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Problem setting. The 21st century is a time of global change. Globalization is spreading in all areas of human life. Against the background of these changes, culture is turning into an important factor of social and economic progress for both the human civilization as a whole and for individual countries. However, as historical experience shows, the state and its institutions play an essential role in the development of the cultural sphere, which should not only create the appropriate conditions, but also shape and implement the national cultural strategies, laying a solid foundation for the development of the entire society. The scientific task is to identify specific features of the cultural sphere as an object of state regulation, which will create opportunities for the development of the applied mechanisms of the state impact on the cultural sphere development.Recent research and publications analysis. The issues of public administration in the field of culture were investigated by a number of scientists, including: V. Averianov, S. Drozhzhina, V. Karlova, E. Kubko, V. Tsvetkov and other scholars. The theoretical and methodological foundations and aspects of public administration of the sphere of culture were studied by such researchers as V. Andrushchenko, V. Bakumenko, S. Chukut, I. Dziuba, O. Gritsenko, V. Skuratovsky, M. Zhulinskyi and others. The subject of the structure and mechanism for implementing the function of culture in public administration has been covered in the works by such scientists as O. Boiko, P. Hudzenko, V. Klochko, Y. Mandryk, M. Semenova and other researchers. A considerable contribution has been made by V. Andrushchenko, Y. Bohutskyi, G. Chmil, V. Malimon, L. Vostryakov, V. Zhidkov. The works of foreign scientists, in particular D. Adams, V. Bolto, H. Chartrand, A. Goldbard, C. McCaughey and a number of others also draw attention in terms of our study.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The current research of the concept of "culture" has an extensive structure that needs to be defined (re-defined) along the lines of state regulation. The paper defines the concept of "culture", based on generalization of various approaches, and distinguishes the characteristic features of the sphere of culture and its constituents. Culture is considered as an object of state regulation; effective ways for the state to influence the development of the sphere of culture in the modern conditions are determined.However, a number of priority areas still remain understudied, one of them being the support of the so-called "cultural diplomacy" and the specificity of promoting its development.Paper main body. Today, there exist several hundred definitions of the concept of "culture", as well as many approaches to its study, theoretical concepts, models and types of culture. It should be noted that the evolution of the scientific understanding of the concept of "culture" can be considered in three interrelated aspects: historical, political and philosophical.Scientists believe that the 21st century is the time when the intelligence of human resources will serve as the core, and when the largest in size European country will continue its development, focusing on cultural affairs and cultural policy. Culture should enrich the society, and shape the best thoughts of each individual. The present day should unite traditions and innovations – this is the task of the new age. The 21st century is a time of creating new conditions for the development of culture and a qualitatively new level of governance.There has always existed a close relationship between culture and politics. The development of culture depends on the state insofar as the support of culture is important for the political power. Culture is a multifaceted phenomenon. It is a certain standard, relationships between people, and specific human activities as well. At the same time, it is an integral system. However, the culture of every individual is interpreted precisely through this standard.Speaking about culture and politics and their relationship, it is worth mentioning that culture, eventually, is the result of a set of different factors, while politics is part of culture. There are certain values and behaviors in political activity. The specificity of this interaction is difference, i. e. the difference between cultures. And this is exactly what makes it possible to understand the instability of the political system under different conditions.In our opinion, in the modern world it is most appropriate to understand culture from the standpoint of the activity approach. Accordingly, from the point of view of dynamics, culture is a way of human activity, the activity of communities related to creation, dissemination and preservation of material, social and spiritual values; while in terms of statics, these are the results of the said activity. Therefore, culture is people's achievement attained through their own intellectual and creative abilities, which lays the foundation for the development of society as a whole and its individual areas.Concerning the concept of the "sphere of culture", we might note that it is of composite nature in relation to the entire set of sector-specific systems; yet, it's content can not be regarded as fully established. The specificity of the cultural sphere lies in the ways of satisfying the aesthetic and informational needs of people. Cultural activities are carried out by organizations, institutions of various forms of ownership, as well as by private individuals. This makes it obvious that the development and efficient functioning of the cultural sphere is impossible without a unified system of management in the cultural sphere. A high-quality system should stimulate the development of cultural institutions and create new opportunities for the new forms of cultural activity.The sphere of culture is multifunctional and possesses a high capacity for self-organization; but it is these qualities that makes one reflect upon whether it is really an instrument of state regulation of society's development, or whether it can be regulated at all. If we step back deeper into history, it becomes clear that long ago there existed institutions that regulated the sphere of culture, such as the government, the church, and the market.In today's world, the relationship between the state and the sphere of culture is changing; the role of the state is becoming less direct, the forms of governance undergo certain transformations. The state pays more attention to how transformation processes will take place and how effective they will be. Actually, problems do exist, and they have to be addressed. State regulation is not simply a key task, but also an important indicator of the state's activity in the world. The implementation of state regulation must have certain priorities. First and foremost, they are: preservation of the cultural heritage; creation of a unified space, based on traditions; accessibility for the general public; strengthening of the material and technical base; and ensuring the innovative development of the sphere of culture.Investigating the peculiarities of the state regulation of the sphere of culture, it should be noted that the problem resides in using the methods and modes of management that do not meet the needs of cultural institutions' integration into the market economy. This results in an inefficient utilization of resources, proving once again that formation of a single effective system of management of the cultural sphere components is a prerequisite for their future development.In this context, there are two areas of the state impact on the sphere of culture: the first is formation of cultural life in general, the second – coordination of the cultural needs and interests of different social groups. In order to effectively manage culture, a certain integration of control and self-regulation is required, with the relevant measures to be taken for the intended effect.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Having analyzed the existing definitions of the concept of "culture", one can understand that they all reflect the characteristics of this social phenomenon. Culture is one of the most important spheres of human life and the benchmark that determines the level of development of society in general.The study of the concept of "culture" in terms of the historical, political and philosophical approaches has made it possible to establish that culture is a way of human activity, the activity of communities related to creation, dissemination and preservation of material, social and spiritual values; while in terms of statics, they are the results of these activities.In the modern world, a successful development of culture at the national level implies state intervention through the mechanisms and instruments of state regulation. At the same time, the state regulation in the sphere of culture should be carried out in accordance with a set of priorities, the main of which for the time being are as follows: preservation of the cultural and spiritual heritage; promotion of moral values in the cultural space; ensuring maximum accessibility for the general public of the best samples of culture and art; creation of cultural clusters and tourism brands; a maximum involvement of tourism in the cultural sphere; ensuring innovative development of the cultural sphere; application of modern technologies; effective training of personnel; strengthening the material base of cultural institutions countrywide; support for the "cultural diplomacy".The features of facilitating the development of the cultural diplomacy will be the subject of our further research. ; Досліджено характерні особливості культури як об'єкта державного регулювання. Розглянуто різні поняття "культури", її складові, аспекти та підходи. Визначено специфічні риси сфери культури як об'єкта державного регулювання, а також способи впливу держави на розвиток сфери культури у сучасних умовах.

Problem setting. The 21st century is a time of global change. Globalization is spreading in all areas of human life. Against the background of these changes, culture is turning into an important factor of social and economic progress for both the human civilization as a whole and for individual countries. However, as historical experience shows, the state and its institutions play an essential role in the development of the cultural sphere, which should not only create the appropriate conditions, but also shape and implement the national cultural strategies, laying a solid foundation for the development of the entire society. The scientific task is to identify specific features of the cultural sphere as an object of state regulation, which will create opportunities for the development of the applied mechanisms of the state impact on the cultural sphere development.Recent research and publications analysis. The issues of public administration in the field of culture were investigated by a number of scientists, including: V. Averianov, S. Drozhzhina, V. Karlova, E. Kubko, V. Tsvetkov and other scholars. The theoretical and methodological foundations and aspects of public administration of the sphere of culture were studied by such researchers as V. Andrushchenko, V. Bakumenko, S. Chukut, I. Dziuba, O. Gritsenko, V. Skuratovsky, M. Zhulinskyi and others. The subject of the structure and mechanism for implementing the function of culture in public administration has been covered in the works by such scientists as O. Boiko, P. Hudzenko, V. Klochko, Y. Mandryk, M. Semenova and other researchers. A considerable contribution has been made by V. Andrushchenko, Y. Bohutskyi, G. Chmil, V. Malimon, L. Vostryakov, V. Zhidkov. The works of foreign scientists, in particular D. Adams, V. Bolto, H. Chartrand, A. Goldbard, C. McCaughey and a number of others also draw attention in terms of our study.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The current research of the concept of "culture" has an extensive structure that needs to be defined (re-defined) along the lines of state regulation. The paper defines the concept of "culture", based on generalization of various approaches, and distinguishes the characteristic features of the sphere of culture and its constituents. Culture is considered as an object of state regulation; effective ways for the state to influence the development of the sphere of culture in the modern conditions are determined.However, a number of priority areas still remain understudied, one of them being the support of the so-called "cultural diplomacy" and the specificity of promoting its development.Paper main body. Today, there exist several hundred definitions of the concept of "culture", as well as many approaches to its study, theoretical concepts, models and types of culture. It should be noted that the evolution of the scientific understanding of the concept of "culture" can be considered in three interrelated aspects: historical, political and philosophical.Scientists believe that the 21st century is the time when the intelligence of human resources will serve as the core, and when the largest in size European country will continue its development, focusing on cultural affairs and cultural policy. Culture should enrich the society, and shape the best thoughts of each individual. The present day should unite traditions and innovations – this is the task of the new age. The 21st century is a time of creating new conditions for the development of culture and a qualitatively new level of governance.There has always existed a close relationship between culture and politics. The development of culture depends on the state insofar as the support of culture is important for the political power. Culture is a multifaceted phenomenon. It is a certain standard, relationships between people, and specific human activities as well. At the same time, it is an integral system. However, the culture of every individual is interpreted precisely through this standard.Speaking about culture and politics and their relationship, it is worth mentioning that culture, eventually, is the result of a set of different factors, while politics is part of culture. There are certain values and behaviors in political activity. The specificity of this interaction is difference, i. e. the difference between cultures. And this is exactly what makes it possible to understand the instability of the political system under different conditions.In our opinion, in the modern world it is most appropriate to understand culture from the standpoint of the activity approach. Accordingly, from the point of view of dynamics, culture is a way of human activity, the activity of communities related to creation, dissemination and preservation of material, social and spiritual values; while in terms of statics, these are the results of the said activity. Therefore, culture is people's achievement attained through their own intellectual and creative abilities, which lays the foundation for the development of society as a whole and its individual areas.Concerning the concept of the "sphere of culture", we might note that it is of composite nature in relation to the entire set of sector-specific systems; yet, it's content can not be regarded as fully established. The specificity of the cultural sphere lies in the ways of satisfying the aesthetic and informational needs of people. Cultural activities are carried out by organizations, institutions of various forms of ownership, as well as by private individuals. This makes it obvious that the development and efficient functioning of the cultural sphere is impossible without a unified system of management in the cultural sphere. A high-quality system should stimulate the development of cultural institutions and create new opportunities for the new forms of cultural activity.The sphere of culture is multifunctional and possesses a high capacity for self-organization; but it is these qualities that makes one reflect upon whether it is really an instrument of state regulation of society's development, or whether it can be regulated at all. If we step back deeper into history, it becomes clear that long ago there existed institutions that regulated the sphere of culture, such as the government, the church, and the market.In today's world, the relationship between the state and the sphere of culture is changing; the role of the state is becoming less direct, the forms of governance undergo certain transformations. The state pays more attention to how transformation processes will take place and how effective they will be. Actually, problems do exist, and they have to be addressed. State regulation is not simply a key task, but also an important indicator of the state's activity in the world. The implementation of state regulation must have certain priorities. First and foremost, they are: preservation of the cultural heritage; creation of a unified space, based on traditions; accessibility for the general public; strengthening of the material and technical base; and ensuring the innovative development of the sphere of culture.Investigating the peculiarities of the state regulation of the sphere of culture, it should be noted that the problem resides in using the methods and modes of management that do not meet the needs of cultural institutions' integration into the market economy. This results in an inefficient utilization of resources, proving once again that formation of a single effective system of management of the cultural sphere components is a prerequisite for their future development.In this context, there are two areas of the state impact on the sphere of culture: the first is formation of cultural life in general, the second – coordination of the cultural needs and interests of different social groups. In order to effectively manage culture, a certain integration of control and self-regulation is required, with the relevant measures to be taken for the intended effect.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Having analyzed the existing definitions of the concept of "culture", one can understand that they all reflect the characteristics of this social phenomenon. Culture is one of the most important spheres of human life and the benchmark that determines the level of development of society in general.The study of the concept of "culture" in terms of the historical, political and philosophical approaches has made it possible to establish that culture is a way of human activity, the activity of communities related to creation, dissemination and preservation of material, social and spiritual values; while in terms of statics, they are the results of these activities.In the modern world, a successful development of culture at the national level implies state intervention through the mechanisms and instruments of state regulation. At the same time, the state regulation in the sphere of culture should be carried out in accordance with a set of priorities, the main of which for the time being are as follows: preservation of the cultural and spiritual heritage; promotion of moral values in the cultural space; ensuring maximum accessibility for the general public of the best samples of culture and art; creation of cultural clusters and tourism brands; a maximum involvement of tourism in the cultural sphere; ensuring innovative development of the cultural sphere; application of modern technologies; effective training of personnel; strengthening the material base of cultural institutions countrywide; support for the "cultural diplomacy".The features of facilitating the development of the cultural diplomacy will be the subject of our further research. ; Досліджено характерні особливості культури як об'єкта державного регулювання. Розглянуто різні поняття "культури", її складові, аспекти та підходи. Визначено специфічні риси сфери культури як об'єкта державного регулювання, а також способи впливу держави на розвиток сфери культури у сучасних умовах.

U godini kada obilježavamo 250. obljetnicu hrvatskoga šumarstva, a u tijeku je 169. godina od utemeljenja Hrvatskoga šumarskoga društva i tiskanja 139. godišta našega znanstveno-stručnoga i staleškog glasila Šumarski list, interesantno je baciti pogled na tekstove iz prvih godišta tiskanja časopisa, pa i povući paralelu s današnjicom.Već u prvome godištu 1877 god. pozornost nam privlači članak Adolfa Danhelovskog "Predlozi o štednji drva u proizvadjanju francezkih duga", u kojemu kaže da se postupak proizvodnje neznatno poboljšao, "premda ova vrst robe zaslužuje, da se najvećom štednjom proizvadja, dočim su njoj namijenjeni najkrasniji hrastici". To mora raditi "vješt radnik", jer se inače može "mnogo drva potratiti …., a užje se duge imaju izradjivati od tanjih stabalah ili trupacah". Nastavno, preporuča se radi uštede sortirati trupce sukladno dužini i širini zadanih dimenzija dužica, a slijede ostale preporuke za uštedu. Povucimo sada paralelu s tadašnjim razmišljanjem i preporukama glede štednje i današnjim rasipanjem nacionalnog bogatstva, korištenjem "najkrasnijih hrastika", tako da netržišna cijena sortimenata omogućuje proizvodnju poluproizvoda, a ne visoko finaliziranih proizvoda s velikom dodanom vrijednošću i maksimalnom zaposlenošću. Najžalosnije je kada se furnirski sortiment kamuflira u pilanski prozvod za izvoz, čime se "izvoze" i radna mjesta za kojima plačemo. O tome smo detaljnije pisali u uvodniku ŠL br. 5-6/2012. "Odnos šumarstva i prerade drva". Stoga se ne slažemo s tvrdnjom resornog ministra izrečenoj u razgovoru poslije Konferencije za tisak o kojoj pišemo u rubrici Aktualno, da su potpisani netržišni ugovori s drvoprerađivačima spasili domaću preradu drva od inozemne konkurencije. Za nas je i dalje to način rasipanja nacionalnog bogatstva i trenutačni probitak za račun pojedinaca, a ne za opće dobro.Članak iz trećeg godišta, 1879. god. Alex. Nik. Schultz podnaslovom "Sedam glavnih točaka šumskoga gospodarstva i njihova teoretično-praktična uporaba" započinje motom: "Proizvadjanje najveće kvantitativne i kvalitativne množine drva na najmanjoj površini: i čim vrlije gospodarstvo". U članku navodi kako šumsko gospodarstvo dijeli djelatnosti na temeljne i pripomoćne. Temeljne su računarstvo i prirodoslovlje, a pomoćne: tehnologija, zakonodavstvo, državoznastvo, računovodstvo povijest i geografija. Razdioba praktičnih struka šumskog gospodarstva dijeli na: "gojenje šume, b) zaštita šume zajedno s šumskom stražom, c) šumska poraba za jedno sa šumskom tehnologijom, d) šumska procjena zajedno s uredbom obhodnje i obračunanjem vriednosti i e) šumska uprava i šumsko ravnateljstvo". Ako razmislimo o poanti i današnjem poštivanju mota članka, zaključujemo da se sugerira maksimalno moguće korištenje proizvodnosti pojedinog šumskog staništa, a njegova bi degradacija predstavljala katastrofu. Komentirajući spomenutih sedam točaka, ponajprije navodi da je prva i glavna točka upravljanja i rada "teoretično i praktično naobraženo gospodarstveno osoblje da se može šumom koristno i potrajno gospodariti". Pita se "kako može čovjek uobće, koji neima niti pojma o neophodno nuždnih znanosti, upravljati šumom s mnogimi njezinimi osebujnosti". Druga glavna točka je samostalno odgovorno vođenje gospodarstva "bez pohlepe za dobitkom". Treća točka govori ponajviše o načinima obnove sastojina – umjetnim načinom ili prirodnim pomlađivanjem. U četvrtoj točci bilježimo zaključak: "Pošteni šumar, koji znade računati, ne će nikada privoliti, da njegov gospodar, kada se u momentanoj novčanoj neprilici snadje, te bude prisiljen, uteći se šumi, postane žrtvom takvih švindlera i šumskih pustošnika, te će svu svoju duševnu snagu upotriebiti, da ono što se ne da izbjeći, ograniči bar na najmanji prostor i s obzirom na budućnost". Peta točka tiče se "šumske porabe zajedno sa šumskom tehnologijom i važnija je nego što se na prvi čas čini", a detaljnije obrazlažući zaključuje da joj treba posvetiti dužnu pozornost prateći razvoj i primjenu novih tehnologija. Šesta točka obuhvaća "šumsku taksaciju zajedno s uredjenjem obhodnje i vriednostnim obračunom", a sve spomenute točke međusobno se isprepleću i potrebno ih je ne razdvajati, "jer bez poznavanja jedne ne da se druga izvesti". O sedmoj točci "k šumskoj upravi i ravnateljstvu šuma" nema se što posebno reći kaže on, jer je uglavnom obuhvaćena u prethodnim točkama, ali zaključuje kako prema staroj poslovici "od glave riba smrdi, a preneseno na šumsku industriju: ne valja li ravnateljstvo, to ne valja ni cielo šumsko podčinjeno osoblje. To vriedi kod svake grane gospodarstva, a potvrdjuju to i nebrojeni dokazi u čovječjem družtvenom životu i u svih strukah". Na kraju mi zaključujemo ovaj tekst s porukom – usporedite sami!Uredništvo ; The 250th anniversary of Croatian forestry and the 169th year of the foundation of the Croatian Forestry Association and the publication of the 139th issue of the scientific-professional and specialist magazine Forestry Journal offer an ideal opportunity to look back at the texts published in the first issues and draw a parallel with present times. The very first volume from the year 1877 contains an interesting article by Adolf Danhelovski "Recommendations on saving wood in the production of French staves", which states that the production process has improved slightly "although this type of goods requires maximal saving in its production, since they are produced of the most beautiful oak trees". Work should be performed by a "skilful labourer", otherwise much of the wood "might go to waste". Narrower staves should be made of thinner trees or logs". Furthermore, logs should be classified according to the length and width of stave dimensions required. Other recommendations for saving follow. Let us draw a parallel with the present manner and recommendations related to saving and present squandering of national resources by using "the most beautiful oak forests", so that the non-market prices of the assortments allows the production of semi-finished goods and not high-quality products with a high added value and maximal employment. What is detrimental is the fact that veneer assortments are camouflaged into sawmill products intended for export; this also means "export" of working places which we sorely need. We discussed this in more detail in the Editorial of the Forestry Journal No. 5-6/2012, "The relationship between forestry and wood processing". This is why we do not agree with the words of the competent minister said after a Press conference, which we discuss in the column Current Affairs. The minister claimed that non-market contracts with wood processors had saved home wood processing from foreign competition. We continue to perceive this as a way of squandering national wealth for momentary gain of an individual and not for the benefit of the society as a whole. The article published in the third year of publication in 1879, written by Alex. Ni. Sshulz and entitled "Seven main points of forest management and their theoretical-practical use" starts with a motto: "Production of he highest quantitative and qualitative amount of wood in the smallest area: and the best management". According to the article, forest management activities are divided into basic and auxiliary. The basic activities are mathematics and natural sciences and the auxiliary ones are technology, law-making, political sciences, book keeping, history and geography. Practical parts of forest management are divided into "a) silviculture, b) forest protection together with forest surveillance, c) use of forests together with forest technology, d) forest inventory with rotation and calculation of value and e) forest administration and forest directorate". From the present standpoint, the motto of the article suggests maximum possible use of the productivity of a particular forest site, whose degradation would mean catastrophe. In his comment of the seven points that follow, the author stresses that the first and the main point of management and work lies in "highly educated management personnel who posses theoretical and practical knowledge for useful and sustainable management of forests". He asks himself: "How can a person who has absolutely no knowledge of the basic sciences manage such a highly complex system as a forest?" The second point is independent management devoid of "greed for profit". The third point is primarily concerned with stand regeneration methods - artificial or natural regeneration. The fourth point contains a conclusion: "An honest forester who knows how to calculate will never allow his master, who, if faced with financial problems and forced to exploit his forest, to become a victim of swindlers and forest exploiters, and will use all his spiritual strength to at least limit what is unavoidable to the smallest space with regard to the future". The fifth point refers to "use of forests together with forest technology, which is more important that might seem at first glance". In his detailed explanation, the author concludes that the development and application of new technologies should be given due importance. The sixth point comprises "forest taxation together with rotations and value calculation". All the above points are mutually intertwined and cannot be separated from one another, "since without knowing one it is impossible to perform another". In the author´s words, the seventh point concerning "forest administration and forest directorate" requires no comments because everything is contained in the previous points, but he concludes that, as the old proverb says, "the fish rots from the head down", or translated into forest industry: if the directorate is no good, then the entire subordinate personnel will be no good. This refers to all branches of economy, and has been proven myriad of times in the human society and in all the professions". We conclude this text with the message – compare!Editorial Board

This thesis consists of five essays in the field of political economy. The first part of the thesis includes three essays covering various aspects of the political economy of globalization and economic reforms, which are linked in several ways. The second part of the thesis includes two essays on the political economy of development in India. The aim of this introductory section is to give a brief and non-technical overview of the essays, as well as to explain the links between them. The discussion of the contribution of the research to the existing literature will be carried out separately in each essay. Globalization and economic reforms are two important concepts in the international political economy field. Explaining the social effects of both has been at the center of the international political economy literature for an extensive period of time. Much has been written about the effects of globalization on social outcomes (Dreher, Gaston, and Martens 2008, Schneider, Barbieri, and Gleditsch 2003) and there are at least two distinct trains of thought in academia and the public discourse. One view is that the structural changes towards more liberal economic policy can positively transform the economy and polity, increasing economic growth and welfare, as well as bringing much required modernization (Bhagwati 2004, Wolf 2004, Friedman 1999). On the other hand, more pessimistic voices, which include mainstream economists such as Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz, and Marxist critical theorists, believe that globalization can simultaneously promote a 'race to the bottom' in social standards that degrades communitarian bases of social stability and welfare (Rodrik 1997, Stiglitz and Charlton 2006). In fact, the global financial crisis of 2008, where people took to the streets in both developing and developed countries, has made the issue of whether or not globalization and economic reforms create socially undesirable consequences, ever more crucial. The first part of the thesis sheds new light on various aspects of the social effects of globalization and economic reforms, reviewing findings in the literature to date and extending existing theories. A major contribution of the thesis is the rigorous and thorough empirical evaluation of the human rights effects of economic reforms, and to what extent globalization has induced a race to the bottom in labour standards, while also contributing new empirical findings to extend the research surrounding the side effects of participating in IMF programs. The thesis is structured as follows. In chapter 1, we focus on the impact of economic reforms and economic freedom on human rights. It is argued that economic policy reforms will benefit most people in terms of better access to goods, lower inflation, and better economic opportunities (Murphy et al. 1991). However, critics of market reforms see the majority as losers from such reforms, expecting resistance that would lead to political repression (Przeworski 1991). Using the change in the Index of Economic Freedom as a measure of market liberalization reforms, employing data from a panel of 117 countries for the 1981–2006 period, the results show a strong positive association between reforms towards more free markets and governments' respect for human rights, controlling for a host of relevant factors, including the possibility of endogeneity. These results lend support to those who argue that freer markets generate better economic conditions and higher levels of social harmony. In fact, halfhearted measures at implementing reforms could be dangerous to human rights. After exploring the impact of economic reforms on human rights, we continue by linking economic liberalization policies prescribed by international organizations such as the IMF to the outbreak of civil war in chapter 2. As the global economic downturn has heightened concerns over intervention by international financial institutions, as well as political stability, a prominently published work by Hartzell, Hoddie and Bauer (2010) purports to show that signing on to an IMF Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) increased the risk of civil war during the 1970–1999 period. They claim that the IMF's SAPs push economic liberalization to the point where some people are so negatively affected as to foment civil war. We advance this debate by critically examining their theoretical and empirical evidence, particularly questioning their crucial assumptions about the impact of IMF programs on the economic environment in terms of the actual winners and losers from economic liberalization, and who might be in a position to rebel. Separating the effects of crises from IMF interventions is crucial since crises also generate losers in their own right. With only minor adjustments to their study, we find the exact opposite of what they conclude. We show that their measure of signing on to an IMF program remains consistently insignificant in explaining the outbreak of civil war, using the threshold of 25 battle deaths when defining the onset of a civil war. These results suggest that their operationalization of the IMF variable, as well as the utilization of large-scale civil wars (1000 deaths and above), captures the effect of ongoing war rather than the effects of liberalization. After extending the time period under study from 1970–1999 to 1970–2008, as well as making some minor changes to operationalization, again we find that IMF involvement is at worst a poor predictor of conflict, and at best, an alleviator of the risk. The next chapter turns to a topic which is currently the focus of both politicians and the labour unions in general. We analyze whether inter-country competition for investment has adverse effects on labour standards. Among the many concerns over globalization is that as nations compete for international firms, they will relax labour standards as a method of lowering costs and attracting investment. Using spatial econometric estimation on panel data for 148 developing countries over 18 years, we find that the labour standards in one country are indeed positively correlated with labour standards elsewhere (i.e., a reduction in the labour standards of other countries reduces the labour standards of the country in question). This interdependence is more evident in labour practices (i.e., enforcement) than in labour laws. Furthermore, competition is most fierce in those countries which already have low standards. Since there has been a decline in the labour practices and laws across all three groups, this is possible evidence of a race to the bottom as nations compete for investment. The second part of the thesis focuses on essays on the political economy of development in India. India is often hailed as one of the success stories of globalization (Basu 2008). Indeed, after the inception of market economic reforms in 1991, economic growth has been both sustained and impressively robust in terms of national economic indicators (Basu 2008). However, despite rapid economic growth during the post-1990 period, the benefits of economic growth are unevenly distributed, and some areas and groups of people have seen their living standards decline (Banerjee 2010). One could argue that this is somewhat surprising given the rapid surge in economic growth in recent years (Bardhan 2010). In connection with this, two critical issues have attracted a lot of attention, both within and outside India. First is the issue of corruption which is seen as a hindrance to prosperity and development, and the second is the emergence of India as one of the major donors of development aid. In chapter 4, we focus particularly on the influence of the timing of elections on controlling corruption. Firstly, we develop a conceptual framework that extends theories of political budget cycles to corruption, where an incumbent government considers controlling corruption based purely on political considerations. More specifically, we investigate whether the timing of elections affects the responsiveness of the incumbent government to control corruption. Secondly, we empirically test the predictions of the conceptual framework using 30 Indian states during the 1988–2009 period. Consistent with the conceptual framework developed, i.e., an incumbent politician might exert greater effort in an election year to control corruption, the findings show that scheduled elections (and not unscheduled elections) are associated with an increase in the number of corruption cases registered. In addition, we find that corruption cases registered tend to increase as a scheduled election year draws closer. Furthermore, the effects are found to be stronger in 'swing states' (where the margin of victory of the incumbent in the previous election was 5% or less), and in state scheduled election years which coincide with national elections. On the other hand, there is no effect of scheduled elections on corruption cases being investigated by anti-corruption agencies. The following chapter examines a puzzling question about India. Here, we analyze what determines Indian development aid. It is indeed puzzling to note that India, which has a large domestic population suffering from underdevelopment, chronic poverty and mal-governance, is emerging as an important aid donor. With the intension of learning why poor countries provide foreign aid, this is the first work to econometrically analyze India's aid allocation decisions. We utilize cross-sectional data on aid commitments to 128 developing countries by the Ministry of External Affairs and the Export-Import Bank of India, obtained in US dollars from AidData for the 2008-2009 period. We then compare India's bilateral aid allocation with that of other donors to examine if India is any different regarding the motivation behind its allocation decisions. The findings show that India's aid allocation decisions are largely driven by commercial and political self-interest. While recipient need does not seem to be a key determinant, neighboring countries receive considerable attention.

This country note is produced is part of The Pacific Catastrophe Risk Assessment andFinancing Initiative (PCRAFI). The geographic spread of the Cook Islands poses logistical problems for any necessary post-disaster relief and response efforts. The events of 2005 demonstrated that the Cook Islands is extremely vulnerable to the threat of tropical cyclones (TCs): in the two months of February and March 2005, TCs Meena, Nancy, Olaf, Percy, and Rae swept the country. The Cook Islands is expected to incur, on average, about NZ$6 million (US$4.9 million) per year in losses due to tropical cyclones. In the next 50 years, the Cook Islands has a 50 percent chance of experiencing a per-event loss exceeding NZ$97 million (US$79.5 million. The Cook Islands has a proactive approach to disaster risk financing and insurance (DRFI), which is supported by the upper echelons of government. In January 2011, the prime minister in his role as chair of the National Disaster Risk Management Council requested that the Ministry of Finance and Economic Management look at ways to become self-reliant in initial disaster response and generate new income streams for investment in a fund specifically for disaster management response and recovery. The Cook Islands has available a maximum amount of NZ$5.6 million (US$4.6 million) in the form of contingency funds and catastrophe risk insurance to facilitate disaster response. A number of options for further improving the Cook Islands financial protection against disasters are presented for consideration: (a) the development of an integrated DRFI strategy; (b) investigation of using contingent credit to access additional liquidity post-disaster; (c) development of an operations manual for post-disaster budget mobilization and execution; and (d) the identification of assets to be included in an insurance program for critical public assets.

Productivity in the agricultural sector is inherently dependent on weather, such as variations in rainfall and temperature. As a result, weather risk events can cause losses in yield and production that translate into economic losses for producers, as well as other sector stakeholders that depend on income from agricultural trade, transport, processing, or export. This document is a guide for development practitioners and strategically presents a variety of mapping techniques for agricultural risk management and illustrates the application of these techniques for informing public and private sector development strategies. The introduction places weather risk mapping within the broader context of agricultural risk, explaining how mapping can enable risk identification, assessment and management activities, and each chapter elaborates on one or more of the technical components. A basic definition of agro-meteorology is provided, along with a discussion of different mapping techniques. The guide presents the available remote (satellite) databases of agro-meteorological variables that can be used for the purpose of weather risk mapping, assessing the advantages and drawbacks of each database and their suitability for different purposes. The document reviews current risk mapping analyses based on historical weather observations, which are typically used for risk identification and assessment, including climatologies, hazard and risk maps, climate regionalizations and agro-ecological zones (AEZ). The document also reviews forward-looking mapping techniques, known as diagnostic and forecasting analyses, specific examples of which are drawn from the United States, the European Union, and Australia. Finally, the guide provides instruction on how and why to conduct agro-ecological zoning, a technique that can be used to assess land-use types, land resources, land suitability, and climatic and agro-climatic regionalizations, as well as to inform land use recommendations. The concluding chapter demonstrates a step-by-step application of agro-ecological zoning in a case study of Mozambique.

Regulatory reform has emerged as an important policy area in developing countries. For reforms to be beneficial, regulatory regimes need to be transparent, coherent, and comprehensive. They must establish appropriate institutional frameworks and liberalized business regulations; enforce competition policy and law; and open external and internal markets to trade and investment. This report examines the institutional set-up for and use of regulatory policy instruments in Kenya. It is one of five reports prepared on countries in East and Southern Africa (the others are on Zambia, Uganda, Rwanda, and Tanzania). The report is based on a review of public documents prepared by the government, donors, and the private sector, and on a limited number of interviews with key institutions and individuals.

Regulatory reform and competition policy are two important and inter-related areas of regulatory policy and public administration. Both can play a key role in improving the quality of regulation, and creating healthy and competitive markets and an attractive investment climate. This in turn leads to greater economic growth, employment and incomes. Part one of this paper discusses definitions and key issues associated with regulation, regulatory quality, and competition policy. This discussion focuses on competition policy as it relates to restrictions on competition and also pro-competitive regulation, which involves protecting consumers through economic regulation. Part two of this paper considers institutions and processes for implementing regulatory quality and competition policy agendas, including regulatory agencies, regulatory reform bodies, competition authorities and broader regulation-making processes. Part three notes the importance of assessing competition policy issues on a case-by-case basis and identifies the main objectives and features of competition policy. This includes a discussion about when competition policy issues are likely to play an important role in regulatory assessment and reform. Part four considers mechanisms for coordinating- where appropriate-competition policy and regulatory quality assessments, including undertaking competition assessments and providing advice to decision makers.

Regulatory reform has emerged as an important policy area in developing countries. For reforms to be beneficial, regulatory regimes need to be transparent, coherent, and comprehensive. They must establish appropriate institutional frameworks and liberalized business regulations; enforce competition policy and law; and open external and internal markets to trade and investment. This report analyses the institutional set-up and use of regulatory policy instruments in Rwanda. It is one of five reports prepared on countries in East and Southern Africa (the others are on Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania and Zambia), and represents an attempt to apply assessment tools and the framework developed by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in its work on regulatory capacity and performance to developing countries.

Reseña de C. Wright Mills, La Élite del Poder, Fondo de Cultura Económica, México DF, 1993. [C. Wright Mills, The Power Elite, Oxford University Press, New York, 1956]Se ha dicho que dentro de las diferentes disciplinas de las Ciencias Sociales es posible distinguir dos tipos de investigadores o "productores de conocimiento": el científico social y el pensador normativo. El primero, abundante en exceso, cumple el rol de generar o ajustar teorías para que sean funcionales a los intereses y estructuras de poder imperantes en una determinada sociedad. El segundo, notoriamente más escaso, se lanza a la cruzada de demoler los esquemas existentes que atan el avance del conocimiento científico y busca abrir campos de debate, de progreso en la realidad cotidiana de una sociedad. C. Wright Mills (1916-1962) es un fiel ejemplo de éste último tipo. Desde sus escritos sociológicos, fue el exponente intelectual principal del liberalismo radical o progresista de las décadas de los '40 y los '50. Batalló contra el nuevo liberalismo de David Truman, Daniel Bell, Seymour Martin Lipset, Charles Frankel, Richard Hofstadter e incluso Reinhold Niebuhr (1); rebeló la inutilidad del behaviourismo de Lloyd Warner y la innecesaria parsimonia de la teoría sistémica de Talcott Parsons.(2) Más significativo aún, llamó la atención sobre las características sociológicas más perversas de los Estados Unidos tras el fin de la Segunda Guerra Mundial y el comienzo de la Guerra Fría, denunciando lo que nadie denunciaba, desde un lenguaje legible por todos. Esquivó las formalidades y abandonó la neutralidad política propia del mundo académico de su época. Su agudo pensamiento sociológico se volvió praxis política a favor de sus valores e ideales, a favor de la "liberación del hombre a través de su razón".Sus raíces intelectuales se nutrieron fundamentalmente de la obra de Max Weber, seguido por Thorsten Veblen y en un tercer plano, Karl Marx (si bien Mills se autodescartó como marxista), Vilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca y Emile Durkheim. Por ello es que partió en sus estudios desde la visión sociológica tradicional, aquella que analiza a un sistema sociocultural desde su totalidad y en la que poseen centralidad conceptos tales como "poder", "instituciones", "clase social", "élite", "capitalismo", "racionalidad" y "burocracia", entre otros. Con estas herramientas, Mills logró radiografiar la división del trabajo interna de los Estados Unidos. Lo hizo a través de una trilogía: The New Men of Power (1948), donde analiza a las clases trabajadoras en el contexto del New Deal, White Collar (1951) donde explora a las clases medias y sus crecientes vinculaciones con el corporativismo, y The Power Elite (1956), la obra que en esta oportunidad nos congrega, donde aborda los "altos círculos" de la sociedad estadounidense. De acuerdo a Irving Horowitz, su biógrafo y crítico, estas tres obras "ayudaron a definir la literatura crítica sobre la composición de clases en Norteamérica y revelaron definitivamente a Mills como un académico de primer nivel". (3) IIEl libro La Élite del Poder reintroduce y vigoriza como nunca antes la teoría elitista del poder, en desmedro de la teoría pluralista y de la teoría marxista. A tal fin se basta de quince capítulos donde se interrelacionan temáticas que de otra manera estarían alejadas entre sí. Su tesis central es la existencia en los Estados Unidos de una élite que controla y comanda los recursos de las grandes instituciones burocráticas o "dominios" sobre los que se asienta la sociedad industrial. Estas instituciones son tres: la economía, el aparato militar y el gobierno. De esta manera, la élite se constituye de "ricos corporativos", "señores de la guerra" y "directorios políticos". Con el lenguaje claro y estridente que caracterizó a Mills, esta idea central es esbozada en los tres primeros párrafos del primer capítulo ("Los altos círculos"):"Los poderes de los hombres corrientes están circunscriptos por los mundos cotidianos en que viven, pero aún en esos círculos del trabajo, de la familia y de la vecindad muchas veces parecen arrastrados por fuerzas que no pueden ni comprender ni gobernar. Los 'grandes cambios' caen fuera de su control, pero no por eso dejan de influir en su conducta y en sus puntos de vista […]Pero no todos los hombres son corrientes u ordinarios en este sentido. Como los medios de información y poder están centralizados, algunos individuos llegan a ocupar posiciones en la sociedad norteamericana desde las cuales pueden mirar por encima del hombro, digámoslo así, a los demás, y con sus decisiones pueden afectar poderosamente los mundos cotidianos de los hombres y las mujeres corrientes. […] El que tomen o no esas decisiones importa menos que el hecho de que ocupen esas posiciones centrales: el que se abstengan de actuar y de tomar decisiones es en sí mismo un acto que muchas veces tiene consecuencias más importantes que las decisiones que adoptan, porque tienen el mando de las jerarquías y organizaciones más importantes de la sociedad moderna: gobiernan las grandes empresas, gobiernan la maquinaria del Estado y exigen sus prerrogativas, dirigen la organización militar, ocupan los puestos de mando de la estructura social en los cuales están centrados ahora los medios efectivos del poder y la riqueza y la celebridad de que gozan". (4)El contenido de su diagnóstico, que parece ser estático, casi ahistórico a simple vista, se sustenta en realidad en un preciso estudio histórico de las "seis o siete generaciones" en las que se podía resumir la historia de los Estados Unidos en aquella época. Esto es visible en la medida en que el lector se adentra en los capítulos medulares. La élite del poder es el resultado de una profunda tendencia doble: el crecimiento y la centralización de las tres instituciones más importantes en la sociedad norteamericana, posible gracias a una "tecnología fabulosa", y la amplificación de los medios de poder y de las consecuencias de las decisiones que desde ellas se adoptan. (5) Al abordar dicha élite desde un plano estructural, Mills se cuida de no presentar una teoría conspirativa (6) ni un absoluto determinismo institucional (7), sino que permite cierto juego, cierto acomodo entre actor y estructura, donde el primero crea y destruye a la segunda y donde ésta, a su vez, lo condiciona. El elemento singular en el enfoque es que, si bien "indudablemente, la voluntad de esos hombres siempre está limitada (…) nunca anteriormente fueron tan anchos los límites, porque nunca fueron tan enormes los medios de poder. Esto es lo que hace tan precaria nuestra situación y hace aún más importante el conocimiento de los poderes y las limitaciones de la élite de los Estados Unidos. El problema de la naturaleza y poder de esa minoría es ahora el único modo realista y serio para plantear de nuevo el problema del gobierno responsable". (8)La unión (proximidad) entre los "ricos corporativos", los "señores de la guerra" y "el directorio político" en una única élite se explica por el creciente e intenso tráfico de influencias entre sus ámbitos institucionales.(9) Este fenómeno de intercambios no es necesariamente azaroso, sino estructuralmente intencionado en un sentido que le genera temores al autor: "[…] Hay actualmente en los Estados Unidos varias coincidencias de intereses estructurales importantes entre esos dominios institucionales, que incluyen la creación de una institución permanente de guerra por una economía corporativa privada dentro de un vacío político". (10) Este es el mensaje político de alarma que Mills pretendió destacar. En el esfuerzo por dejar en claro quiénes integran la élite y quienes no, el sociólogo, identifica y separa a la clase alta tradicional, de corte local, que ha obtenido su prestigio en el abolengo y en fortunas que se forjaron en el siglo XIX (capítulo 2: "la sociedad local"). También desmitifica "los 400 metropolitanos", las familias supuestamente más importantes de toda la nación, como un grupo estrictamente definido y estable. El advenimiento de la sociedad de masas, la gran industria y el New Deal han favorecido el ascenso de nuevos ricos, con nuevas costumbres y consumos (capítulo 3: "los 400 de Nueva York"). Finalmente, descarta a "las celebridades" (capítulo 4) de la élite institucional.(11)En cuanto al dominio económico, Mills propone una lectura desagregada. Por un lado, identifica a "los muy ricos" (capítulo 5); discute las causas de su ascenso, el fenómeno de la acumulación de ventajas una vez en la cima y el impacto de la sociedad anónima en el capitalismo norteamericano. Luego realiza un análisis de la estructura empresarial nacional y destaca el papel de "los altos directivos" (capítulo 6), quienes comandan las corporaciones, aprisionan las innovaciones técnicas y resguardan la gran propiedad. Finalmente, señala la conjunción de ambos en la figura de "los ricos corporativos" (capítulo 7), los miembros de laélite, producto de una "reorganización de la clase adinerada [hacia] un mundo corporativo de privilegios y prerrogativas" (12), y cómo estos utilizan el poder institucional que detentan gracias a sus desorbitantes riquezas.Sobre el dominio militar el análisis es análogo. En "los señores de la guerra" (capítulo 8) aborda los orígenes y trayectoria de la relación entre la institucionalidad militar y la civil en los Estados Unidos, cómo los militares fueron incorporándose a los "altos círculos" y cómo se ha impuesto una "definición militar de la realidad" en todos los ámbitos cotidianos. (13)Posteriormente, se centra ya en los militares de la élite (capítulo 9: "la ascendencia militar") destacando sus principales ámbitos operativos y de interés —la política exterior y las relaciones internacionales, el desarrollo científico y tecnológico nacional y la economía corporativa— y denunciando la configuración de una "economía bélica permanente".(14)Por último, en cuanto al dominio político, Mills dedica el capítulo 10 ("el directorio político") a contemplar la profesionalidad y burocratización del sistema político estadounidense. Su aseveración más importante es que "un reducido grupo de hombres se encarga ahora de las decisiones hechas en nombre de los Estados Unidos", ellos son los cincuenta hombres de excepción más importantes de la rama ejecutiva del gobierno. (15)La parte final del libro es donde el autor despliega su perspectiva crítica de forma directa. Arremete primero contra "la teoría del equilibrio" (capítulo 11) como retórica preferida de la minoría, funcionalpara ocultar los estratos superiores y centrar la atención en los niveles medios, pero definitivamente ineficaz para explicar la economía política estadounidense. Tras realizar una caracterización final de la élite del poder (capítulo 12) —en la que repasa entre diversos aspectos sus períodos históricos—, contextualiza la misma en relación al fenómeno de "la sociedad de masas" (capítulo 13), desestimando las visiones liberales clásicas sobre la virtud política de la opinión pública. Tras ello, denuncia "el estado de ánimo conservador" (capítulo 14) de los liberales antaño progresistas, para concluir revelando "la inmoralidad mayor" (capítulo 15) de la minoría poderosa: la organización de la irresponsabilidad y su decrepitud ética.Evidentemente, el impacto de La Élite del Poder tanto en el público académico como en el público en general fue muy grande. "Pocos libros de su clase han sido tan ampliamente leídos o más vigorosamente debatidos; pocos han preservado tanta relevancia por tanto tiempo […] Sólo un crítico desagradecido podría hoy negarle un lugar central en la historia intelectual de nuestra era". (16)IIIEl valor de la élite del poder para la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales es notorio. Tiene utilidad como teoría contextual sobre la toma de decisiones en defensa y política exterior, como ha sido destacado por Roger Hilsman.(17) Mills estudia desde una perspectiva social, institucional e, incluso, psicológica los tipos de actores que controlan y deciden, consciente o inconscientemente, los acontecimientos nacionales, así como los tipos de determinantes que inciden también en ellos. Se cuida, sin embargo, de dejar en claro que "la idea de la élite del poder no implica nada acerca del proceso de adopción de decisiones como tal; es un intento para delimitar las zonas sociales en que se realiza ese proceso, cualquiera sea su carácter. Es una concepción de lo que va implicado en el proceso".(18)También tiene utilidad como teoría de gran alcance. Permite abordar la trayectoria más amplia de la sociedad norteamericana entre el 1800 y mediados del 1900. Posee poder explicativo en relación a la historia contemporánea mundial y a las relaciones internacionales de la primera mitad del siglo XX. De hecho, las dimensiones nacional e internacional se integran bajo la coherencia que otorgan conceptos centrales como "clase capitalista" e "industrialización", entre otros. (19)Además de ello, en varios pasajes del libro Mills rescata las enseñanzas de E. H. Carr en La Crisis de los Veinte Años (1949) sobre la política mundial con lo que termina configurando una perspectiva ecléctica sobre los asuntos internacionales de gran amplitud y utilidad.(20)Fundamentalmente, La Élite del Poder es un excelente complemento para los diferentes enfoques estructurales existentes en las Relaciones Internacionales, para comprender la naturaleza de la economía política de los Estados Unidos en tiempos de unipolaridad y hegemonía.Pero el gran legado del sociólogo trasciende los campos disciplinares así como su utilidad heurística. Como señaló Horowitz, "[l]a tendencia principal de la obra de C. Wright Mills está ligada a la importancia práctica de una ciencia social éticamente viable. Esto se debe a que esa sociología se enfrenta a los hechos con integridad y confirma la integridad actuando en relación con los hechos. Éste es el 'mensaje' del más grande sociólogo que haya producido los Estados Unidos".(21)* Candidato doctoral, Universidad Nacional de General San Martín (UNSAM, Argentina). Investigador del Centro de Estudios Interdisciplinarios en Problemáticas Internacionales y Locales (CEIPIL-UNCPBA).Notas(1) Richard Gillam, "C. Wright Mills and the Politics of Truth: The Power Elite Revisited",American Quarterly, Vol. 27, No. 4, October, 1975, p. 464. Cfr. Stanley Aronowitz, "A Mills Revival?", Logos 2.3, Summer, 2003.(2) C. Wright Mills, La Imaginación Sociológica, Fondo de Cultura Económica, México DF, 1986. Especialmente capítulos "II. La gran teoría" y "III. Empirismo abstracto". La primera edición en inglés se encuentra como: The Sociological Imagination, Oxford University Press, New York, 1959.(3) Irving L. Horowitz, C. Wright Mills: An American Utopian, New York, 1983, p. 209.(4) C. Wright Mills, La Élite del Poder, Fondo de Cultura Económica, México DF, 1993, pp. 11-12. El primer capítulo presenta y sintetiza el tema general del libro.(5) "La economía —en otro tiempo una gran dispersión de pequeñas unidades productoras en equilibrio autónomo— ha llegado a estar dominada por dos o trescientas compañías gigantescas, relacionadas entre sí administrativa y políticamente, las cuales tienen conjuntamente las claves de las resoluciones económicas.El orden político, en otro tiempo una serie descentralizada de varias docenas de Estados con una médula espinal débil, se ha convertido en una institución ejecutiva centralizada que ha tomado para sí muchos poderes previamente dispersos y ahora se mete por todas y cada una de las grietas de la estructura social. El orden militar, en otro tiempo una institución débil, encuadrada en un contexto de recelos alimentados por las milicias de los Estados, se ha convertido en la mayor y más costosa de las características del gobierno, y, aunque bien instruida en fingir sonrisas en sus relaciones públicas, posee ahora toda la severa y áspera eficacia de un confiado dominio burocrático." C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., pp. 14-15.(6) "La idea de que toda la historia se debe a la conspiración de un grupo de malvados, o de héroes, fácilmente localizables, es también una proyección apresurada del difícil esfuerzo para comprender cómo los cambios de estructura de la sociedad abren oportunidades a diferentes minorías y cómo estas minorías se aprovechan o no de ellas. Admitir cualquiera de ambas opiniones —que toda la historia es una conspiración o que toda la historia es un movimiento ciego a la deriva— es abandonar el esfuerzo para comprender los hechos del poder y los caminos de los poderosos". C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 33.(7) "[.] Lejos de depender de la estructura de las instituciones, las minorías modernas pueden deshacer una estructura y hacer otra en la que representan después papeles totalmente diferentes. En realidad, esa destrucción y creación de estructuras institucionales, con todos sus medios de poder, cuando los acontecimientos parecen ir bien, es precisamente lo que va implícito en 'gran gobierno', o, cuando van mal, 'gran tiranía.'" C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 31.(8) La cursiva es propia. Ibíd.(9) "Las decisiones de un puñado de empresas influyen en los acontecimientos militares, políticos y económicos en todo el mundo. Las decisiones de la institución militar descansan sobre la vida política así como sobre el nivel mismo de la vida económica, y los afectan lastimosamente. Las decisiones que se toman en el dominio político determinan las actividades económicas y los programas militares. Ya no hay, de una parte, una economía, y de otra parte, un orden político que contenga una institución militar sin importancia para la política y para los negocios […] En el sentido estructural, este triángulo de poder es la fuente del directorio entrelazado que tanta importancia tiene para la estructura histórica del presente." C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 15.(10) La cursiva es propia. C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 26. Para una interpretación igualmente crítica pero más nueva sobre este tráfico e imbricación entre poder político (y militar) con el poder económico de las grandes corporaciones en los Estados Unidos para el caso de la administración de George W. Bush véase Sidney Blumenthal, "Republican Tremors",Open Democracy, October 6, 2005 (extraído el 10 de octubre de 2006), disponible en http://www.opendemocracy.net.(11) En una lectura que es útil actualmente, Mills aclara que los "famosos profesionales" no son poderosos en un sentido de autoridad; por el contrario son "el resultado que corona el sistema de 'estrellato' de una sociedad que ha hecho de la competencia un fetiche. En los Estados Unidos, ese sistema es llevado a tal punto, que un individuo que puede llevar a golpes una pelota blanca por una serie de agujeros en el suelo con más eficacia y habilidad que cualquier otro, sólo por eso consigue tener acceso social al presidente del país." C. Wright Mills (1993),Op. Cit., pp. 76-77.(12) C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 144.(13) C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 194.(14) C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 205.(15) C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 219.(16) Richard Gillam (1975), Op. Cit., p. 461.(17) Roger Hilsman, The Politics of Policy Making in Defense and Foreign Affairs, Prentice-Hall Inc., New Jersey, 1987, pp. 57-58.(18) C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 28.(19) Una prueba de ello yace en el siguientes párrafo: "Ninguna clase gobernante fija, anclada en la vida agraria y con la aureola de la gloria militar, pudo contener en Norteamérica el empuje histórico del comercio y de la industria, ni someter a la élite capitalista, como los capitalistas fueron sometidos en Alemania y el Japón, por ejemplo. Ni pudo la clase gobernante de ninguna parte del mundo contener a la de los Estados Unidos cuando vino a decidir la historia la violencia industrializada. Así lo atestiguan el destino de Alemania y del Japón en las dos guerras mundiales, y también el destino de la misma Inglaterra, de su clase gobernante modelo, al convertirse Nueva York en la inevitable capital económica y Washington en la inevitable capital política del mundo capitalista occidental." C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 20.(20) Ver E. H. Carr, The Twenty Year's Crisis, Macmillan, London, 1949.(21) C. Wright Mills, Poder, Política, Pueblo, Fondo de Cultura Económica, México DF, 1973, p. XXXVIII.

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Students' Headquarters —FOR-HATS, SHOES AND GENT'S FURNISHING Sole Agent for WALK-OVER SHOE Eckert's Store. Prices always right The Lutheran puMicafajSocietiJ No. 1424 Arch Street PHILADELPHIA, PA. Acknowledged Headquarters for anything and everything in the way of Books for Churches, Col-leges, Families and Schools, and literature for Sunday Schools. PLEASE REMEMBER That by sending your orders to us you help build up and devel-op one of the church institutions with pecuniary advantage to yourself. Address HENRY. S. BONER, Supf. ' THE MERCURY. "ODE ALGERICAS CONFERENCE." H. BRUA CAMPBELL. '06. ON January 16th, 1906, at Algericas, a Spanish town of about 13000 inhabitants, six miles west of Gibralter, the opening session of the conference of the Powers with re-ference to the Moroccan question was held, and at this writing the conference is still in session, only matters of secondary im-portance having as yet been adjusted. The Moroccan affair is one that is of vital importance from an international standpoint and the questions pertaining thereto have been a matter of dispute for a number of years. Several decades ago the powers of Europe found it necessary to call a halt to the abuses that existed in Morocco, and to that end summoned a conference at Madrid in 1 880 to consider the re-forming of that country. At this conference the Powers form-ally undertook the work of improving Morocco's condition. But this convention, however, was not successful in finally ad-justing matters. Since that time France has continued to in-crease her influence and power in Moroccan affairs. At first with the tacit approval of all the powers, but lately to the great dissatisfaction of her bitter rival in colonization, Germany.— In the fall of 1905 events reached a crisis and in order to settle the discussion, the Algericas conference was called. At this conference are represented, France, Germany.United States, Austria, Italy, Great Britian, Sweden, Holland, Spain and Por-tugual. Denmark and the new kingdom of Norway refused to enter, the Austrian delegate is also acting for the Pope, who desires to present a proposition for freedom of worship in Morocco. The subjects which are now being discussed at the confer-ence are : " The organization of a police force, regulations for the surveillance and suppression of the contraband trade in arms, financial reforms, consisting chiefly in the establishment of a State bank, in the study-of the best tariff measures and in the creation of new revenues, and finally, in the fixation of certain principles designed to safeguard economic liberty."— THE MEKCURV. These in brief are the reforms which are being debated upon by the envoys, and there is not the slightest doubt but that they are badly needed in Morocco, the internal affairs of that nation approaching a loose and even chaotic condition. There-fore the question of paramount importance is, not whether these reforms mentioned shall or shall not be provided for, but who shall carry out these reforms. Let us look at the attitude of the various powers with refer-ence to this all important question. Finance has been and is predominant in Moroccan affairs. She regards Morocco " as an island surrounded by French influence and destined inevit-ably to be absorbed in the French African Empire." Germany on the other hand recognizes the interests of the French in the policing of the frontiers but is unalterably opposed to French control over the cost regions, which she claims' should be guarded by an international police. Germany likewise desires to exercise control over the crown dominions which were given as securitv for the loan of two million dollars made by Spanish banks to the Sultan of Morocco. However Germany, as I have said, while not attempting to deny that France should have the right to police the Moroccan territory adjoining her Alger-ian possessions, is firmly opposed to giving France regulative control over the rest of the Sultan's domain. The attitude of Great Britian may be stated as being in favor of the French' contention, that France and not an international gendarmerie should police Morocco. Great Britian in 1904 resigned all her claims in Morocco to France,in consideration of the relinguish-ment by France of her right in New Foundland and Egypt. With respect to the positions of Spain, France can count on that nation's support in view of the convention of April 8th, 1904, in which France gave to Spain a number of concessions, the particulars of which were not made public. The support of Italy was won,by an agreement made with that country ,in which France was to keep Italy in Tripolo in return for aid given to France in Moroccan affairs. Thus France is assured of the support in the conference, of Great Britian, Spain and Italy. With respect to the attitude of other powers, nothing certain is THE MERCURY. 5 known. It is believed that Austria is not concerned with the political aspect of the question, but only with its commercial side. With respect to the position of the United States much has been said, the subject having only recently been exhaust-ively discussed by the U. S. Senate. Our government can be considered merely as a disinterested party in the conference, and as having no political axe to grind. It is thought that our representative will insist upon the " open door " in Morocco and will stand for the protection of the Jews and naturalized citizens of foreign countries. Then the stand taken by the Sultan of Morocco is of importance. The Sultan's delegates will make no proposals to the conference and are not endowed with powers to accept finally,the reforms adopted by the conference. It has been declared, however, that these delegates will approve all of the unanimous findings of the conference, provided that they do not affect the soverign rights of the Sultan or the in-tegrity of the country ; and that the introductions of the re-forms and their execution likewise be not entrusted to any one country. As a result of this position we can easily see that Germany, Austria, or in fact any one power, may very success, fully block the whole conference. Having seen that the point at issue is whether France shall have the right to police Morocco or whether that power shall be placed in the hands of an international gendarmerie, let us inquire into the relative strength of these two claims. When we consider the lact that Algeria, France's possession, which borders Morocco on the east, has for a number of years been troubled by disorders along the boundary, by some lawless Moroccan tribes ; and that France has been attempting to ex-tend her influence over Morocco,primarily to maintain order in Algeria, and secondarily to secure influence and trade in Morocco, we cannot fail to admit in part at least the justice of Frances' claims. In 1904, the French minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Delecasse duly communicated the scope of the agreements, made by France with Great Britain, Spain and Italy, to Germany and explicitly made known the intention of France to place Morocco within her sphere of influence. At THE MEKCLKV. that time the German embassador at Pans declared that France's declarations,with respect to Morocco, were " sound and reason-able." But very soon after Russia's serious defeats in the East by Japan, the German Kaiser, evidently eager to supplant France in Morocco and to acquire a controlling influence in this " priceless pawn on the chess board of world power," stepped in. and declared that Germany would protect her commercial inter-ests, and the integrity of Morocco must be preserved. This-action of the Kaiser has deceived no one. His uncalled for interference in the matter can be attributed to no other cause-than jealousy of France's growing influence in Morocco. Sur-rounded as that country is by French possessions, it is but just and reasonable that France should strive to establish a protec-torate over the territory of the Sultan. Germany on the other hand bases her claims upon no other grounds than the fact that German commercial interests, aggregating in all a few mil-lion dollars, are located there. This does not seem a good and sufficient reason for seeking to frustrate France's ambition to acquire control over Moroccan affairs, inasmuch as the latter country undoubtedly is supported by international law. At present France and Germany have deadlocked the con-ference by failure to agree on this most vital point, the polic-ing of Morocco. What the outcome will be it is difficult to say, but it is to be hoped that justice will prevail and that sel-fish greed for territory, unsupported by any valid and reason-able claim, will not prevail over the manifest validity of France's contention. THE MERCURY. / SOME ESSENTIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF A SALESMAN. E. G. HESS, '06. HAVING made a somewhat extended study of the funda-mental principles underlying successful salesmanship, I regard this an opportune moment to share with you a few in-significant fragments of what investigation and experience teach as some of the essential characteristics of a salesman. My definition of the term does not include the easy going automaton, measuring silks and satins in a department store. Neither do I refer to him, who dressed in snowy white, on a sunshiny sultry summer day manipulates the soda-water foun-tain or hands the refreshing " Moxie " to the ever-thirsting crowds, and with ease, registers the cash. Nor do I refer to any, to whom the prospective customers, with bulging purses, come, having a definite intention to purchase. But the parti-cular class concerning whom I shall speak are those who solicit buyers and generally meet their customers determined not to purchase. Perhaps nothing portrays the situation more accu-rately than that old and well known Jewish saying.which reads as follows: " To sell a coat to a man who wants a coat, that is nothing: but, when you sell a coat to a man that don't want a coat, that is business." This, paraphrased and expressed in more refined language, reads : offer not merely what people want, but offer something better and convince them of its value. To have conscientious convictions concerning the goods to be sold, stands as a pre-eminent requisite. The salesman must feel, from the depth of his heart, that the article offered is use-ful and better than any other of its kind ; that, while it may have imitations, there is no substitute ; in short, that it stands unique. Have you ever noticed the vast difference there is between something good and something just a little better ? For ex-ample, there is a trotting horse that covers a mile in 2.10. You say, that is a fine animal and valued highly. But there is 8 THE MERCURV. another horse trotting a mile in 2.08. You say, what difference can two seconds make in going to church ? Before you can look at the clock the seconds.are gone. The latter horse is, however, valued about $10,000 more than the former, for the simple reason that it is just a little better. So with the goods, they must be just a little bit better. He must also conscientiously believe that the article is worth the money received for it. For who could be so scandulous as to rob people in every business transaction ? Also it is evident that a thorough knowledge of the goods is absolutely necessary. The salesman needs to know at least a hundred times as much as he expects to tell any customer. Goods handled by drummers are either entirely new or posess some new and especially valuable property. People generally of their accord recognize the common properties of goods ; therefore it becpmes the salesman's business to differentiate and demonstrate conclusively the superior merits of his goods. He represents a new idea expressed in material form. Conse-qently he must introduce into a community that new idea. He necessarily must expect other people's ideas to differ from his own. He becomes an educator or a missionary, and this determines the spirit in which he engages in his work. There are some, however, who consider salesmanship trick-ery. It is absolutely foolish to try to sell by tricks. A sales-man can be known, in a large measure, by the controlling prin-ciples of his business. There is, perhaps, no characteristic that manifiests itself so clearly as a powerful will. Let us, however, not mistake stub-borness, obstinacy or temper for strong will. Such demonstra-tions and characteristics are the result of an uncontrolled will. The true will has the force and the continuity to stick persistently to a purpose and steadily perserve until it is accomplished. This gives ability to throw great energy and enthusiasm into the work and keep it there until the end is attained. One may have spasmodic outbursts and throw enormous energy into one special effort. But this is no cri-terion and does not indicate strength, which is tested by the THE MERCURY. ability to carry out a continuous course of so strenuous a character. He must also be able to make immediate and final decisions. A salesman cannot afford to doubt or even to hesitate betweert two opinions. He must sometimes, instantaneously, decide to do or not to do, and having thus-decided, his determination must become invincible, his purpose fixed, and then death or victory. Those who study this department of activities find some who fluctuate from one opinion to another. These opinions are usually furnished to them gratuitously by some kindly-disposed person, who had rather he were transacting business elsewhere, lest perchance, some money might be taken out of that partic-ular vicinity. They drift upon the free thought of the com-munity and are tossed about like a cork on the rolling billows t)f the mighty deep. These generally complain of being buf-feted by the world, and they erroneously conclude that they are not adapted for this particular sphere of business activity. Let us, therefore, consider what adaptability has to do with successful salesmanship. When one transacts business in New York he must have the Democratic spirit of a New Yorker; when in Boston, that of the Puritanic Bostonian ; when in Phila-delphia, that of brotherly love of the Philadelphian. Emerson says: "Nature is not slow to equip us in the prison uniform of the -party to which we adhere. We come to wear one cut of face and figure. But for non-conformity the world whips us with its displeasure. Therefore, a man must know how to estimate a sour face. It becomes easy enough for the firm man, who knows the world, to brook the rage of the cultivated classes." This principle of conformity, nevertheless, also has its limita-tions. It must be adhered to until the salesman has found a point of contact or mutual interest. But, when he presents his cause, he must know his own worth and keep things under his feet. He then becomes himself. So logically and forcibly does he argue, that the prospective customer loses his vantage-ground and is uplifted to a new and more beautiful realm of thought. In this happy state it is infinitely more easy for him to compensate by handing you a check than to see you go empty-handed. A good salesman is said to be like a good cook; he can create an appetite when the buyer isn't hungry. IO THE MERCURY, "CHINESE" GORDON. HESSE, '09. EVERY truly great man exerts an influence for good, and becomes a public benefactor. He', who aids another to conquer his own evil nature, or who rescues the plains and forests of the earth from barrenness and unfruitfulness, de-serves the highest praise and an undying fame. Each nation of the dim past, as it raised to prominence, dis-closed some man, who, by his genius, his energy, or his self sacrifice, stood preeminent among his fellows. The nations of antiquity have not alone become famous for their great leaders ; for the nineteenth century and modern Europe have contributed in Charles Gordon, "The hero of three continents," a man, who as a soldier, a statesman, an explorer, and a Christian missionary, brought light to darkest Africa, relief to oppressed China, and by his unselfish devotion to duty, became a worthy example for all succeeding ages. Gordon stands to-day the product of freedom and Christian morality, the son of an illus-trious race. The history of his ancestors is the story of man on the altar of self sacrifice, and the deeds of his illustrious Highland clan have become famous in the annals of Scotland. When a young man, Charles Gordon entered the Loyal Mili-tary Academy, but with no desire of becoming a soldier. He first entered Her Majesty's'service at the out break of the Cri-mean war, where, by his bravery and soldierly bearing, he won the confidence of his superior officers. During the one year's siege of Sabastopal, incessant guard by day and night, hard labor in the trenches, scarcity of food, and an unhealthy climate, tried his courage and disclosed that endurance which, later made him famous. At the close of this bloody struggle the young soldier was appointed to locate the boundaries between Russia and Turkey, and while there, got a glimpse of an infamous trade which later was to receive from him such a deadly blow. Four years thus spent in active service and travels, gave Gordon such knowledge and wisdom as seldom comes to one so young. He had seen and lived with both the oldest and THE MERCURY. II newest among the nations of men, and his thoughts, running •deep into the unwritten volumes of nature, equipped him well ' for his later and more difficult tasks. Our hero next appears in China, that ancient and solitary nation.which for centuries had been consuming all its wealth in the producing of a terrestial paradise. As an officer of the English arm}- he took part in the so called " Opium War," but when the capture of Pekin put an end to hostilities, and the Chinese government found its very existence threatened by the great Taping rebellion, this obscure Englishman, an enemy, was chosen to lead the Imperial Army and to protect the three hun-dred million inhabitants of China. The service he rendered to the Empire of China we can not fully estimate. He gave vigor to their plans, thought to their councils, rapidity to their action, and courage to their soldiers. His indomitable resolu-tion, inexhaustible resources, and sleepless activity, prevented the spread of the insurrection, and the overthrow of the oldest empire in the world. Honest sincerity, love of justice, humility and a superior knowledge of mankind were his master quali-ties ; and yet, while the government and ruling classes of China honored Gordon as the saviour of their country, the people of England looked upon him as a fanatic or mad man. At the close of the rebellion he returned to England, and for six years devoted himself to the aiding of the poor in his native land. In the year eighteen hundred and seventy four, this unselfish soldier accepted an offer from the Khedive of Egypt to penetrate the upper regions of the Nile, to explore that unknown land, and to overthrow the power of the slave dealer. There, in the pit of man's lowest degredation, in that region made dark by the long absence of Christian civilization, were displayed an intense feeling of sympathy toward the de-graded black man, and a bodily energy or power of endurance, which made him a master of physical toil. The course of the river led him due South into the very heart of darkest Africa. Day after day, and month after month, he traveled on through that vast rainless region, and then came to the home of the African negro, who had so long been the spoil of his stronger 12 THE MERCURY. brother. All his companions soon died, and by the last of December Gordon was the only white man in that vast region called the Soudan. Where is there a more pathetic picture than that of this lonely solitary being, fighting both man and nature, and hoping almost against hope for the overthrow of slavery ? After enduring untold sufferings and exposure, Charles Gordon accomplished his mission of organizing that region,, more vast than all Europe, and returned to the Khedive at Cairo. A second time, as Gov. General of the entire Soudan, he penetrated those vast equitorial wastes and day after day he could have been seen, mounted on a fleet camel, traversing the long wilderness of ridge and gorge, plain and valley, and seek-ing in every possible way to thwart the Arab slave traders and check their nefarious traffic. Gordon aimed to lighten the load of human misery wherever he might find it; to establish order where there was anarchy ; to unbind the slave and restore to him his lost manhood. The wretchedness of the poor people of the country was beyond description, for war, famine, and slavery had truly made it the Dark Continent. It seemed at that time that Gordon's long and speedy jour-neys about the country, and his ardent toil, were all in vain, but no: no sacrifice for the sake of humanity is ever in vain. The African slave trade, with its attendant evils, has now been overthrown, and all Christian nations vie with each other in opening Africa's fertile regions to the civilization of the world. Now Charles Gordon was not permitted to reap this hard earned reward of his labor, for jealous officials reported to the govern-ment of England, that this great son ot hers was not only in-solent, disobedient, and insubordinate, but that he was mad. His knowledge and outspoken convictions regarding England's-foreign policy in India, Egypt and South Africa soon placed-him in disfavor with all political parties, and this man, who had devoted his life to the service of his fellow man, was appointed as a mere secretary at the legation in Bombay. Deserted by - his countrymen, and ignored by his fellow-soldiers, Gordon • THE MERCURY. 13 again went to China, and while there, succeeded in preventing the threatened war with Russia. When this friend of the oppressed again returned to England, he came face to face with the most unnatural system of slavery ever tolerated by a Christian nation, and in his bold and fear-less way, urged the English people to right the wrongs of Ireland. He was listened to, when he spoke in the cause of some distant race in Central Africa ; he had legions of admir-ers, when he painted the road to right and justice for some? nameless tribe in the remote Soudan; but was ridiculed when, he told the people of England, that within twelve hours of the capitol there existed a deeper misery and a more unnatural injustice. Such bluntness of speech and honest expressions of conviction were not pleasing to either people or government; so Gordon was again forced to retire from public life. How-ever, he was soon sought and urged by a helpless ministry to again take up the burden in the equitorial regions, and rescue England's garrisons from impending destruction. The appalling mismanagement of affairs in Egypt, and the numerous successes of the fanatic, Mohammedon Mahdi, were threatening to cause the complete destruction of Britain's au-thority in Africa; so, bidding a last farewell to the land of his birth, Gordon set out to rescue the garrisons he himself had es-tablished in the Soudan. Having advanced into the upper re-gions of Egypt, he made his headquarters at Khartoum, and with half a dozen Englishmen and a few thousand Egyptians soldiers, sought to stem the tide of Mohamedian fanaticism, and rescue the land he had so often sought to save. Month after month the forces of the Arabs increased, but daily the food supply and the number of his faithful followers lessoned. De-serted by many of his" Egyptian troops, and abandoned to his fate by his government at h/>me; this lone hero fought on, hop-ing against hope for the success that never came. After a siege often months, when every morsel of food had been ex-hausted and every hope disappointed, the city fell; and this king of men, the greatest of England's heroes fell—a martyr at the post of duty. 14 THE MERCURY. Many a year has gone by since the kith of Charles Gordon first heard from Highland hilltop the signal of battle ; but never in Celtic hero's long record of honor, has such answer been sent back to Highland or Lowland, as when this great heart ceased its beating in the dawn at Khartoum. The dust of Gor-don is not laid in English earth, nor does the ocean hold in its vast and wandering grave, the bones of England's greatest hero. Somewhere, far out in the immense desert, whose sands so of-ten gave him rest in life, or by the banks of that river, which was the scene of so much of his labor, his ashes now add their wind-swept atoms to the mighty waste of the Soudan. IS THE PRINCIPLE OF CONTEST BEING RUN TO EXCESS? SAMUEL E. SMITH, '07. THE life of man is a continual struggle. From the cradle to the grave he is always fighting for his very existence. In childhood his frail physical organism is battling all the time with the diseases which blot out the lives of so many before they reach their teens. As a young man he is ever striving against the forces which would destroy him. And how many do succomb to the temptations and ambitions of young man-hood ! When he is married and has a home of his own, it is again a never ceasing struggle to provide bountifully for his dear ones and educate them properly. No wealth, no position can guarantee to a man a life free from struggle. With the rich it is a constant fight to keep from being defrauded, while with the poor it is an every day struggle to procure the neces-sities of life. Since the question is of such breadth it will be impossible for us, in the space allotted, to present anything like a conclusive argument, unless we»will limit ourselves to some particular period of life and examine its relation to this ques-tion with much thoroughness. An understanding has been reached with the negative to this effect, and in pursuance of such an agreement it is the purpose to debate,—is the principle of contest being carried to excess in college life ? THE MERCURV. I 5 Even narrowing the question down as we have narrowed it, there are so many phases of college activity, that it is almost a problem to find a proper point for our argument to begin. However there are four worlds, as it were, in which the student with normal tendencies moves, and these will serve our purpose for an outline. The intellectual realm is the first to be considered. The chief occupation of the student is, or should be, study. How is the principle of contest affecting the intellectual pursuits of the student? In a very vital way to be sure. Indeed the entire education of man is a contest of his higher self with the plastic materials of his lower nature; that the strong and beauti-ful fabric of a vigorous mentality may be fashioned. The word education is most significant in this respect, being from educo, whose root means the one who leads an army. Our present system of education makes study a continual con-test tor most students, and it is well that such is the case. The student must be careful or he will make poor recitations and* that means poor marks. He must keep the examinations in view and for a week before the last of the term the contest becomes more strenuous. Then there are prizes to be con-tended tor, and the love of intellectual war, so to speak, is felt so little that only a few ever struggle tor prizes with real effort. Inter-class debates and inter-society debates afford a further means of contest. However, so few are interested in these, as a rule, that the principle of contest is practically inoperative in the intellectual realm. On this account the regular college re-quirements should be higher, in order that the great majority of students would be required to fight harder for success. As we pass from the intellectual to the physical world we find the principle of contest operative to a greater degree. This brings about many and beneficial results. The athlete has ever, and justly so, received great honor, although we can scarcely approve of the almost universal custom of making more of physical prowess than of intellectual supremacy. At college a man must work hard to reach a high place in the athletic world, and in striving for success in sports certain very i6 THE MERCURV. definite results are achieved. Many a boy who is too lazy to do any useful work, enters the field of athletics, thinking of glory only and never considering the work. Soon he discovers that there is a great deal of hard work, but under the excite-ment of the principle of contest he keeps on and finally a change is produced ; he forgets his former aversion to effort of any kind and at length becomes a useful member of society. Thus the principle of contest is beneficial. In the social circle the principle of contest is a real problem with the student and is of a decided benefit to him. Some are born gentlemen and associate with men and women, and never feel the slightest embarassment. But the great majority of young men find it, for a time at least.a veritable struggle to ac-quire the little niceties and the tact which society so rigorously exacts from those who would become factors in a college com-munity and have entrance to the best homes of college towns. Many a student has developed from a bashful, uncouth, and vulgar country boy into a master of men and a perfect gentle-man. through his continual struggle for social recognition. It may seem surprising that the principle of contest should be considered as applicable to the religious life of a college. But we believe it to be a very important element in religious 'growth and consider its absence in the present age, to be in a great degree responsible for the indifference toward sacred things. In other words it is too easy for a man to be a Chris-tian. He has nothing to directly oppose any religious tenden-cies which may be present in his nature Everyone about him believes in a Divine Father, etc. To be brief there is no direct opposition to strengthen his religious nature. There is no open battle for him to fight as there are in his other spheres of life. To be sure there are temptations and evil ambitions, as no doubt by this time you are ready to suggest, but they are like the rust which slowly gathers upon the steel unbright-ened by frequent encounters with direct opposition. If the principle of contest were more in evidence in religious life, if it meant a direct fight, with tangible forces of evil, to be a Chris- THE MERCURY. 17 tian, there would be more out and out Christians than there are under the present circumstances. Until this point we have only mentioned the possible bene-fits of, and as it were, the conditions under which, the principle of contest is in evidence to-day in the college world. You may-say what have we proved? There has been no final argument as we admit. We have just been making the staves and heads, if we may liken our argument to a barrel on which we will now place the hoops.in order that you may see the finished fabric of our argument. Taking all the ages of the past for examples, we may affirm certain things which are so evident that ex-tended proof is unnecessary. The general truth may be stated thus, where the principle of contest has been operative to the greatest degree, the finest types havebeen produced. Thus, in Athens, whose great men possessed the mightiest intellects of all times, such rigorous methods ot intellectual culture were resorted to as would notbe endured today. The Indian, pro-bably the finest type of physical manhood ever produced, at-tained his perfection in the wilderness where it was a constant struggle with nature. To day when conditions are changed and the principle of contest is no longer operative, the Indian is rapidly dying out. In social intercourse the masters of men are those who must deal most with their kind in a constant stru-ggle. The truest Christians were those whose faith led them to the stake. We believe we have shown you, first,the possibilities of im-provement which the student has in struggling with the forces about him, and second, that such a principle of contest is nec-essary to the highest culture as demonstrated by the experience of men from immemorial lime. ^HMHUHBI iS THE MERCURY. FIRE BY NIGHT. BY W. WISSUSR HACKMAN, 'OS. Hark, hear the bells boys, Hear the terrible sound Fire, fire, fire, fire, Hurry the engine along. Clang, clang, wild alarm and clang of bell, Clamor of men and shouts across the twilight fell, Clangor of bells, with iron knell, Wild agonies their tones foretell, And shrinking fears their shrill alarms compel. Now thru streets but late so silent, Bursts the crowd all turbulent, Cries, the peacefull twilight rend And to the night their panic lend. On swerving wheels The engine reels, Its strident gong hurls warning peals, And over all the deepening darkness steals. Oh, Fire ! Thou art a fearful thing, What carest thou that wild bells ring, Thou, thou alone art king, And to the world thy challenge fling : " Ring out ye bells for what reck I, I'l fling my banners to the sky, All now that dares athwart my path Shall bow its crest before my wrath. Ring, ring ye bells for I am nigh, Your petty strength I may defy, Nor heed your harsh alarm ; so ring, ring And to the conflict all your forces bring. My flashing hosts gleam fiercely bright, Their flashing light Shall put to flight The dusky warders of the night— King, king am I And boldly do defy Aught that would stay my reign, Or check the ardor of my flame." Fierce the joy in the muffled roar Of the wild flames that heavenward soar, The lurid gleams wierd shadows throw, And cast an elfish light on all below. THE MERCURY. 19 With wild exultant leaps it glides along. Its fitful flare reveals the throng Of upturned faces silent and subdued, Awed to silence by the ruthless power viewed. Yet he, that one whom thou disdain, Shall overthrow thy fiery reign, Shall bind thee with an icy chain, And quench the ardor of thy flame. The sovereign mind of man shall halt thy sway, And conqueror shall steal thy blazing crown away, To dust and ashes shall thy reign descend, Already is thy vaunted fury spent. Thy gorgeous canopy of smoke is rent, And with thy allabsorbing ether blent, Only smouldering coals—hissing hate— Are left to testify thy fate. A few faint sparks, A smoking wall Thy pathway marks, And over all The black night pitying throws her pall, And Silence, Nights twin sister, over all, Her mantle of oblivion lets fall. THE RUINS OF TIME. KOPP, '09. HOW full of instruction are the wrecks, the ruins and the the revolutions of time! They are the oracles of ages ; they speak with a voice of thunder to the heart, with a voice more impressive than the tongue of Tully, more harmonious than the harp of Homer, more picturesque than the pencil of Apelles. Imagine you see the venerable shade of Time as he stands for a moment on the pedestal of years, his aged hand pointing to the ruins of empires, and his trembling form bend-ing over the tombs of Oriental genius. Roll back the billowy tide of time; unroll the moldering records of ages. What wonderful scenes are presented to the startled imagination of man! He beholds his own destiny and the doom of his nob-lest achievements. He builds a colossal empire of his renown ; he dedicates it to other ages ; but, behold, triumphant Time hurls it with all its grandeur to the dust. 20 THE MERCURY. So it is with man himself, and so it is with the nations oi the earth ; they rise, they flourish, and pass away as if they had never been. Where now is ancient Egypt, the land of science and of sacred recollections ? Where are her hundreds of cities, her Memphis, her Thebes, her oracle of Ammon f The strong red arm of the Vandal and Goth has leveled them with the dust; the serpent now dwells in the temple where the worshipper once bent a knee of adoration. The oracle has been silent for ages, and the priestess long since fled from her shrine. And where are the pyramids of Egypt that stretch into the upper light and mock from their cloud-capped pinnacles all objects beneath them ? Alas! they stand as mournful monuments of human ambition. The kings who planned them, and the millions of wretched slaves who erected them have gone down to their graves and the tall grass now waves over the sepulchre of their bones. And such shall be the fall of those pyramids which have stood tor ages as bea-cons of misguided ambition ; the wave of time shall roll over them and buryjhem forever in the general mausoleum of ages. Mournful to the minds oi men are the records of departed greatness. Imagine you are seated amid the melancholy ruins of Rome. Around you are strewn the crumbling fragments of other ages, and before you are the tumbling temples once hal-lowed by the footsteps of the Caesars. The cottage of Romu-lus, the golden palace of Nero, and the shrine of Apollo and the Muses are mingling with the wrecks of other times. But where is the great Roman Forum in which the thunder of Cicero's eloquence once struck terror to tyrants ? There the shepherd boy now roams with his fleecy flocks. There, where the Comitium, the Curia and the Rostrum once stood, the lean lizard now crawls, and the tall grass waves in the night breeze. And where is that stupendous pile, the Coliseum, which stood in ancient days like a mountain of marble, where the strong-armed gladiator bled and where the untamed tigers of the forest died ? Alas ! it still stands tottering in decay, but the thousands of spectators have departed. The footsteps of the solitary traveler now echo alone where THE MERCURY. 21 the mighty Caesars once applauded and where the clash of the combat sounded. But is this all ? Alas ! Rome is still eloquent in ruins: the City of the Seven Hills is strewn with the frag-ments of other ages. Go, muse over the fallen forms of Trajan, Nerva and Domitian; a few pillars of Parian marble alone re-main to tell the world that they once have been. Go, gaze on the ruins of the palaces of the Caesars; descend into the catacombs and ruminate amid the bleaching bones of the early Christians, persecuted by the demon of superstition even to death. Go, climb the lofty towers of Rome and survey the melancholy me-- mentos of other times and other men. And is this the mighty Rome that once stood against the legions of Carthage led by the victorious Hannibal ? It is the same, though fallen. Carthage too is buried in the vortex of oblivion. Such are a few instances of the ravages of time. And not less has our own loved country been the scene of desolation. Here may be seen the ruins of an Indian empire, more extended than the empires of the East; and though they left no monuments of sculpture, painting and poetry, yet great were they in their fall, and sad is the story of their wrongs. They once had cities but they are swept from the face of the earth. They had their Temple of the Sun, but the sanctuary is broken down. It is true, they worshiped the Great Spirit, but the sacred pages of revelation had never been unrolled to them ; the gospel of the Saviour had never sounded in the ears of the poor children of the forest. Here along these shores the council fires blazed, and the war-whoop echoed among their native hills. Here the canoe of the dark brown Indian was once seen to glide over his own-loved lakes. Centuries passed away and they still roved, the undisputed masters of the Western world. But at length a pilgrim bark came darkening on their shores. They yielded not their empire tamely, but they could not stand against the sons of light: they Bed. With slow and solitary steps they took up their westward march and yielded with a broken heart their native land to another race. They left their homes and the graves of their fathers to explore the Western woods, where never human foot had trod and never human eye had pene-trated. From time to time they have been driven back and the next move will be into the bosom of the stormy Pacific. 22 THE MERCURY. REMINISCENCES. " The late snow, with its crowd of yelling, snow-balling boys, brings back our own boyhood," said an old man as he sat be-fore the fire in the engine-house. " Yes, boys ain't what they used to be," sighed another, old geezer. " Aw, ring off," said a young fellow, who had been listening. " You make me weary. Why, I'll bet your ma tanned you mighty frequently in the dim and distant past, and you could have had more and not been imposed on." The old men looked at each other shame-facedly for a mo-ment, and then the elder said, " Well, I kinder reckon we did cut up a little, didn't we, Bill," and the two gray heads chuckled at the reminiscence. "I kin remember very well," said Bill, " when we used ter go out swimming.' At breakfast pa 'ud say, ' William, my boy, I want you to stay and help yer ma,' an' I'd say, ' Yes, pa,' so meek that Moses' chin-whiskers must have curled with jealousy. Then dad would hustle off to work, leavin' me to-the tender mercies of ma. . " ' Willie, just you go down and cavort around the woodpile, and don't you let me catch you outside.' " Of course, bein' full of virtue and worldly ambition, I'd hie me to the woodpile aforesaid and cavort. Pattin' myself on the back, figeratively speakin', I'd make chips fly like a good 'un. ' O, no, William,' says I to myself, ' you ain't hankerin' after no swimmin' holes ; you don't care for no nuts or no apples. You air an honest boy and will be President some day or own a hand-organ and a b'ar.' And says I, ' William, if those there Campbell boys come down the alley, you will treat them with scorn. You won't go swimmin'.' By this time the day is rather warm and somehow the charm of ownin' a hand-organ and a b'ar cant hold a candle to your desire to get into the cool water. Satan about this time through his per-sonal agents, as rna always believes, puts temptation before me in the shape of the Campbell boys and Bill Black. A shrill whistle, I look! Again the whistle, and there at the back end THE MERCURY. 23 of the lot you see Bill Black cautiously hold up two fingers like the forks on a shooting flappy. It is the sign, the great masonic highball, to boys in distress. It means, ' Will you go swimmin' ?' Even now I feel a queer feelin' of surprise and pleasure when I see it, and when I was a boy, wild hosses couldn't keep me still at the sight. Then ma's Willie would look at the house, then at the fence, then at the house again. All wuz still, no sight of ma. The ax dropped quietly, and away I'd sneak, along the grape-arbor, behind the barn, over the fence and then away." "You don't need to tell me what followed," said old man Strong. " You clawed your bare legs on briar bushes, treed a squirrel or two, ripped all the buttons off your trousers, fell in the swamp in the chase of bull frogs, ate Henry Igo's apples in the field by the Slate Hole and was well warmed if the old man caught you, and other things too numerous to mention." " Yep," said Bill, " that's me, only I never could see the use of goin' home to dinner nor why big rocks wuz always in my way to stub my toes on. Then, too, John, you fergit how we used to argie with Jim and Bill Mulholland, and I ain't for-got how my feelin's used to oppress me as the sun went into the west behind the mountains. At them moments my con-science 'ud become painful, and the thought of mother standin' lonely ' beckonin' me from the wigwam,' as that Longfeller poet says about Higherwather, would move me to tears almost. Mother'd be sure to overcome the ' almost' though. " She allus said it hurt her more than it did me, but I could never bring myself to look at it in that way. But we ain't allus got the making of the way and it wuz better to go home than to sleep in the woods. Somehow, the world didn't seem so bright jest then as it had in the mornin', this same darken-in' being produced no doubt by the idee of the whalin' you'd get when you'd arrive at your humble domicile. " But I put on a bold front, and when near home, I'd pick up a few sticks of kindlin' and carry them as if I wuz old At-las in the geography carryin' the world. Arrivin' at home, with the rest of the family at supper, and goin' in like a lamb 24 THE MERCURY. to slaughter, thinkin' thereby to melt the hard heart of a par-entess. It wasn't no use. The neighbors would soon think the Turks were murderin' some more Armenians, and I'd think a boy wuz the most abused and mistaken bein' alive. And I'd wish I wuz dead, and think how they would wail over me and say es how they never had appreciated William. And I thought if I could swear like Bill Black, how much better I'd feel. But it wa'nt no use. Next day wuz just like yesterday." " Do you mind old man Cassiday? " says old man Strong. "Mind him! Wall I wonder! Bill Black's stepdaddy? An old soldier? Yes! Him and Bill used to have some powerful tussles. Wait till I light my pipe," said old Bill as he produced a corncob about whose strength there could be no question, carefully tearing off a strip of newspaper, lit it at the fire, started it going, and began. " Yes old Cassidy war a terror. He war a beer peddler you know, and when Bill ud swipe a keg would hang him up by the thumbs for half a day. You can't expect none of the vices and all of the virtues from a boy raised in them surroundings. After old man Cassiday wuz arrested and fined he wouldn't stay in them parts, where good liquor weren't appreciated. So he buys a farm off in the hills about two miles out of town and moves there, chattels, personal property, wife, Bill and the goat." " I ruther calculate Bill wuz more trouble to the old man than them articles above mentioned." " Wall, Bill waren't constructed to do hard bone labor. He war a quiet, mannerly lad when your eye war glued on him, but all but that when it warn't. So when in the bootitul dawn, old man Cassiday would interduce Bill to a hoe and then inter-duce the pair of them to a twenty-acre cornfield, why, I am free to remark a field like that would discourage a youth with more grit than Bill had, and on Bill the effect was simply paralizin.' He hoed like the old man was after him fur a spell, and then'd resign and head for the icedam. This icedam were appreciated by boys. It was one hundred steps square with high banks and seven feet of clear cool water all over. A springin' board THE MERCURY. 25 *, wus rigged up, and there, guiltless of clothes, the boys would swim until their backs looked like b'iled lobsters. " All around the outside of the dam vvuz swamp where muskrats had bored until they let water out of the dam. " Hither Bill would come and be received with yelps of de-light. Bill wuz no believer in clothes, or if he wuz didn't prac-tice what he preached. After Bill hed shed his shift, a cap, and a pair of badly torn trousers held up by a string over the shoulders, he was ready for a swim. " It was not exactly Bill's ability as a swimmer that 'ud cause him to be welcomed, but we all knew that when old man Cassiday found out that Bill and the hoe had become divorced the icedam would be right in the fire-zone for a few minutes, sure 'nough, about the time Bill was divin' and jumpin out about the center of the dam, old man Cassiday would hie him in sight and there'd be a wild scramble by them as was in the water to get ashore. Old Cassiday allus come prepared. In one hand he carried a long, limber willow stick forked at one end (for he was a connussier on matters of discipline,) and in his other mit he had a few selected pebbles, gathered like David's , from the brook just beyond. "'Come hyer, you sneak, come hyer!' he'd yell. There wuz no attraction fur Bill on that there bank just then, but after considerable persuasion, aided and abetted by the pebbles lighting near his head, and because of the fact that he couldn't duck the rocks and swim all day, Bill he'd crawl out of the water an' make a rush for his wardrobe, grab it in one hand, and with old Cass arisin' a big welt at every jump, go flying through the swamp, across the crick, through a clump of briars .and away to the farm , Bill a little in the lead, with old Cass a good second, and a urgin' him on occasion'ly." " Ah, me," said old man Strong, " boys ain't what they used to be." And the young man said nothing. " Yes, and Bill would sometimes come back the afternoon of the same day. Poor Bill! He's gone now. It's gettin' dark now and my old woman has early supper so I think I'll be goin' now." " Me too," says Bill, and in silence they left the fire-house, tottering as they went. " Queer old codgers," said the youth. " Yep," said the fire captain. THE MERCURY Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class Matter Vol. XIV GETTYSBURG, PA., MARCH, 1906 No. 1 -Editor-in -ch ief WARD B. S. RICE, '07 Exchange Editor THOS. E.SHEARER, '07 Business Manager THOMAS A. FAUST, '07 Ass't Bus. Managers. HENRY M. BOWER, '08 H. WATSON DAVISON, 'OS Associate Editors GEO. W. KESSI.ER. 'OS J. K. ROBB, 'oS EDMUND L. MANGES, '08 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, LITT.D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D. D. Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price, one dollar a year in advance; single copies 15 cents. Notice to discontinue sending the MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Busi-ness Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORALS. To the members of the retiring staff we turn with a feeling of thanks and gratitude, in the name of both the friends of the MERCURY, and the newly elected staff. The editors have shown a keen interest in maintaining the standard of this publication, one which commands respect wherever it goes and is a credit to its alma mater. On the other hand the business management calls forth our highest admiration, when we consider the con-dition in which this department of the paper was found at the beginning of the school year, and the unceasing energy which must have been put forth to set it again on a firm basis. The MURCURY, on this its fourteenth birthday again finds it-self in new hands, which we hope will prove worthy of their THE MERCURY. 27 trust. It is of such tender age, and possesses such a high state •of development, that they, in view of the duties which must fall upon them and the lack of wide experience, have a tendency to shrink ; but memory steps in and recalls inspiring words : " Wherever there is a will there is a way." Therefore it will ever be their aim during the coming year, to train this child of literature, to the best of their knowledge, according to the maxims of the past and the growing wisdom of the future. ONE of the mottoes on the walls of the temple at Delphos was : " Know thy opportunity." How significant these words must have been in those ancient days when the loss of a single opportunity often meant a blighted career. An opportunity is the small moment, the exact point, the critical minute on which success in every good work so much depends. A latin writer has said: "She has hair in front; behind she is bald: if you sieze her by the forelock, you may hold her; but if suffered to escape, not Jupiter himself can catch her." The man of today has opportunities on every side ; indeed they sometimes appear to attempt to force one to seize them ; yet thousands of men die leaving the world unimproved by their having lived in it. They seem to have used this superabundance of opportuni - ties as children do at the seashore—They fill their little hands with sand, and then let the grains fall through, one by one, until all are gone. Today there is scarcely a person who does not have vast opportunities, and especially we who are college student^. The chance of having a college education has been made almost universal, yet how small a per cent, of the coming generation are taking this advantage. By a college education we do not mean the memorizing of books an'd the thoughts of others, but the development of our own inventive powers. There are dif-ferent institutions connected with a college career, which offer this opportunity: The literary societies, the Bible classes, the Y. M. C. A., and still another very importont one, the college publications. This last one is a branch of our work in which all should be very much interested. 28 THE MERCURY. Let us take tor example the MERCURY. It should be the pride of every student to have his writings published in it. There should be enthusiastic competition for its space. When such a spirit shall have been manifested, how much higher will the standard of the paper be raised, and how much wider will our literary experience be. Nor should we be discouraged if our contributions are not always used, but should try again ; many an ancient writer spent his whole life in literary pursuits, gaining the much coveted prize only a few times ; yet history heralds his name to the future. Therefore let us make this op-portunity to compare our work with others a prize; even though we often fail, we will be compensated when we suc-ceed. When we write even for class work, we should do it with the intention of giving it for publication ; in that way we would not only see them in print but would raise our class marks. Then do not wait to be asked for what you have written, but promptly give it to some member of the staff; nor should one be modest in doing this, for it is our com-mon interest and they will be glad to see you. WE have closed what may be regarded a very successful basketball season, although we have played a harder schedule than ever before. We also recall the unprecedented record of this year's football team. Now what has the baseball season in store for us ? Let us make it unusually successful too ; let us make the whole year one round of athletic success. In order to do this, a keen interest must be manifested, and some hard work must be done. There is plenty of work for all, do not think that you are not needed. If you cannot help any other way, do it financially. Be at all the games and show a lively college spirit; good " rooting " helps wonderfully. But {f.possible be on the field. Come put,for practice every day. If you don't make the' team, this year you may the next. Then do not think that it is impossible to make a position because another played it last year, his position is not guaranteed and each position is looking for one who can play it just a little better than the one who now holds it. Choose a position apd THE MERCURY. 29 play for it, even if you don't make it, you will make him work harder who does. If last year's players are made to feel that there are others to take their places, they will work harder and thus the team will be considerably strengthened. So you see that if a proper effort is put forth, even if you do not make the team, you have aided very materially in making it what it is, and you can justly claim a share of the honors in the event of victory. EXCHANGES. The Feb. number of " The Haverfordian," being the last in Vol. XXVII, contains a loose-leaf table of contents of the Vol. In glancing over this, one is surprised at the amount of material published by the magazine in the course of a year. In the volume there are nineteen essays, twenty pieces of fiction, twenty poems, seventeen sketches, and thirty-two editorials covering a wide range of subjects. In this number the article " Medicine as a Profession " by Dr. Tyson, '60, now of U. of P, while of special interest and value to those contemplating the study of medicine, is, nevertheless, interesting and instruc-tive to others also. This article is one of a series, written by prominent alumni on the subject of choosing a profession, which " The Haverfordion " has been publishing throughout the year. " Undergraduate Life at Oxford " is interesting to us as it brings out some ot the contrasts between English and American University lite. " The Philosophy of Optimism " is one of those " casual calls from a prophet of hope to rally round the standards of those who believe that 'all's right with the world.' " The issue contains some entertaining fiction also, among which is a good ghost story. The "State Collegian," of Feb. 22nd, contains in an ex-change an interesting summary of the cut systems employed in some fourteen colleges and universities. The number of absences allowed, average about 10 per cent, per term. Some striking exceptions are U. of P. and U. of N. Y, The former allows 20 per cent, absences, and the latter requires the student 30 THE MERCURY. to hand in a thousand-word theme on a prescribed subject for every fifteen cuts from chapel. " First American Newspapers " in the " Dickinsonian," of Feb. 21, is one of the most interesting articles that we have re-viewed this month. " The Mountaineer " contains several good stories and an ex-cellent translation in verse of Horace's " Ode to Thaliarchus." The article " The Poetry of William Collins " shows a fine ap-preciation of the poetical on the part of the writer and also the ability to express this appreciation in words. The "Lesbian Herald" is a magazine of superior quality— better this month than the general run of our exchanges. It contains strong articles on " Carlyle's French Revolution," " Browning as a Writer of Love Poems," " Schiller, the Man " (conclusion), and also several good poems, the " Sonnet " par-ticularly appealing to us. We have also reviewed with pleasure and profit the " Juniata Echo," the " Susquehanna," " Otferbein Aegis " and the "Mid-land." To the last named, we would suggest that a table of contents would, doubtless be a convenience for its readers! Editing a college paper is a nice thing. If we publish jokes people say we are fossils. If we publish original matter, they say we don't give them enough selections. If we give them selections they say we are too lazy to write. If we don't go to church, we are heathen. If we do, we are hyprocrites. If we remain at the office, we ought to be out looking for news items. If we go out then we are not attending to business. If we wear old clothes they laugh at us. If we wear good clothes they say we' have a pull. Now what are we to do ? Just as.likely as not some one will say we stole this from an exchange. So we did. .,.- ■■ " • ■ ' .'.,-■'-.,. ■ •',''/■!;; . . • :■-'-:,,'. .-■■■■ ': '.I'-'--:.;. ; I '; *■"■'■- . 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Speeches Delivered In Other Languages. ; United Nations S/PV.8182 Security Council Seventy-third year 8182nd meeting Wednesday, 14 February 2018, 3 p.m. New York Provisional President: Mr. Alotaibi. . (Kuwait) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Inchauste Jordán China. . Mr. Zhang Dianbin Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Ms. Guadey France. . Mrs. Gueguen Kazakhstan. . Mr. Umarov Netherlands. . Mrs. Gregoire Van Haaren Peru. . Mr. Meza-Cuadra Poland. . Ms. Wronecka Russian Federation. . Mr. Polyanskiy Sweden . Mr. Skoog United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Mr. Clay United States of America. . Ms. Tachco Agenda The situation in Guinea-Bissau Report of the Secretary-General on developments in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (S/2018/110) This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-04195 (E) *1804195* S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 2/20 18-04195 The meeting was called to order at 3.10 p.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. The situation in Guinea-Bissau Report of the Secretary-General on developments in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (S/2018/110) The President (spoke in Arabic): In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of Guinea-Bissau and Togo to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in the meeting: Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, and His Excellency Mr. Mauro Vieira, Permanent Representative of Brazil to the United Nations, in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea- Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Mr. Touré is joining the meeting via video-teleconference from Bissau. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I wish to draw the attention of Council members to document S/2018/110, which contains the report of the Secretary-General on developments in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau. I now give the floor to Mr. Touré. Mr. Touré: I thank the Security Council for this opportunity to introduce the report of the Secretary- General (S/2018/110) on the situation in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS). As the report already presents a detailed outline of recent events in Guinea-Bissau, my intervention will focus on updating the Council on political developments since its issuance, while analysing present challenges and making proposals for the way forward. This briefing takes place against the backdrop of a rapidly evolving political situation in Guinea-Bissau. Over the past several weeks, a series of key events have occurred with important ramifications. At the country level, President José Mário Vaz dismissed former Prime Minister Umaro Sissoco Embaló and replaced him with Mr. Artur Da Silva. The African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) finally held its party congress despite attempts by national authorities to block it, and re-elected Domingos Simões Pereira as its leader. At the regional level, on 4 February, the Authority of Heads of State and Government of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), pursuant to its decision of 27 January, imposed targeted sanctions on 19 individuals deemed to be obstructing the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. Those individuals and their family members are subject to travel bans and assets freeze. They have also been suspended from ECOWAS activities. The ECOWAS Authority also requested the African Union (AU), the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, the European Union, the United Nations and other partners to support and facilitate the enforcement of the sanctions. Since the imposition of the sanctions, the reaction of national stakeholders has been mixed. Those upon whom the sanctions were imposed have described them as unsubstantiated and unjust, while those in favour of the sanctions have characterized them as a necessary measure to safeguard the country's democratic course. Meanwhile, national reactions to the appointment of Mr. Artur Da Silva as the new Prime Minister have been generally consistent. On 31 January, the PAIGC issued a statement denouncing Mr. Da Silva's appointment as not being in conformity with the Conakry Agreement. Last week, the Party for Social Renewal, the second largest party in Parliament, and the group of 15 dissident parliamentarians of the PAIGC also issued public statements stressing that they would participate only in a Government formed under a consensual Prime Minister, in strict compliance with the Conakry Agreement. Thus far, the Prime Minister's efforts to consult with political parties represented in the National Assembly on the formation of an inclusive Government have not borne fruit. Under my leadership, the group of five regional and international partners, comprised of representatives of the African Union, the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, ECOWAS, the European Union and the United Nations, has continued 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 3/20 to harmonize efforts and messaging at opportune moments with the aim of creating a stable and enabling environment for dialogue among political leaders. So far this year, I have convened three meetings of the group. My efforts, together with those of the partners, have focused on engaging national authorities and key political stakeholders in Guinea-Bissau to defuse escalating tensions, encourage political dialogue in order to ease the political gridlock, call for the protection and respect for the human rights of Bissau-Guinean citizens, and urge all aggrieved stakeholders to pursue their grievances through legal and constitutional means. Furthermore, under my direction, UNIOGBIS continues to play a central role in supporting and facilitating the regional mediation efforts of ECOWAS by, inter alia, ensuring the participation of Bissau- Guinean stakeholders at the ECOWAS Summit in Abuja in December 2017, providing substantive and logistical support for the ECOWAS high-level delegations during their missions to Bissau and regularly sensitizing regional leaders to ongoing political developments within the country, while encouraging them to exert their influence on protagonists in order to reach compromises. The absence of a functioning and stable Government for more than three years has limited the ability of UNIOGBIS to effectively and sustainably implement some of its mandated tasks. As recommended by the strategic review mission headed by the Department of Political Affairs in 2016 and endorsed by the Council last year, I have streamlined the UNIOGBIS leadership and structure to promote better integration and complementarity with the United Nations country team and other international partners, while boosting the Mission's political capacities, which has enabled me to exercise my good offices more effectively at the national level. Those changes have also assisted the broader United Nations system in Guinea-Bissau in delivering more focused and integrated peacebuilding support to national authorities and civil society, including women and youth. In this regard, the support provided by the Peacebuilding Fund has been critical. Going forward, UNIOGBIS will need to focus its energies on supporting national leaders in their efforts to appoint an acceptable Prime Minister, establish an inclusive Government, organize and conduct timely elections, and implement the priority reforms outlined in the Conakry Agreement and the ECOWAS road map. Until the completion of the electoral cycle in 2019, Guinea-Bissau remains more than ever a country that requires a dedicated United Nations presence to prevent a further deterioration in the political and security situation at the national level and avoid any negative consequences in the subregion. In this context, my good offices, political facilitation, advocacy and mediation roles, alongside my efforts aimed at promoting respect for human rights and the rule of law and at carrying out integrated peacebuilding support, will continue to be critical. As the Secretary-General has indicated in his report, it is vital that the United Nations remain engaged in peacebuilding efforts in the country while supporting ECOWAS involvement in resolving the political crisis for at least one more year. The Secretary-General has expressed his intention to authorize an assessment of the current mission at the end of that period and to present options to the Security Council for a possible reconfiguration of United Nations presence in the country. It is my hope that the Council will give favourable consideration to this recommendation. The African Union Peace and Security Council (AUPSC), through its communiqué of 13 February, has fully endorsed the measures taken by ECOWAS on 4 February, including the application of sanctions against political obstructionists. It has also requested the African Union Commission to coordinate with the ECOWAS Commission to ensure the effective implementation of these measures. Moreover, it has requested that the Security Council endorse the AUPSC communiqué that endorsed the ECOWAS decision. At this critical juncture, it would be important for the Security Council to continue to reaffirm the centrality of the Conakry Agreement and reiterate its full support for ECOWAS in its mediation efforts and for the measures that it has taken against political stakeholders deemed to be obstructing the resolution of the political crisis. I would further seek the Council's support in underscoring the importance of urgently organizing and holding legislative elections within the constitutionally mandated timeline. Lastly, throughout the past year, the presence of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau (ECOMIB) has consistently acted as a stabilizing factor in the country. I would therefore call on members of the Council and international donors to support the continued presence of ECOMIB through to the holding of a presidential election in 2019, including by advocating for the renewal S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 4/20 18-04195 of its mandate and the provision of the financial support needed to maintain its deployment. I would like to express my gratitude to the Council for its continued interest in promoting peace and stability in Guinea-Bissau. I would also like to commend ECOWAS and its current Chair, President Faure Gnassingbé of Togo, and the ECOWAS Mediator for Guinea-Bissau, President Alpha Condé of Guinea, for their tireless mediation efforts. Finally, I would like to express appreciation to all multilateral and bilateral partners, especially to the AU, the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries and the European Union for their commitment to promoting peace and prosperity in Guinea-Bissau. After several years of long-term investment in the stability of Guinea- Bissau, it is time to consolidate and reap the dividends of our concerted efforts. It is vital that we accompany this process to its completion. The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank Mr. Touré for his briefing. I now give the floor to Mr. Vieira. Mr. Vieira (Brazil): I would like to thank you, Mr. President, for the invitation to address the Security Council in my capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC). Since my last briefing to the Security Council, on 24 August last year (see S/PV.8031), there have been several important developments in the country. The situation in Guinea-Bissau is rapidly evolving, and the PBC is following it closely. At the most recent Summit of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), held in Abuja on 16 December, the Heads of State and Government gave a 30-day deadline for political actors of Guinea-Bissau to implement the Conakry Agreement. The situation was discussed again by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union, held in Addis Ababa on 27 January, in the context of its thirtieth ordinary session. After 15 months as Head of Government, Prime Minister Umaro Sissoco Embaló tendered his resignation to President José Mário Vaz, who accepted it on 16 January. On 31 January, Artur Da Silva took office as the new Prime Minister. The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Togo, Robert Dussey, led two ECOWAS missions to Bissau this year. On 1 February, the ECOWAS mission issued a final communiqué stating that the nomination of a Prime Minister by consensus, as determined by the Conakry Agreement, had not taken place and that the ECOWAS Commission would start applying sanctions against those who create obstacles to a political solution. On 4 February, ECOWAS issued a decision listing 19 names that will be subject to sanctions, consisting of the exclusion from the activities of the community, a travel ban, and the freezing of assets of the sanctioned persons and their families. The Guinea-Bissau configuration is actively engaged in following the situation in Guinea-Bissau and in providing support for the country through different initiatives. I am also in permanent contact with the Brazilian Ambassador in Bissau, who maintains excellent relations with national authorities, political actors and United Nations representatives. I would remind Council members that Brazil was one of the first countries to recognize Guinea-Bissau in 1974. In that same year we opened an embassy in Bissau. In 2017, I organized a working breakfast with the members of the PBC and four ambassador-level meetings of the Guinea-Bissau configuration. We issued three press statements last year on the situation in the country. I also briefed the Security Council on two occasions, on 14 February (see S/PV. 7883) and on 24 August. Between 25 and 28 July 2017, I conducted my first visit to Bissau in my capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration. I met many political actors, including President José Mário Vaz, then-Prime Minister Sissoco, a number of ministers, members of all parties in the Parliament, and representatives of the United Nations. On my return, I stopped in Lisbon, where I met with the Executive Secretary of the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, Ms. Maria do Carmo Silveira. On 15 December 2017, the Peacebuilding Fund (PBF) approved six new projects for Guinea-Bissau, totalling $7 million, to be implemented between January 2018 and June 2019. These projects are designed to help stabilize the country by providing support to the media and the justice sector, as well as support for national reconciliation efforts and the participation of young people and women in peacebuilding and in politics. The Guinea-Bissau configuration of the PBC discussed and 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 5/20 supported these projects in a meeting held in November last year. The PBC will continue to support Guinea-Bissau not only through the PBF, but also through consultations with different partners, including the World Bank and other international financial institutions. In this context, I am planning a visit to Washington in the coming weeks in order to talk to representatives of the World Bank about possibilities for cooperation with Guinea-Bissau. On Monday, 12 February, I convened a meeting of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the PBC to discuss the most recent developments in the country. On that occasion, we heard a briefing from the Under- Secretary-General for Political Affairs and Head of the Department of Political Affairs, Mr. Jeffrey Feltman. I would like to thank Under-Secretary-General Feltman for his presence there. It was a positive sign of engagement and trust in the role of the PBC. It also showed his commitment to contributing to a solution to the current impasse in Guinea-Bissau. During that meeting, the participants had the opportunity to discuss the recent developments in the country, including the decision of ECOWAS to impose sanctions. They underlined the need for dialogue and mentioned the role of the region, including the importance of the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. Member States also commended the work of the PBF in Guinea-Bissau. Many participants stressed the relevance of respecting the constitutional framework in organizing elections. Member States welcomed the non-involvement of the armed forces in the political crisis. Many delegations mentioned the positive presence of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea- Bissau (ECOMIB). Delegations also supported the renewal of the mandate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS), which is expected to happen by the end of this month, and underlined the importance of the good offices of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Modibo Touré. Finally, I also would like to inform the Council that it is my intention to visit Guinea-Bissau in the coming months to consult with a broad range of stakeholders on how the PBC can support peacebuilding efforts in the country and help the political actors find a solution to the current impasse. The exact date of the visit will depend on developments on the ground and will be scheduled in consultation with local authorities. I would like to recall that Brazil is currently the Chair of the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries (CPLP). As was done when I previously briefed the Council, the CPLP has endorsed my remarks. I would like to conclude my statement by reaffirming that the PBC will continue to make every effort to support Guinea-Bissau and I would like to outline the following recommendations in that regard. I reiterate the support of the configuration for the Bissau six-point road map and the Conakry Agreement as the framework for the resolution of the crisis. I call upon the authorities of Guinea-Bissau and key political actors to show leadership and determination by engaging in actions that would lead to the implementation of those agreements. I take note of the efforts of the region to resolve the political impasse in the country. I stress the importance of holding free and fair elections, in accordance with the Constitution of Guinea- Bissau, and call upon the international community to support that process. I underline the importance of renewing the mandate of UNIOGBIS for another year, as recommended by the Secretary-General. I also recognize the effective, preventive and deterrent role of ECOMIB. Finally, I would like to commend the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Modibo Touré, for his efforts to help ensure an enabling political environment in the country. The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank Ambassador Vieira for his briefing. I now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements. Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): I would like to begin my statement by thanking the Special Representative of the Secretary- General, Mr. Modibo Touré, for his insightful briefing on the situation in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau. I will focus my statement on two main points: the implementation of the Conakry Agreement by the Guinea-Bissau signatories and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau. S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 6/20 18-04195 Guinea-Bissau is going through a new phase in the serious and deep political and institutional crisis of recent years. My country and West Africa are concerned about this situation, which is characterized by a political impasse and requires the Council to act with greater firmness alongside the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the African Union to bring the political actors of Guinea-Bissau to honour their commitments. Indeed, despite the signing on 14 October 2016 of the Conakry Agreement, which was supposed to favour the appointment of a consensus Prime Minister and the establishment of an inclusive Government, the country is again without a Government and confronted by a blockage of Parliament and a deep lack of trust between the President of the Republic and his party, the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde. The stalemate heightens raises concerns not only of a detrimental delay in the electoral calendar, which calls for the holding of legislative elections in May 2018 and presidential elections in 2019, but also of the exacerbation of political tensions and the growth of the criminal economy linked to drug trafficking. My country welcomes the ongoing efforts of ECOWAS to definitively resolve the crisis in Guinea-Bissau, in strict compliance with the communal arrangements and constitutional framework of the country. The current deadlock in Guinea-Bissau is the culmination of a prolonged deterioration of the political situation and the manifest lack of will on the part of the political actors to commit themselves to a consensual settlement of the crisis, despite the appeals and efforts of ECOWAS. Côte d'Ivoire calls on the parties to implement the Conakry Agreement in good faith and without delay. My delegation once again commends ECOWAS for its leadership and the ongoing commitment of its leaders, the Chairperson of the ECOWAS Authority, President Faure Gnassingbé of Togo, and the ECOWAS Mediator for Guinea-Bissau, President Alpha Condé of Guinea, in the quest for a solution to the political impasse in Guinea-Bissau. Côte d'Ivoire also commends the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau for its invaluable contribution to stability in the country. ECOWAS, after a lengthy process of futile warnings, decided to adopt individual sanctions against 19 persons considered to be hostile to the process of ending the crisis in Guinea-Bissau. The sanctions are a strong signal of the resolve of ECOWAS to bring the country out of a crisis that has persisted too long. Those measures — which specifically involve the suspension of the participation in the activities of ECOWAS of all persons concerned, a travel ban on travel, the denial of visas to them and their families, and the freezing of their financial assets — must be applied with utmost rigour. The sanctions, I recall, are based on the Supplementary Act of 17 February 2012, which imposes sanctions on Member States that fail to honour their obligations vis-à-vis ECOWAS, and article 45 of the Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. My country congratulates ECOWAS on taking those courageous measures, which will serve as a wake-up call to the Guinea-Bissau political class, and looks forward to their effective endorsement by the African Union. Côte d'Ivoire invites the Council to fully support ECOWAS in the interests of peace and national cohesion in Guinea-Bissau. To that end, my country calls on the Security Council to adopt by consensus the draft resolution on the renewal of the mandate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, which also requires the endorsement of those sanctions. Furthermore, my delegation urges the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries (CPLP), the European Union and the United Nations to also support the efforts of ECOWAS to effectively implement measures that seek to ensure that the Conakry Agreement be upheld. Institutional and political stability, peace and security in Guinea-Bissau depend primarily on the people of Guinea-Bissau themselves. To achieve that, we call on them to take ownership of the Conakry Agreement. Without the involvement of the parties themselves, the prospects for finding a solution to the crisis and for restoring lasting peace to Guinea-Bissau will remain illusory. With regard to the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, my delegation welcomes the various initiatives to support the political dialogue and the national reconciliation process. Furthermore, we encourage ongoing consultations in order to make progress on security sector reform and to meet the needs of the peacebuilding mechanism under way in Guinea-Bissau. My delegation thanks the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Guinea-Bissau for his efforts in mediation, promoting the rule of law and building the capacity of the Guinea-Bissau institutions. Côte d'Ivoire encourages its international partners, in 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 7/20 particular the United Nations, the African Union, the European Union, the CPLP and ECOWAS, to cooperate more closely with regard to their work on the ground to ensure greater effectiveness. My country also welcomes the strong involvement of Guinea-Bissau women in the political process, and in particular their role in facilitating dialogue between the parties. With regard to the renewal of the mandate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, I would like to inform the members of the Council that Côte d'Ivoire will soon submit a draft resolution for adoption on that issue. At the same time, if it is acceptable to all members of the Council, a draft press statement will also be submitted for adoption. My country reiterates its appeal to all stakeholders in the crisis in Guinea-Bissau to participate fully in the efforts of the international community, in particular of ECOWAS, to promote the comprehensive implementation of the Conakry Agreement, which guarantees a way out of the political impasse that the country has long suffered. I would like to finish by thanking Ambassador Mauro Vieira of Brazil, Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, for all the information that he has kindly provided to the Council. Ms. Tachco (United States of America): I wish to thank Mr. Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General, for his briefing and Ambassador Vieira not only for his briefing but also for his leadership of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Recently, the Security Council has witnessed significant success in West Africa in places that have experienced years or even decades of violence and tragedy. Such success includes the first democratic transfer of power in Liberia in more than 70 years and the continued consolidation of democracy in The Gambia, as well as strong economic growth in countries across the region. However, there remain many serious and profound challenges, such as the terrorist threat posed by Boko Haram and the Islamic State in West Africa, elections and reform challenges facing countries with upcoming democratic transition, and humanitarian crises and displacement, all of which merit the continued attention of the Security Council. Given the urgency and magnitude of such problems, the United States believes that a self-inflicted 30-month political impasse, such as that in Guinea-Bissau, is unacceptable. For too long we have gathered to hear updates on fits and starts of political progress that eventually fade to obstruction and obfuscation from the country's leadership. The United States is profoundly disappointed by the decision of President Vaz to ignore the Conakry Agreement by failing to appoint a consensus Prime Minister and to create an inclusive Government. President Vaz must take urgent steps towards a unity Government that will pave the way for peaceful legislative elections in May. The people of Guinea-Bissau are understandably frustrated at the failure of their Government to make progress on the implementation of the Agreement. They deserve better. Time is running out. We have witnessed rising tension. Political gatherings in Bissau have provoked clashes as the people of Guinea- Bissau publicly express their frustration at the skeletal political process. Those clashes led to a crackdown by the Guinea-Bissau leadership. The Government must respect the people's right to peaceful expression and protect that right. On 4 February, the Economic Community of West African States took the ambitious step of sanctioning 19 spoilers of the Conakry Agreement, including their family members. The United States applauds such efforts to hold those in power accountable and to compel them towards finally doing what is right for the people of Guinea-Bissau. We also applaud the renewal of the mandate of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea- Bissau and encourage the Guinea-Bissau military to continue its political non-interference, while playing its constitutional role. For years, the international community and the United Nations have put resources into Guinea-Bissau to do important things for the benefit of its people. However, with a Government at an impasse, important issues such as security sector reform and combating transnational organized crime, narcotics and human trafficking cannot be adequately addressed. That is unacceptable. As Ambassador Haley noted in the peacekeeping context, the United Nations cannot operate effectively in environments with uncooperative Governments. That also applies to political missions such as the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea- S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 8/20 18-04195 Bissau (UNIOGBIS). For UNIOGBIS to continue on that path would not be the continuation of a partnership with a willing Government but would simply enable its obstruction. Elections must take place on time and will require support. However, first, the Government must first end the impasse to convince its partners that international support will build on established political progress and a willingness to overcome differences to enable the Government to function again. In conclusion, we once again draw attention to the ordinary people of Guinea-Bissau who, for the better part of their lives, have not known the stability of sustainable democratic governance. The Security Council must keep them in mind as we take steps to put pressure on leaders to abandon their self-serving wilfulness and to take action to better the lives of their people. They should know that our patience has now run out. Ms. Guadey (Ethiopia): I wish to thank Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary- General, for his briefing on the latest developments in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS). I would also like to express appreciation to Ambassador Mauro Vieira in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) for his remarks. The continued political stand-off and institutional paralysis in Guinea-Bissau remain a source of serious concern. The consequent socioeconomic difficulties over the past two years have impacted the people of Guinea-Bissau and will eventually undermine the peace and stability of the country. We appreciate the important role of the PBC and welcome the approval of useful projects to be financed under the Immediate Response Facility of the Peacebuilding Fund to the amount of $7.3 million. Such projects will certainly contribute to easing the socioeconomic difficulties of women and young people, as well as to promoting stability. The centrality of the Conakry Agreement to sustaining peace, security and development in Guinea- Bissau cannot be overemphasized. We reiterate our call for all stakeholders in Guinea-Bissau to respect and to comply with the Agreement in addressing their differences and the challenges facing their country. We urge them to create conditions for the holding of legislative and presidential elections in 2018 and 2019, respectively. All parties should also refrain from actions or statements that could escalate tensions and incite violence. It is indeed vital that the security and armed forces of Guinea-Bissau continue to uphold the country's Constitution and desist from interfering in the political and institutional crisis. Those who continue to obstruct the implementation of the agreement must be given clear signals that their actions will not be tolerated. In that regard, we commend the role of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the high-level delegation it dispatched to Guinea-Bissau two weeks ago. We support its decision on restoring democratic governance and ensuring respect for the rule of law in Guinea Bissau, as endorsed by the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council communiqué issued today. The Council should reinforce the decision by ECOWAS and the African Union and convey a clear and united message to all the parties in this regard. We believe the concerted efforts by ECOWAS, the African Union, the United Nations and other relevant partners continues to be indispensable to finding a durable solution to the political crisis in Guinea-Bissau. We express our support to UNIOGBIS for its continued provision of necessary support to Guinea- Bissau, with the objective of resolving the current political impasse and creating an environment for of dialogue among all of the country's actors. Accordingly, we fully agree with the recommendation of the Secretary General that the current UNIOGBIS mandate be extended for another year, until 28 February 2019. Finally, we echo the appeal of the AU Peace and Security Council for financial support towards the continuation of the mandate of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau — whose mandate has been extended to 31 March — until the necessary training of the national security forces of Guinea-Bissau is completed. I wish to conclude by supporting the draft press statement proposed by Côte d'Ivoire, and express our readiness to work closely on the draft resolution that will renew the UNIOGBIS mandate. Mrs. Gueguen (France) (spoke in French): I thank Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, for his clear and precise briefing, which reminds us of just how critical this point is for Guinea-Bissau. I also thank Ambassador Mauro Vieira for his efforts as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 9/20 Commission and for his insistent appeal for support to regional initiatives and for respect for the electoral cycle in Guinea-Bissau. France is concerned about the non-implementation of the Conakry Agreement since October 2016. The Agreement, which provides for the appointment of a consensus Prime Minister, has remained a dead letter, even though it provides a plan to resolve the conflict. This political impasse has consequences on the ground. There have been several clashes between the police and opposition political parties. Respect for human rights is also not assured in Guinea-Bissau. The latest developments on the ground show that the authorities of Guinea-Bissau no longer hesitate to limit the freedom of assembly and the right to protest. The establishment of a robust compliance framework with regard to respect for public freedoms is an essential precondition to the resolution of the crisis in Guinea-Bissau. We therefore call upon the international community to be particularly vigilant in that regard. Due to the risk of a deterioration in the political and security situation, it is high time for all parties to honour their commitments to reach national consensus, all the more so because the window of opportunity is narrowing, as legislative elections are slated for this spring. In that regard, it is particularly important to ensure that the legislative and presidential time table is adhered to. I would like to emphasize three essential points with regard to the renewal at the end of the month of the madate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS). First, we must increase our support for regional initiatives. In that regard, France welcomes the ongoing efforts of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), especially the work of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau and the recent adoption of the sanctions list of people obstructing the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. That is an important step forward and a clear sign to the relevant local actors. We are convinced that the solution to the conflict will require consultation among local actors and the international community. In that connection, the group of five international partners based in Guinea-Bissau, which comprises the African Union, the European Union, the United Nations, ECOWAS and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, provides a special coordination platform that ought to be supported. Secondly, it is crucial for the Security Council to fully assume its role in resolving the current political impasse in Guinea-Bissau. The Council should increase pressure on local actors, particularly President Vaz, and should direct the parties in Guinea-Bissau to shoulder their responsibilities. Sanctions were adopted in 2012 through resolution 2048 (2012), and additional measures could be taken in conjunction with those taken by ECOWAS. Thirdly, it is essential to renew the mandate of UNIOGBIS, which ends 28 February, and thereby signal the commitment of the United Nations to continuing to participate in the process of resolving the conflict. We should also contemplate restructuring UNIOGBIS following an assessment of the impact of its activities on the ground. It is time for the parties in Guinea-Bissau to move from words to action. Their commitments must now give way to concrete action. Mr. Meza-Cuadra (Peru) (spoke in Spanish): My delegation welcomes the holding of this meeting and thanks Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea- Bissau, for his briefing. We also thank Ambassador Mauro Vieira for his commitment and leadership as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Peru is monitoring with concern the situation in Guinea-Bissau. Despite efforts by the international community and regional organizations to reach a solution to the political crisis, little progress has been made in the implementation of the Conakry Agreement, concluded in October 2016. We would like to make three main points. First, Peru deems the successful holding of 2018 and 2019 elections to be crucial to achieving sustainable peace. In that regard, we are concerned about the nomination of a Prime Minister who does not enjoy consensus among all parties, as called for in the Conakry Agreement. That undermines the credibility of the Government. Additionally, four of the members of the National Electoral Commission, including its President, could not be nominated for the National Assembly, which has not convened since S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 10/20 18-04195 January 2016. Such conditions complicate the holding of legislative elections slated for May. That is why we believe it is necessary and urgent for all parties to resume inclusive dialogue with a view to implementing the commitments undertaken. We welcome the efforts of the Economic Community of West African States, which include imposing sanctions on those who obstruct the implementation of the Conakry Agreement, in line with regional rules and regulations. We believe that it is important to increase the participation of women and youth in the necessary dialogue and subsequent elections. That is why we highlight the efforts of the Women's Facilitation Group, which seeks to increase the participation of women in the country's political processes. Secondly, we are concerned that, despite the current relative stability, a stalled political process could lead to renewed violence and rampant crime, especially considering that the country is vulnerable to threats such as terrorism, organized crime and human trafficking. In that connection, we highlight the launching of the Network of National Human Rights Defenders. As the Secretary-General noted in his report (S/2018/110), reform is needed in this area, including strengthening the armed forces and the professionalization of the police. Similarly, we call for full respect for the fundamental right to freedom of expression in Guinea-Bissau. Thirdly, with regard to socioeconomic development, we would like to highlight the fact that, although the World Bank has reported economic growth of 5 per cent over the past year, it should be borne in mind that such growth is primarily attributed to the country's main exports being sold at a higher price on the international market. Nonetheless, a country whose poverty rate is approximately 70 per cent is socially and economically vulnerable. That is why we believe that peacekeeping and peacebuilding require greater investment in social development, and in particular in Peacebuilding Fund projects aimed at empowering women and young people, promoting national reconciliation and strengthening the judiciary. We underscore the importance of ensuring the predictability and stability of the Fund's financing. We also believe that it is important that the activities promoted by the Peacebuilding Fund be coordinated with the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) and the United Nations country team. In conclusion, we support the renewal of the UNIOGBIS mandate for an additional year, in line with the recommendation of the Secretary-General. We thank the Economic Community of West African States, the African Union, the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, the European Union and other international actors committed to assisting Guinea-Bissau for their valuable efforts. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): At the outset, on behalf of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, let me thank the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Guinea- Bissau and Head of Mission for the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNOGBIS), Mr. Modibo Touré, and his team for the detailed and important briefing on the situation in Guinea-Bissau. We also thank Mr. Mauro Vieira, Permanent Representative of Brazil to the United Nations, in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, for his briefing, in which he underscored the configuration's commitment to the various initiatives in Guinea-Bissau. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea has followed very closely and with great interest the developments in the political and institutional crisis in Guinea-Bissau. It has paid even closer attention since the country joined the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries (CPLP) in 2014, and now that Equatorial Guinea chairs the Committee established pursuant to resolution 2048 (2012), concerning Guinea-Bissau. In my capacity as Chair of the 2048 Committee, I would like to voice our concern about the deadlock in the peace process in Guinea-Bissau, which is hindering the country's national reform programme, thereby threatening to undermine progress in the country since constitutional order was restored in 2014. Equatorial Guinea lauds the commitment and considerable effort made, as well as the human and financial resources made available by international multilateral partners, in particular the Guinea- Bissau group of five, comprising the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the CPLP, the European Union and the United Nations. Undoubtedly, the synergy among international actors with regard to the issue in Guinea-Bissau attests to the desire and willingness of the international community to find a peaceful and 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 11/20 consensus-based solution in the interests of Guinea- Bissau. The Conakry Agreement must continue to be the fundamental reference for national political actors. The Agreement not only outlines the appointment of a Prime Minister who is trusted by the President of the Republic, but whose appointment is the result of consensus among all national stakeholders. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea has taken note of the rejection of the appointment of Mr. Augusto Antonio Artur Da Silva by ECOWAS and the main political actors in Guinea-Bissau, in particular of the two main political parties — the Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde and the Partido para a Renovação Social. Given the lack of consensus surrounding the appointment of the Prime Minister, the Republic of Equatorial Guinea calls upon all political actors in the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, including the President of the Republic, as well as the leaders of the two main political parties, to work together to form an inclusive Government that would create the right conditions ahead of upcoming legislative elections to be held later this year, and presidential elections in 2019. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea supports the electoral calendar as outlined in the country's Constitution. That is why the Republic of Equatorial Guinea believes that an international support mechanism for the electoral process should be put in place for the purpose of updating the electoral rolls and assisting the Independent National Electoral Commission to effectively shoulder its responsibility, and with all other preparations that would allow for the holding of transparent, democratic elections whose results would put a definitive end to the political maze the country has had to navigate over the past few years. The extension of the mandate of UNIOGBIS is a key element in resolving the crisis. As announced, ECOWAS has decided to extend the mandate of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau until 31 March. The actions of the United Nations must be part of that undertaking. The Security Council's vote, scheduled for 27 February, must allow the Mission to be extended for a year or more, until presidential elections are held in 2019. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea believes that international partners should continue to focus primarily on mediation, good offices, dialogue and direct negotiations as the only viable paths to breaking the current political and institutional deadlock. The most recent report of the Secretary-General on the situation in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (S/2018/110) concludes that the population's latent frustration with an uncertain political environment could foster instability and crime. Equatorial Guinea reiterates its gratitude to the defence and security forces that have chosen to adopt a neutral, republican position. Therefore, we urge all political actors in Guinea-Bissau to put the interests of the country and its people, love of State and their responsibility above all other considerations so as to create the right conditions for the holding of free, fair and transparent elections. Stability in the country must not be disassociated from economic recovery. In that regard, we welcome the support of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, through the Peacebuilding Fund, in financing various multisectoral projects. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea will take part in good offices and negotiations. Equatorial Guinea, as a member of the CPLP and Chair of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 2048 (2012), concerning Guinea- Bissau, will support and take initiatives that it believes are necessary to assist in efforts under way to find a solution to the situation in the brotherly country of Guinea-Bissau. Mr. Skoog (Sweden): I would like to begin by thanking the Special Representative of the Secretary- General, Mr. Modibo Touré, for his briefing. I commend him and his team for the valuable work being undertaken in support of the people of Guinea-Bissau. Let me also extend my thanks to the Permanent Representative of Brazil, Ambassador Mauro Vieira, in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. As Ambassador Vieira mentioned his country's long-standing relations with Guinea-Bissau, I thought that I would take this opportunity to point out that Sweden recognized Guinea-Bissau in 1974, and we began supporting General Assembly resolution 2911 (XXVII), concerning its self-rule, in 1968. In the 1970s and 1980s, Guinea-Bissau was one of our largest development partner countries. There is therefore a deep and historic friendship between Sweden and the people of Guinea-Bissau, and it is in that spirit of friendship that we are engaging in support for Guinea- Bissau in meeting its current complex challenges. S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 12/20 18-04195 Moreover, we welcome the opportunity to draw upon the strategic advice of the Peacebuilding Commission and its longer-term perspective, which are essential for sustaining peace in Guinea-Bissau. The activities financed by the Peacebuilding Fund to that end are also important. An integrated approach from the United Nations family in Guinea-Bissau can contribute positively to overcoming peacebuilding challenges. Accordingly, we welcome the efforts outlined in the report of the Secretary-General (S/2018/110). We are concerned by the ongoing and increasingly protracted political crisis in Guinea-Bissau. A lack of progress in resolving the stalemate undermines peacebuilding efforts and is holding the country's social and economic development hostage. Resolving the crisis is therefore a prerequisite for the consolidation of peace in the country. The six-point Bissau road map and the Conakry Agreement remain the only legitimate way forward, and must be implemented. The appointment of a consensus Prime Minister, as stipulated in the Agreement, is essential. National leaders must live up to their commitments and meet their responsibilities. We strongly commend the efforts of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to mediate among the parties to find a solution to the political crisis. ECOWAS is playing an essential role on behalf of the region, and we welcome its continued efforts to reach a consensual implementation of the road map and Conakry Agreement. We welcome the ECOWAS decision to impose sanctions on those impeding the Agreement's implementation. It is important that the international community fully support regional efforts in a concerted and coherent manner. In that regard, we welcome the statement issued yesterday by the African Union in support of ECOWAS, including regarding sanctions. Long-term peace and security in Guinea-Bissau will be achieved only when the root causes of the conflict are addressed. Constitutional reform, reconciliation and political dialogue, strengthening the rule of law through strong and inclusive institutions, and ensuring equal access to economic opportunities are all critical in that regard. It is also essential that all parts of society have their voices heard. In particular, ensuring the full and effective participation of women is crucial. We agree with the Secretary-General that the promotion of, and respect for, human rights is fundamental to sustaining peace and ensuring long-term stability and development in Guinea-Bissau. We echo the Secretary- General's call on national authorities to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms and to refrain from any further acts that undermine the rule of law. Let me also take a moment to welcome the military's neutrality and its posture of non-interference in the political process. Concerning the role of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS), it has a crucial role to play in coordinating international efforts to support Guinea-Bissau, not least of which is supporting preparations for the holding of elections. There is a need to immediately refocus the Office's resources where they can be used most effectively, particularly with regard to resolving the political deadlock and supporting the electoral process so that it moves forward. We strongly support the Office's work to strengthen women's participation as active peacemakers in resolving the political crisis, including by encouraging women's mediation efforts. We welcome in particular that the integration of gender-sensitive perspectives into the work of UNIOGBIS and the United Nations country team has been accorded the highest priority by the United Nations in Guinea- Bissau. We look forward to hearing more about how that process is being taken forward. During the Peacebuilding Commission's meeting on Guinea-Bissau on Monday this week, all key actors, including Guinea-Bissau, expressed the view that the Secretary-General's recommendation for a one-year extension of the UNIOGBIS mandate should be authorized. A one-year extension would allow for longer-term planning and more effective support for the implementation of the Conakry Agreement and the holding of elections. The political crisis in Guinea-Bissau has gone on for far too long. It is now time to move forward with the full implementation of the Conakry Agreement and preparations for the holding of inclusive elections. The international community, together with the region, must stand ready to support the country on its path towards long-term peace and development. Mr. Clay (United Kingdom): I thank Special Representative of the Secretary-General Touré and Ambassador Vieira for their informative briefings. The situation in Guinea-Bissau is concerning. It is not the first country in the world to experience a political impasse, but it is a country that continues to emerge from the serious instability and violence 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 13/20 of its recent past. The political impasse has prevented progress on reforms that are critical to addressing key conflict risks in Guinea-Bissau. The situation is only likely to become more volatile as we move towards elections. We have already seen violent confrontations between demonstrators and police, and witnessed worrying efforts to curb political freedoms. Economic growth is at risk, and a serious deterioration in stability would be deeply damaging for development and human rights. The illicit economy and transnational organized crime risk becoming further entrenched, with global implications. More broadly, instability in Guinea- Bissau would affect the wider region, which over the past year has been, for the most part, the site of positive political progress. The United Kingdom welcomes the leadership shown by the West African region, particularly through the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). It has shown persistence and patience. This is a crisis that began in 2015. It brokered the Conakry Agreement 15 months ago. It has agreed to countless communiqués and published innumerable statements. It has sent numerous high-level delegations to Guinea- Bissau, including three over the past six months alone. But those most responsible for Guinea-Bissau's crisis have responded with stubborn refusal to give ground and find compromise. Therefore, it is understandable that the region's patience has worn thin. ECOWAS has now been driven to impose sanctions against individuals deemed responsible for impeding the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. The African Union Peace and Security Council has endorsed that move. The United Kingdom supports the ECOWAS decision, and we urge the Security Council and the entire international community to remain united in support of ECOWAS efforts. We also believe that it is important to recognize the bold efforts of civil society in Guinea-Bissau to resolve the crisis. In particular, the mediation efforts launched by the Women's Facilitation Group were an encouraging initiative, and we welcome the support given to them by the United Nations. As set out in resolution 2343 (2017), political support for efforts towards the implementation of the Conakry Agreement should be a priority for the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea- Bissau. The key next step remains the appointment of a consensus Prime Minister so that preparations can proceed for legislative elections in 2018, as per the country's Constitution. As we open discussions on its renewal, the United Kingdom will focus on ensuring that the Mission's mandate responds to today's political reality on the ground, that it is realistic and that it is focused on the highest priority needs. Guinea-Bissau's people watched the country emerge from a period of instability but then found their hopes for democracy obstructed by a political knot that their own leaders tied. Support from the region and the international community to prevent the country from backsliding further will not succeed until those who tied the knot untangle it. We hope that good sense, compromise and the commitment to Guinea-Bissau's future will prevail. Ms. Wronecka (Poland): First of all, I thank Special Representative of the Secretary-General Modibo Touré and Ambassador Mauro Vieira, Permanent Representative of Brazil to the United Nations, in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, for their useful briefings. Poland is following with growing concern the current situation in Guinea-Bissau. We support the efforts of the international community aimed at peacefully resolving the political crisis in the country. We therefore call on all political and civil society actors, regardless of their personal differences and ambitions, to engage in dialogue in a spirit of compromise. In that context, we take note that the army is not interfering in the political process. The implementation of the 2016 road map and the Conakry Agreement is crucial to maintaining peace and stability in the country. We appeal to the Guinea- Bissau authorities to complete their implementation and carry out the parliamentary elections scheduled for May in a peaceful atmosphere that guarantees political pluralism and impartiality. We think that women and young people should be included in all decision-making structures related to security sector reform, the national reconciliation process and institution-building. In this regard, we urge the Guinea-Bissau authorities to ensure the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the freedom of speech and information. Poland commends the important role of the Peacebuilding Commission in Guinea-Bissau in promoting good governance, political dialogue and national reconciliation. We also welcome the significant S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 14/20 18-04195 financial support of the Peacebuilding Fund (PBF) under the PBF Immediate Response Facility. Since the PBF began its activities, Poland has provided financial support to the Fund. Poland also supports the efforts of the Economic Community of West African States Mission in Guinea- Bissau (ECOMIB) as it is an important factor in reaching consensus solutions and cooperation. The decision of the ECOWAS Heads of State and Government, published on 4 February, imposing sanctions on those responsible for non-implementation of the Conakry Agreement is a step towards holding responsible those who are impeding a peaceful, consensus solution to the crisis. Due to the fragile security situation in the country, the presence of ECOMIB is most important. In this regard, we welcome the decision to extend ECOMIB's mandate until the end of March. Its role is essential, especially in view of the upcoming legislative elections. The mandate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) expires at the end of this month. The United Nations should remain engaged in efforts towards peace in the country and support ECOWAS efforts to resolve the political crisis. In conclusion, Poland encourages all the parties in Guinea-Bissau to engage in dialogue. We also express our full support for the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Modibo Touré. We look forward to the upcoming UNIOGBIS mandate renewal. Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): We commend Special Representative of the Secretary-General Modibo Touré and Ambassador Mauro Vieira for their comprehensive briefings on the situation in Guinea-Bissau, and extend our full support for their commitment to facilitating a political solution to the crisis. Kazakhstan is deeply concerned by the protracted political stalemate in the country. We join others in calling on all stakeholders to engage in an inclusive political dialogue and immediately implement the Conakry Agreement and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) road map to end the deadlock and restore institutional viability. It is therefore necessary to avoid differing interpretations of the Agreement. We commend the mediation efforts of ECOWAS, under the leadership of Presidents Faure Gnassingbé of Togo and Alpha Condé of Guinea, as well as by the other members of the group of international partner organizations on Guinea-Bissau. We have taken note of the decision of ECOWAS to impose targeted sanctions on those obstructing the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. We express hope that this decision will contribute to finding a solution to the crisis and strengthen democratic institutions and capacity-building for State organs. We welcome the extension until April of the mandate of ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau (ECOMIB), which plays a crucial role in ensuring stability in Guinea-Bissau, and urge international partners to continue supporting ECOMIB. The importance of peacebuilding, good offices and coordination efforts of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau cannot be underestimated. We therefore support the Secretary-General's recommendation to renew the mission's mandate for one more year. We also agree with his proposal to assess the mission, should the political impasse continue. We note the importance of holding legislative and presidential elections according to the constitutional time frame, and call on international partners to provide the necessary technical, logistical and financial support for the electoral process. The current political crisis may further fuel transnational organized crime, drug trafficking and terrorist activities. Therefore, increased national engagement and international support are critical to enhancing and extending reforms in the security, judicial and law enforcement sectors. In addition, the most effective measures must be sought to ensure the country's stability and resilience by increasing support for the education and health sectors, as well as the existing development plans, including Terra Ranka and the United Nations peacebuilding plan. In conclusion, we welcome the active engagement of the Women's Facilitation Group, and impress upon the national authorities the importance of ensuring the participation of women and young people in the political process at every stage and at all levels. Mrs. Gregoire Van Haaren (Netherlands): I would like first of all to thank the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Modibo Touré, and the Permanent Representative of Brazil, Mr. Mauro Vieira, who spoke in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea- Bissau country configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC), for their briefings. 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 15/20 For years now, Guinea-Bissau has been marked by a protracted political crisis. In a region characterized by increasing attention to and respect for the rule of law, human rights and democracy, Guinea-Bissau continues to be out of step, as indicated once again in the latest report of the Secretary-General (S/2018/110). In the light of this, the Kingdom of the Netherlands wishes to underscore the following three points with regard to the situation in Guinea-Bissau. First, the Conakry Agreement of 2016 and the six-point road map should remain the basis for a political solution in Guinea-Bissau, and its provisions should honoured. Secondly, the diplomatic and political efforts of the region through the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) deserve the steadfast support of the United Nations, and particularly the Security Council. Thirdly, the role of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) in the country at this critical juncture, with elections around the corner, is as important as ever. It is therefore imperative that its mandate be extended. First, with respect to the Conakry Agreement, almost a year and half has passed since the Agreement was concluded. The Kingdom of the Netherlands reiterates the centrality of the Agreement in peacefully resolving the current crisis, and urges the parties to abide by its contents. It is clear that an important roadblock with regard to its implementation is the appointment of a consensus Prime Minister. The need for this appointment has become increasingly urgent. With parliamentary elections on the horizon, it is imperative that these elections be held in a timely, transparent and inclusive manner. Secondly, with regard to support for ECOWAS, while the past six months were mainly characterized by the same intransigence as in previous reporting periods, concerted action and increased pressure on the part of the region, and ECOWAS in particular, could actually lead, when given the necessary support, to tangible progress in resolving the Bissau-Guinean crisis. Yesterday's decision of the African Union Peace and Security Council to support the efforts of ECOWAS is a case in point. The Secretary-General rightly observes in his report that the continuing efforts of ECOWAS to resolve the crisis are commendable. The Kingdom of the Netherlands would like to clearly point out that it supports and endorses ECOWAS mediation efforts and its imposition of sanctions. We welcome the ECOWAS unified action and believe that the presence of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau is vital to the stability of Guinea-Bissau. ECOWAS has shown before that, when united, it has the ability to act as the region's power broker, for example as it did in The Gambia. Like it did then, the Council should firmly support ECOWAS in taking up this role and responsibility, as it should in the case of any other regional organization in Africa that takes the lead in maintaining peace and security in the region. My third point is that ECOWAS cannot do this alone. We commend the African Union and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries for their collaboration with the European Union and for the support they have brought and the constructive role they play. From the report of the Secretary General, it is evident that UNIOGBIS plays a vital role in Guinea- Bissau. With legislative elections scheduled for 2018 and presidential elections in 2019, the role of UNIOGBIS is more crucial than ever. We therefore call for a renewal of its mandate for no less than one year, in addition to allowing for longer-term planning, including setting more concrete priorities for the mission and making adaptations to meet specific needs. UNIOGBIS's convening power in Bissau remains essential, as will be its role in ensuring peaceful, free and democratic elections in Guinea-Bissau, as well as a smooth post-election process. Renewing the mandate for less than 12 months would send the wrong signal. In conclusion, sustained pressure to implement the Conakry Agreement, the maximum possible support to ECOWAS's ongoing efforts and measures and UNIOGBIS's continued support to the political process will be crucial factors in ending the deadlock in Guinea- Bissau, particularly in the light of the constitutionally mandated elections. Mr. Inchauste Jordán (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): We appreciate the report of the Secretary-General (S/2018/110) presented by Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS), and the briefing by Ambassador Mauro Vieira of Brazil in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea- Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. There has been no significant progress or visible improvement in the situation in Guinea-Bissau, where the general instability seems almost impervious to S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 16/20 18-04195 change, thereby jeopardizing the full implementation of the Conakry Agreement, which is unquestionably the fundamental framework for a peaceful solution to the crisis and for achieving sustainable and lasting peace there. In our view, the negative effects are likely to exacerbate matters if the parties cannot definitively condemn sectarian interests and contribute effectively to the mediation efforts and good offices of the relevant international, regional and subregional organizations. Bolivia firmly repudiates any action that could destabilize or jeopardize the ongoing dialogue and reconciliation process that has been established with the participation of all the parties concerned. We urge that the agreements be definitively consolidated in line with the inclusive national dialogue, which would enable Government members, the political parties represented in the National Assembly and every sector of civil society to arrive at a consensus and implement the agreements constructively through a legitimate commitment to achieving a lasting political and social solution whose sole aim is benefiting the people of Guinea-Bissau, in strict respect for their sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. We acknowledge the active participation of the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States and its Mission in Guinea- Bissau, the European Union, the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries and UNIOGBIS, through its Special Representative, and their ongoing efforts to achieve a rapprochement between the conflicting parties. We believe that UNIOGBIS's work, focused on initiatives aimed at creating opportunities for dialogue and facilitating cooperation in the security and political sectors with the goal of forming an inclusive Government, must be reinforced. It will be crucial to increase the Office's capacity to use peaceful means to deal with the crisis if it is to have more effective and efficient results. We therefore support the recommendation in the Secretary-General's report that the mission's mandate be renewed for another year. We also commend the work being done by the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, appropriately chaired by Brazil, and we emphasize the importance of strengthening its coordination, information exchange and active collaboration with the Security Council, in accordance with the relevant General Assembly and Security Council resolutions. We continue to encourage the initiative of the Women's Forum for Peace. The efforts of women in Guinea-Bissau to achieve a political solution shows that a gender perspective and female participation in mediation and dialogue at all levels are essential. In conclusion, we would like to reiterate once again that in a time of political, institutional and social crisis, ensuring the welfare of the population and especially its most vulnerable sectors should be the overriding interest guiding Guinea-Bissau on a path to permanent stability. Mr. Zhang Dianbin (China) (spoke in Chinese): China would like to thank Special Representative Touré and Ambassador Vieira, Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, for their briefings. The situation in Guinea-Bissau has been generally stable in recent months, but it will still require all the parties to work together to meet each other halfway if they are to resolve the political impasse peacefully and as soon as possible. China hopes that the parties in Guinea-Bissau will consider the country's interests, intensify their dialogue and communication in order to bridge differences quickly, implement the Conakry Agreement as soon as possible, form an inclusive Government and resume nation-building efforts. Meanwhile, the international community should continue to follow the situation in Guinea-Bissau. China will continue to support the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau in exercising its good offices and conducting mediation efforts under Mr. Touré's leadership, with the aim of coordinating international support for Guinea-Bissau, promoting political dialogue and advancing the country's economic and social development. The international community should continue to support regional and subregional organizations such as the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries in their role as mediators, while maintaining respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Guinea-Bissau and supporting the countries of the region in settling African issues through African means. Mr. Polyanskiy (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): We thank Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General, for his briefing on the evolving political situation in Guinea- Bissau. We take note of the report of the Secretary- 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 17/20 General (S/2018/110) and the briefing by Mr. Mauro Vieira, Permanent Representative of Brazil and Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Russia supports the efforts of the United Nations, the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries to normalize the situation in Guinea-Bissau, which is undergoing a prolonged political, social and economic domestic crisis. We are concerned about the lack of tangible progress in implementing the Conakry Agreement. We want to emphasize how crucial the Agreement is to mitigating the political hostility and reducing Guinea- Bissau's potential for conflict. We urge the country's executive and legislative representatives to focus on forming an inclusive Government, introducing reforms, especially in the security sector and the Constitution, and increasing their joint efforts to prepare for parliamentary and presidential elections. It will be vital to strengthen the constitutional order and the rule of law and resolve the accumulating socioeconomic issues. We are pleased that the country's political forces continue to act with regard for the law and that the military has remained neutral. We have taken note of the ECOWAS communiqué of 4 February on imposing targeted sanctions on 19 members of Guinea-Bissau's political elite. Regarding the possibility of imposing similar measures based on the provisions of Security Council resolution 2048 (2012), we would like to point out that the resolution's main aim was restoring constitutional order, which in practical terms was achieved several years ago now. The result is that the resolution's sanctions measures are very outdated. In our opinion its listing criteria have little to do with Guinea-Bissau's current political situation, and in any case would not be usable against participants in the political process who are acting within the law. We are compelled to conclude that the opinions of the Secretary-General's report on the security sector situation give the impression that things have been left unsaid. It would have been more logical to discuss how the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) is implementing the provisions of its mandate with regard to building Guinea-Bissau's capacity to combat transnational crime and drug trafficking, after describing the actual state of affairs in those areas. In general, given the overall situation in Guinea- Bissau, we are willing to consider the Secretary- General's proposal to extend UNIOGBIS's mandate. However, we believe that the Special Representative should focus not only on helping the people of Guinea-Bissau emerge from their political deadlock and preparing for the parliamentary elections in May but also on effectively addressing the root causes of the problems in Guinea-Bissau, which lie in its Constitution's structural contradictions. If the work of constitutional reform is not completed by the start of the next electoral cycle, the country risks encountering the same problems with the new parliament and President. The President (spoke in Arabic): I shall now make a statement in my capacity as representative of Kuwait. At the outset, I join other Council members in thanking the Special Representative of the Secretary- General, Mr. Modibo Touré, for his valuable briefing. I would also like to express my appreciation to Ambassador Mauro Vieira for his briefing as the chief of Guinea-Bissau Configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. We commend their efforts to support security, stability and socioeconomic development in Guinea-Bissau. We have been following the recent political developments there and regret the fact that none of the provisions of the Conakry Agreement have been implemented since signing it in October 2016. It is unacceptable that there has so far been no appointment of Prime Minister who enjoys consensus by the relevant two parties, which is critical to implementing other items of the Agreement. The situation in Guinea-Bissau differs from other cases before the Security Council in having no security aspects. Unfortunately, however, the impasse has lasted more than a year, and it is the people of Guinea-Bissau who are suffering the consequences. In that regard, we commend the steps that the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has taken to advance the political process, including measures for the imposition of sanctions on those obstructing the implementation of the Conakry Agreement, as well as the decision to extend the mandate of its Mission in Guinea-Bissau until the end of March. We want to emphasize the relevance of the role of such regional organizations in resolving regional issues. The efforts of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 18/20 18-04195 deserve support, since it is dealing with a difficult and complicated political situation. However, we hope that it will be able to make progress during the coming period with respect to conducting legislative elections this year and presidential elections next. The legislative and presidential elections, to be held in 2018 and 2019 respectively, must take place within the specific time frame. We therefore call on the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, along with all stakeholders in Guinea- Bissau, such as the European Union, the African Union, ECOWAS and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, to spare no efforts towards that end. We also call on the Government of Guinea-Bissau to ensure its citizens' full participation in the elections, as well as security and freedom of expression and assembly for all. The cooperation between UNIOGBIS and civil-society organizations in promoting and developing the role of women in Guinea-Bissau is very positive. We hope that UNIOGBIS will make a greater effort to guarantee the full participation of all components of the society, especially women and young people, in the next political process and will continue to promote other aspects of its mandate until the current impasse is resolved. In conclusion, we reiterate the importance of the Conakry Agreement as the basic reference for resolving this political crisis in Guinea-Bissau, and the efforts of ECOWAS and President Alpha Condé of Guinea to advance the political process in order to maintain the security and stability of Guinea-Bissau and the region. We stand ready to cooperate with Côte d'Ivoire in preparing a draft resolution for the extension of the UNIOGBIS mandate, in response to a request by the Secretary-General. We also support the issuance of a Press Statement to clarify the unified position of the Council regarding the situation in Guinea-Bissau. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. I give the floor to the representative of Guinea-Bissau. Mr. Delfim da Silva (Guinea-Bissau) (spoke in French): I thank you, Mr. President, for inviting my delegation to the Security Council table and for giving me the floor. I would like to take this opportunity to congratulate your country, Kuwait, on its assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for the month of February. We wish you success in your work. I would like to thank Mr. Modibó Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Guinea- Bissau, for his presentation today of the report of the Secretary-General (S/2018/110). I would also like to thank Ambassador Mauro Vieira of Brazil once again for his constructive statement on behalf of peacebuilding and constitutional and democratic order in Guinea-Bissau. And I would like to express our gratitude to all the Ambassadors of States members of the Security Council for their attention to my country, Guinea-Bissau. The political crisis in Guinea-Bissau did not begin with the signing of the Conakry Agreement in October 2016, but much earlier. The Conakry Agreement represents a step in the right direction for resolving the crisis by consensus. In the past 15 months, the two main parties — the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) and the Party for Social Renewal (PRS) — have repeatedly and publicly expressed their disagreement on a crucial point of the Agreement, which is having consensus on choosing a candidate for the post of Prime Minister. If a consensus was reached, the agreed candidate would then be appointed by the President of the Republic, in line with the Constitution. The PAIGC states that there was such a consensus in Conakry. The PRS, for its part, affirms that there was not. Fifteen months later, the lack of consensus has prevented the appointment of a Prime Minister, which must be consensus-based. How can the President appoint a consensus Prime Minister without, at the very least, the prior agreement of the two largest political parties? In short, the crisis over the consensus is really what has paralysed the Conakry Agreement and is prolonging the stalemate in the 15-month political crisis in Guinea-Bissau. The question is how to overcome the crisis concerning the consensus. Some believe that the imposition of sanctions will be conducive to it. We are not sure of that. Sanctions are unlikely to defuse a crisis and can even be counterproductive. It is important to bear in mind that while it is easy to adopt sanctions, it is much more difficult to impose a consensus. In any case, continuing to seek a solution to the crisis is clearly the most important thing that we must do. We need a compromise solution, a credible name, a person whose academic, political and professional 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 19/20 background can bring about such a compromise. We need someone who, without being the favourite candidate of the PAIGC or the PRS, has a background that would enable him to bring the parties together and thereby reach a compromise. The recent appointment to the post of Prime Minister of a PAIGC leader, the engineer Artur Silva, a former Minister of four Government departments — Fisheries, Defence, Education and Foreign Affairs — suggests that he is the right person to help bring about such a compromise. Moreover, after his appointment, Silva was re-elected to the higher bodies of the PAIGC, its Central Committee and Political Bureau — at the party's most recent congress, which ended a few days ago, proving that he has earned the political confidence of the party's most important bodies. Prime Minister Silva has already held working meetings in Bissau, which I would say are encouraging, with all the parties to the Conakry Agreement — the Ambassadors of Nigeria, Senegal, China, the Gambia and the representative of the Economic Community of West African States in Guinea-Bissau. Finally, through the appointment of a senior PAIGC leader, justice can be done to the party that won the last legislative elections. But above all, there will be no losers, since the PRS will be guaranteed strong representation in a Government of inclusion. This is not a zero-sum game. Under this principle of compromise, which allows a certain degree of flexibility regarding the principle of consensus, there will undoubtedly be a winner — my country, Guinea-Bissau. In conclusion, I reiterate our thanks to the members and want to assure the Council that Guinea-Bissau will continue to count on their support in these difficult times for the sake of civil peace, political stability and solidarity. The President (spoke in Arabic): I now give the floor to the representative of Togo. Mr. Kpayedo (Togo) (spoke in French): I would first like to thank you, Mr. President, for the opportunity to address the Council once again on the situation in Guinea-Bissau, in my capacity as Coordinator of the Ambassadors of the member countries of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) that are accredited to the United Nations. I also want to thank the Secretary-General of the United Nations for his report on the situation in Guinea- Bissau (S/2018/110), presented today by Mr. Modibo Touré, his Special Representative, whom we welcome here, along with his team, and whose briefing has provided us with a thorough picture of the situation in that country. Lastly, I would like to thank Mr. Mauro Vieira for his commitment and efforts in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Since it began, the crisis in Guinea-Bissau has continued to be a source of great concern for the Heads of State of West Africa, who are therefore sparing no effort to arrive at a favourable and lasting outcome. This issue has been on the agenda of every recent meeting of our subregional organization's Summit. In my last statement to the Council in August (see S/PV.8031), I discussed the trampling of the implementation of the Conakry Agreement, which led to the possibility of having recourse to the ECOWAS sanctions. Since then, the impasse is still there, despite the proposal for a new road map by President José Mário Vaz at the conclusion of the fifty-second Ordinary Session of Authority of Heads of State and Government of ECOWAS, held in Abuja on 16 and 17 December 2017, and reaffirmed in Addis Ababa at the ECOWAS Extraordinary Session held on 27 January, on the margins of the 30th Ordinary Session of the African Union Assembly. In that regard, the President-in-Office of ECOWAS, Mr. Faure Essozimna Gnassingbé, in consultation with his peers, dispatched a mission of the ministerial sanctions committee to Guinea-Bissau on 31 January and 1 February 2018, led by Mr. Robert Dussey, Togo's Minister for Foreign Affairs, Cooperation and African Integration. Its purpose was to assess the progress made by the parties to the crisis in implementing the Agreement and to report to the ECOWAS Heads of State on the potential consequences if the stalemate persisted. Following that report, the Heads of State and Government of ECOWAS, in view of the fact that no significant progress has been seen in the implementation of the Conakry Agreement despite ongoing mediation and calling on all of Guinea-Bissau's political leaders to show their sense of responsibility and respect for their country's Constitution through a frank and inclusive dialogue, decided to activate the sanctions mechanisms against individuals and organizations that are hindering a settlement of the crisis, with the aim of promoting the restoration of democratic governance and respect for the rule of law in Guinea-Bissau. As a result, 19 political figures have been subject to sanctions since 4 February, in accordance with our S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 20/20 18-04195 decision 01/2018, on individual sanctions designed to promote the restoration of democratic governance and respect for the rule of law in Guinea-Bissau. The list is not exhaustive,and the monitoring committee for the implementation of sanctions — composed of Togo, Guinea and the ECOWAS Commission — therefore reserves the right to revise it as the situation on the ground changes. Here I should point out, as the representative of Côte d'Ivoire noted earlier, that these sanctions were established through ECOWAS's Supplementary Act of 17 February 2012 concerning sanctions regimes against Member States that do not honour their obligations to the Community, and are based on article 45 of the ECOWAS Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. They include suspended participation in Community activities, and a travel ban and financial assets freeze for those listed and their families, wherever they may be. The sanctions cannot be effectively implemented without the assistance of the United Nations and other multilateral and regional organizations. In that regard, I would like to take this opportunity to call for multifaceted support to ECOWAS in implementing these measures, which we hope will help to create an atmosphere conducive to the restoration of dialogue among the people of Guinea-Bissau, with a view to resolving this political and institutional impasse, which has lasted too long. In conclusion, I would once again like to invite all the parties to the Guinea-Bissau crisis to show a spirit of compromise, responsibility and openness to a peaceful, negotiated and lasting solution to this dispute, which hampers development efforts in the country and therefore in the entire subregion, which is still dealing with persistent security challenges. The meeting rose at 5 p.m.

The editorial board of the Ukrainian Information Space opens a new section entitled "Documents from Diaspora Archives" with an article by Petro Fedun (Poltava), a former head of the Information Bureau of the Ukrainian Supreme Council (UHVR), UPA main journalist and publicist. We plan to bring back from oblivion those texts completely unknown to Ukrainian researchers and journalists, the semantic accents of which are in line with the current realities of the development of the national information space.Petro Fedun (pseudo "Poltava", "Volianskyi", "Sever", "Zenon", "P. Savchuk") is considered the main ideologue ("political educator") of the Ukrainian armed underground OUN-UPA of 40–50s of the twentieth century. He should deservedly enter the recent Ukrainian history as a publicist, author and editor of many insurgent publications. Originally from the village of Shnyriv, not far from Brody in Galicia, where he was born in a peasant family on February 23, 1919.The biography of this talented person is full of incredibly shocking events: youth training in the underground OUN from the mid-30s; from 1939 — medical student of Lviv University, an expert in classical languages. With the conscription of the same year for service in the Soviet army, he went from private to officer, with the beginning of the war — the commander of a platoon of the Red Army soldiers. He fought on the Finnish-Soviet and German-Soviet fronts. Then he was a German prisoner, after happened an escape from there, and finally he became an underground insurgent in the ranks of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army.The career growth in the underground was also impressive: from the editor of the magazine "Yunak" ("Youth") — to the Deputy Head of the General Secretariat of the UHVR; from an ordinary insurgent to a UPA colonel, a member of its General Military Staff. After Roman Shukhevych's death, he was elected as a Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (summer 1950).Petro Fedun (Poltava) was two months away from his 33rd birthday — he died as a hero in a battle with the NKVD (People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs) in December 1951 in the woods near the village Novoshyn (now in the Zhydachiv district of Lviv region).The most famous work of this author, for the reading or distribution of which people were shot in Soviet Ukraine in the 1950s, is the brochure "Who are the Banderites and what are they fighting for?". It was repeatedly republished in underground printing houses of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army and was also sent to Soviet territories from abroad. In the diaspora, this book was called the immortal legend of a warring nation.Despite the fact that Fedun's (Poltava) creative contribution is small in volume, but quite powerful in content. First of all, this is a series of analytical articles on the Ukrainian nationalism ideology. Among the first — "The concept of Independent Ukraine and the main trend of ideological and political development of the modern world", "For the type of organized democracy in the future independent Ukrainian state", "Who is a true nationalist-revolutionary". The main feature of such texts: they are written simply, intelligibly, and oriented on the reader who is not prepared in life and politics. In contrast to texts on a similar subject, written by the refined esthete and high standard writer Dmytro Dontsov, which are better perceived by an already prepared reader.The fact that Ukrainian editorial board was headed by an enemy of Ukrainians led to the appearance of the "Memorial of Ukrainians in Great Britain", which came as an official document addressed to the leadership of the "Voice of America".A number of wishes and suggestions were expressed at the Memorial. Their essence was reduced to one thing: Ukrainian programs should pay due attention to Ukrainian national ideals and national traditions. This could be achieved by including the following topics from time to time:- outlines on Ukrainian history and culture;- stories about national heroes of the past and modern era;- materials about the significant dates of Ukrainians' national liberation struggle;- reviews of the American and Western press, which deal with Ukraine and Ukrainians.Particular attention was paid to the need to separate the content of radio programs addressed to Ukrainians from Moscow ones: "Ukrainian radio broadcasts should be edited differently than Russian ones. The content of Ukrainian programs should also be different," — the document said.The impetus for writing the article "What should be 'Voice of America' radio programs for the Soviet Union" was the mass spontaneous movement of the Western Diaspora Ukrainians in the late '40s of the twentieth century in order to get the "Voice of America" radio broadcast in Ukrainian. The Ukrainians' demands became successful at the end of November 1949. However, at the initial stage, the Ukrainian-language broadcasts of this radio station were mostly unfavorable or untrue towards Ukrainians. The reason was that the head of the Ukrainian editorial office was a Russian Hryhoriev — an outspoken follower of the "Russian world".The article was written by an underground UPA journalist on the territory of Soviet Ukraine and expressed the views not only of the insurgents but also of a large part of Ukrainian population.The relevance of this text is felt today as never before. The reader only needs to replace the often-repeated phrases "Moscow-Bolshevik oppressors", "Bolshevik tyranny", "USSR" with "Russian aggression", "Russian propaganda" and "Putin's Russia". Within the context of the current undeclared Russian-Ukrainian war in the East of Ukraine, the article touches on a layer of problems of the modern humanitarian policy of the Ukrainian state in general and information policy in particular.First published in the biweekly of the Foreign Office of the UHVR "Modern Ukraine" (dated March 18, 1951) — shortly before the death of the publicist. There is no complete folder of this edition in any book collection of Ukraine and the world.A copy of the text was found by the author of these lines in the archives of the Ukrainian Publishing Union in London during a research internship in Great Britain. ; Статтею колишнього керівника Бюро інформації Української Головної Ради (УГВР), чолового журналіста й публіциста УПА Петра Федуна (Полтави) редакція «Українського інформаційного простору» відкриває нову рубрику «Документи з діаспорних архівів». Плануємо повертати із небуття ті зовсім невідомі українським дослідникам-журналістикознавцям тексти, змістові акценти яких суголосні нинішнім реаліям розвитку національного інформаційного простору.Петро Миколайович Федун (псевдо «Полтава», «Волянський», «Север», «Зенон», «П. Савчук») вважається чоловим ідеологом («політвиховником») українського збройного підпілля ОУН-УПА 40–50-х років ХХ ст. У новітню українську історію він має заслужено увійти як публіцист, автор та редактор багатьох повстанських публікацій. Родом із села Шнирів, що неподалік Бродів на Галичині, де народився в селянській родині 23 лютого 1919 р.Біографія цієї талановитої особистості переповнена неймовірно карколомними подіями: юначий вишкіл у підпільній ОУН від середини 30-х років; від 1939 року — студент медицини Львівського університету, знавець класичних мов. З призовом того ж року на службу в радянську армію пройшов шлях від рядового до офіцера, з початком війни — командир взводу червоноармійців. Воював на фінсько-радянському й німецько-радянському фронтах. Далі — німецький полонений, втеча звідти і — повстанець-підпільник у рядах УПА.Вражає й кар'єрний ріст у підпіллі: від редактора журналу «Юнак» — до заступника голови Генерального Секретаріату УГВР; від рядового повстанця — до полковника УПА, члена її Головного військового штабу. Після загибелі Романа Шухевича обирається заступником Головного Командира УПА (літо 1950).Петро Федун (Полтава) не дожив до свого 33-ліття два місяці — загинув як герой у бою з НКВС у грудні 1951 р. в лісі біля с. Новошин (нині в Жидачівському районі Львівщини).Найбільш відомий твір цього автора, за читання чи поширення якого в радянській Україні у 50-х роках розстрілювали, — брошура «Хто такі бандерівці та за що вони борються». Вона неодноразово перевидавалася в підпільних друкарнях УПА, а також пересилалася на радянські терени з-за кордону. У діаспорі цю книгу назвали безсмертною легендою воюючої нації.Загалом творчий доробок Федуна (Полтави) хоч і невеликий за обсягом, але досить потужний за змістом. Передусім це низка аналітичних статей про ідеологію українського націоналізму. З перших — «Концепція Самостійної України й основна тенденція ідейно-політичного розвитку сучасного світу», «За тип організованої демократії в майбутній незалежній Українській державі», «Хто є справжній націоналіст-революціонер». Особливість таких текстів: написані просто, дохідливо, у розрахунку на читача мало підготовленого в житті й політиці. На противагу, скажімо, текстам на подібну тематику вишуканого естета й літератора високої проби Дмитра Донцова, які краще сприймає вже підготовлений читач.Спонукою до написання статті «Якими повинні бути радіопередачі «Голосу Америки» для Совєтського Союзу» став масовий стихійних рух кінця 40-х років ХХ ст. українців західної діаспори з метою добитися мовлення радіостанції «Голос Америки» українською мовою. Домагання українців увінчалися успіхом наприкінці листопада 1949 р. Однак на початковому етапі українськомовні передачі цієї радіостанції носили здебільше не прихильний або неправдивий щодо українства характер. Причиною було те, що керівником української редакції виявився росіянин Григорьєв — неприхований адепт «русского міра».Факт очолювання української редакції ворогом українців став причиною появи «Меморіялу українців Великої Британії», що надійшов як офіційний документ на ім'я керівництва «Голосу Америки». У «Меморіялі» було висловлено низку побажань та пропозицій. Суть їх зводилася до одного: в українських передачах мала би бути належна увага українським національним ідеалам і національній традиції. Зреалізувати це можна було б включенням час від часу таких тем:- нариси української історії та культури;- розповіді про національних героїв минулого і новітньої епохи;- матеріали про знакові дати національно-визвольних змагань українців; - огляди американської та західної преси, у яких ідеться про Україну та українців. Окрема заувага стосувалася необхідності відмосковлення змісту радіопрограм, адресованих для українців: «Українські радіомовлення повинні бути інакше редаговані, ніж російські. Зміст українських передач повинен бути також інший», — йшлося в документі.Стаття написана підпільним журналістом УПА на території радянської України і виражала думки не лише повстанців, а і значної частини українського населення.Актуальність цього тексту відчувається сьогодні як ніколи. Варто читачеві лише замінити часто повторювані тут словосполучення «московсько-большевицькі гнобителі», «большевицька тиранія», «СССР» на «російська агресія», «російська пропаганда», «путінська Росія». Саме в контексті теперішньої неоголошеної російсько-української війни на сході України в статті зачіпається пласт проблем сучасної гуманітарної політики Української держави загалом та інформаційної зокрема.Уперше опублікована у двотижневику Закордонного Представництва УГВР «Сучасна Україна» (число від 18 березня 1951 р.) — незадовго до загибелі публіциста. Повної підшивки цього видання в жодній книгозбірні України і світу немає. Примірник тексту виявлено автором цих рядків в архіві Української Видавничої Спілки в Лондоні під час наукового стажування у Великій Британії.

The editorial board of the Ukrainian Information Space opens a new section entitled "Documents from Diaspora Archives" with an article by Petro Fedun (Poltava), a former head of the Information Bureau of the Ukrainian Supreme Council (UHVR), UPA main journalist and publicist. We plan to bring back from oblivion those texts completely unknown to Ukrainian researchers and journalists, the semantic accents of which are in line with the current realities of the development of the national information space.Petro Fedun (pseudo "Poltava", "Volianskyi", "Sever", "Zenon", "P. Savchuk") is considered the main ideologue ("political educator") of the Ukrainian armed underground OUN-UPA of 40–50s of the twentieth century. He should deservedly enter the recent Ukrainian history as a publicist, author and editor of many insurgent publications. Originally from the village of Shnyriv, not far from Brody in Galicia, where he was born in a peasant family on February 23, 1919.The biography of this talented person is full of incredibly shocking events: youth training in the underground OUN from the mid-30s; from 1939 — medical student of Lviv University, an expert in classical languages. With the conscription of the same year for service in the Soviet army, he went from private to officer, with the beginning of the war — the commander of a platoon of the Red Army soldiers. He fought on the Finnish-Soviet and German-Soviet fronts. Then he was a German prisoner, after happened an escape from there, and finally he became an underground insurgent in the ranks of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army.The career growth in the underground was also impressive: from the editor of the magazine "Yunak" ("Youth") — to the Deputy Head of the General Secretariat of the UHVR; from an ordinary insurgent to a UPA colonel, a member of its General Military Staff. After Roman Shukhevych's death, he was elected as a Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (summer 1950).Petro Fedun (Poltava) was two months away from his 33rd birthday — he died as a hero in a battle with the NKVD (People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs) in December 1951 in the woods near the village Novoshyn (now in the Zhydachiv district of Lviv region).The most famous work of this author, for the reading or distribution of which people were shot in Soviet Ukraine in the 1950s, is the brochure "Who are the Banderites and what are they fighting for?". It was repeatedly republished in underground printing houses of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army and was also sent to Soviet territories from abroad. In the diaspora, this book was called the immortal legend of a warring nation.Despite the fact that Fedun's (Poltava) creative contribution is small in volume, but quite powerful in content. First of all, this is a series of analytical articles on the Ukrainian nationalism ideology. Among the first — "The concept of Independent Ukraine and the main trend of ideological and political development of the modern world", "For the type of organized democracy in the future independent Ukrainian state", "Who is a true nationalist-revolutionary". The main feature of such texts: they are written simply, intelligibly, and oriented on the reader who is not prepared in life and politics. In contrast to texts on a similar subject, written by the refined esthete and high standard writer Dmytro Dontsov, which are better perceived by an already prepared reader.The fact that Ukrainian editorial board was headed by an enemy of Ukrainians led to the appearance of the "Memorial of Ukrainians in Great Britain", which came as an official document addressed to the leadership of the "Voice of America".A number of wishes and suggestions were expressed at the Memorial. Their essence was reduced to one thing: Ukrainian programs should pay due attention to Ukrainian national ideals and national traditions. This could be achieved by including the following topics from time to time:- outlines on Ukrainian history and culture;- stories about national heroes of the past and modern era;- materials about the significant dates of Ukrainians' national liberation struggle;- reviews of the American and Western press, which deal with Ukraine and Ukrainians.Particular attention was paid to the need to separate the content of radio programs addressed to Ukrainians from Moscow ones: "Ukrainian radio broadcasts should be edited differently than Russian ones. The content of Ukrainian programs should also be different," — the document said.The impetus for writing the article "What should be 'Voice of America' radio programs for the Soviet Union" was the mass spontaneous movement of the Western Diaspora Ukrainians in the late '40s of the twentieth century in order to get the "Voice of America" radio broadcast in Ukrainian. The Ukrainians' demands became successful at the end of November 1949. However, at the initial stage, the Ukrainian-language broadcasts of this radio station were mostly unfavorable or untrue towards Ukrainians. The reason was that the head of the Ukrainian editorial office was a Russian Hryhoriev — an outspoken follower of the "Russian world".The article was written by an underground UPA journalist on the territory of Soviet Ukraine and expressed the views not only of the insurgents but also of a large part of Ukrainian population.The relevance of this text is felt today as never before. The reader only needs to replace the often-repeated phrases "Moscow-Bolshevik oppressors", "Bolshevik tyranny", "USSR" with "Russian aggression", "Russian propaganda" and "Putin's Russia". Within the context of the current undeclared Russian-Ukrainian war in the East of Ukraine, the article touches on a layer of problems of the modern humanitarian policy of the Ukrainian state in general and information policy in particular.First published in the biweekly of the Foreign Office of the UHVR "Modern Ukraine" (dated March 18, 1951) — shortly before the death of the publicist. There is no complete folder of this edition in any book collection of Ukraine and the world.A copy of the text was found by the author of these lines in the archives of the Ukrainian Publishing Union in London during a research internship in Great Britain. ; Статтею колишнього керівника Бюро інформації Української Головної Ради (УГВР), чолового журналіста й публіциста УПА Петра Федуна (Полтави) редакція «Українського інформаційного простору» відкриває нову рубрику «Документи з діаспорних архівів». Плануємо повертати із небуття ті зовсім невідомі українським дослідникам-журналістикознавцям тексти, змістові акценти яких суголосні нинішнім реаліям розвитку національного інформаційного простору.Петро Миколайович Федун (псевдо «Полтава», «Волянський», «Север», «Зенон», «П. Савчук») вважається чоловим ідеологом («політвиховником») українського збройного підпілля ОУН-УПА 40–50-х років ХХ ст. У новітню українську історію він має заслужено увійти як публіцист, автор та редактор багатьох повстанських публікацій. Родом із села Шнирів, що неподалік Бродів на Галичині, де народився в селянській родині 23 лютого 1919 р.Біографія цієї талановитої особистості переповнена неймовірно карколомними подіями: юначий вишкіл у підпільній ОУН від середини 30-х років; від 1939 року — студент медицини Львівського університету, знавець класичних мов. З призовом того ж року на службу в радянську армію пройшов шлях від рядового до офіцера, з початком війни — командир взводу червоноармійців. Воював на фінсько-радянському й німецько-радянському фронтах. Далі — німецький полонений, втеча звідти і — повстанець-підпільник у рядах УПА.Вражає й кар'єрний ріст у підпіллі: від редактора журналу «Юнак» — до заступника голови Генерального Секретаріату УГВР; від рядового повстанця — до полковника УПА, члена її Головного військового штабу. Після загибелі Романа Шухевича обирається заступником Головного Командира УПА (літо 1950).Петро Федун (Полтава) не дожив до свого 33-ліття два місяці — загинув як герой у бою з НКВС у грудні 1951 р. в лісі біля с. Новошин (нині в Жидачівському районі Львівщини).Найбільш відомий твір цього автора, за читання чи поширення якого в радянській Україні у 50-х роках розстрілювали, — брошура «Хто такі бандерівці та за що вони борються». Вона неодноразово перевидавалася в підпільних друкарнях УПА, а також пересилалася на радянські терени з-за кордону. У діаспорі цю книгу назвали безсмертною легендою воюючої нації.Загалом творчий доробок Федуна (Полтави) хоч і невеликий за обсягом, але досить потужний за змістом. Передусім це низка аналітичних статей про ідеологію українського націоналізму. З перших — «Концепція Самостійної України й основна тенденція ідейно-політичного розвитку сучасного світу», «За тип організованої демократії в майбутній незалежній Українській державі», «Хто є справжній націоналіст-революціонер». Особливість таких текстів: написані просто, дохідливо, у розрахунку на читача мало підготовленого в житті й політиці. На противагу, скажімо, текстам на подібну тематику вишуканого естета й літератора високої проби Дмитра Донцова, які краще сприймає вже підготовлений читач.Спонукою до написання статті «Якими повинні бути радіопередачі «Голосу Америки» для Совєтського Союзу» став масовий стихійних рух кінця 40-х років ХХ ст. українців західної діаспори з метою добитися мовлення радіостанції «Голос Америки» українською мовою. Домагання українців увінчалися успіхом наприкінці листопада 1949 р. Однак на початковому етапі українськомовні передачі цієї радіостанції носили здебільше не прихильний або неправдивий щодо українства характер. Причиною було те, що керівником української редакції виявився росіянин Григорьєв — неприхований адепт «русского міра».Факт очолювання української редакції ворогом українців став причиною появи «Меморіялу українців Великої Британії», що надійшов як офіційний документ на ім'я керівництва «Голосу Америки». У «Меморіялі» було висловлено низку побажань та пропозицій. Суть їх зводилася до одного: в українських передачах мала би бути належна увага українським національним ідеалам і національній традиції. Зреалізувати це можна було б включенням час від часу таких тем:- нариси української історії та культури;- розповіді про національних героїв минулого і новітньої епохи;- матеріали про знакові дати національно-визвольних змагань українців; - огляди американської та західної преси, у яких ідеться про Україну та українців. Окрема заувага стосувалася необхідності відмосковлення змісту радіопрограм, адресованих для українців: «Українські радіомовлення повинні бути інакше редаговані, ніж російські. Зміст українських передач повинен бути також інший», — йшлося в документі.Стаття написана підпільним журналістом УПА на території радянської України і виражала думки не лише повстанців, а і значної частини українського населення.Актуальність цього тексту відчувається сьогодні як ніколи. Варто читачеві лише замінити часто повторювані тут словосполучення «московсько-большевицькі гнобителі», «большевицька тиранія», «СССР» на «російська агресія», «російська пропаганда», «путінська Росія». Саме в контексті теперішньої неоголошеної російсько-української війни на сході України в статті зачіпається пласт проблем сучасної гуманітарної політики Української держави загалом та інформаційної зокрема.Уперше опублікована у двотижневику Закордонного Представництва УГВР «Сучасна Україна» (число від 18 березня 1951 р.) — незадовго до загибелі публіциста. Повної підшивки цього видання в жодній книгозбірні України і світу немає. Примірник тексту виявлено автором цих рядків в архіві Української Видавничої Спілки в Лондоні під час наукового стажування у Великій Британії.

This article suggests how state enterprises can be incorporated into the theoretical and empirical growth literature. Specifically, it shows that if state enterprises are less efficient than private firms, invest less, employ less skilled labor, and are less eager to adopt new technology, then a large state enterprise sector tends to be associated with slow economic growth, all else remaining the same. The empirical evidence for 1978-92 indicates that, through a mixture of these channels, an increase in the share of state enterprises in employment by one standard deviation could reduce per capita growth by one to two percentage points a year from one country to another.