation between differently positioned individuals and groups within society. Shedding new light on these issues in their respective empirical settings, these three articles constitute important contributions to an ongoing research effort aiming to provide a fuller picture of what peace is, how it is manifested, experienced, and understood, and how this varies.

Available Open Access under CC-BY-NC-ND licence. The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda is rooted in international law – notably international humanitarian law, human rights and international criminal law. UNSCR 1325 specifically calls upon states to respect fully the obligations within these laws, including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). Subsequent WPS resolutions emphasize the need for commitment to women's human rights and implementation of human rights law, without again referencing CEDAW until Resolution 2467 in April 2019. Despite the evident association of subject matter, the first seven WPS resolutions after 1325 are surprisingly silent about trafficking in women and girls, including in armed conflict. Resolution 2467 does refer to trafficking in persons but only to ask the Security Council Counter- Terrorism Committee Executive Directorate to include in its country reports information about states' efforts to address it. This does not comprehensively locate trafficking within the WPS agenda.

This annual two weeks of activism, as a lot of you will know, was started more than twenty years ago by the Centre for Women's Global Leadership (CWGL) at Rutgers University. This year the theme is 'From peace in the home to peace in the world: let's challenge militarism and end gender-based violence'. They've called on us to foster what they call 'a strategic conversation' on the links between militarism and male violence against women.

Transnational relations are significant in current world politics, but it is not obvious that their effects are uniformly£ benign. It is therefore important to ask how transnational relations affect such deeply held values as peace, welfare, democracy, and self-identity. Who is helped and who is hurt by transnational relations?

Insisting that armed groups lay down their weapons as a precondition to negotiations over peace and democracy is often counterproductive. Armed groups can actually play a constructive role in promoting peace and democracy. Specifically, they do so when armed parties are well organised, seek power over the same body of people, and have a strong basis of social support. Under these conditions, armed parties can pose a credible challenge to regime elites, form a united front in negotiations and play an important role in constraining disparate factions in order to maintain peace. The participation of these parties may promote peace and democracy. (Survival / SWP)

'Angola: Struggle for peace and reconstruction' by Inge Tvedten is reviewed.