Suchergebnisse

The purpose of this paper is to examine human rights issues through the prism of the Polish Presidency in the EU Council. The Polish Presidency of the EU Council started with high expectations on the part of other Member States and EU officials. Poland took over the EU Council Presidency on 1 July 2011. Assuming the EU Presidency for the first time since its accession in 2004, Poland was well prepared for this challenge. At the same time, all actions of the Polish Presidency were very closely watched in other EU capitals as it was the first Presidency held by Warsaw. Even more so, as the previous Presidencies held by Member States that had joined the EU after 2004, had not been considered as terribly successful. Both the Czech Republic, because of the collapse of the government, and Hungary, because of the adoption of the controversial act on the media, were remembered as weak presidencies whose achievements had been overshadowed by negative internal developments. The Poles were aware of the fact that the standards were set high and of the challenges they would have to face. They also knew that even well prepared Presidencies were often hampered by unexpected turns of events. In a very difficult atmosphere marked by discussions on the need to deal more decisively with the economic crisis and the expectations of strong action on behalf of Europe's leaders, the Polish Presidency pushed the European Agenda forward and achieved some significant results. The main task of the Presidency was to lead the EU on a path to faster economic growth and an enhanced political community. In order to follow these targets, this article has been concentrated on some aspects of the three basic presidency's priorities: "European integration as the source of growth", a "Secure Europe" and a "Europe benefiting from openness". Special emphasis has been put on the development of expanding the area of European values and regulations, including further EU enlargement and the development of cooperation with neighboring countries. The initial objective of the Presidency, adopted by the Council of Ministers in May 2011, was to implement effectively the Stockholm programme. Thus, activities were engaged to protect EU citizens and facilitate their access to justice. Poland fully implemented the priority of the Presidency concerning the strengthening of collaboration in combating drug-related crime. The European Pact against synthetic drugs was adopted, along with the conclusions of the Council concerning the cooperation between the EU and Eastern Europe concerning drugs and conclusions concerning combating of new psychoactive substances. Taking into consideration the EU human rights policy, this paper aims at providing a general, and at the same time, comprehensive picture of the Polish Presidency activities in the field of the EU support for the protection of fundamental rights, as well as enhancing mechanisms for the prevention against any kind of discrimination. One of the key elements, in that respect, has been the EU accession to the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. As a part of its Presidency, Poland took a major step forward in the process of the negotiations for the accession.

УПК РФ в течение всего времени действия подвергался многочисленным изменениям. Анализ вносимых поправок позволяет выявить направления развития современного уголовно-процессуального законодательства. Среди тенденций обнаруживаются как положительные, так и негативные. Их исследование необходимо для дальнейшего совершенствования Уголовно-процессуального кодекса Российской Федерации. ; The Criminal Procedure Code of the Russian Federation (CPC) passed in 2001 has undergone serious changes. The analysis of the content of amendments shows tendencies of different orientation. A positive tendency of development of the Code is the differentiation of the position of the public prosecutor and the inspector at the stage of preliminary investigation. Specification of separate positions, improvement of edition of statement of some articles have positively affected the Code. Differentiation of verifying judicial manufactures is also a positive tendency. However, tendencies of negative character are also revealed. Deviations from the publicity principle supposed by new laws can have negative results. Strengthening of the disposition in the beginning will break appropriate communication between criminal trial and criminal law, which will weaken guarantees of correct application of the criminal law. It is capable to affect negatively the tendency outlined in new laws of simplification of process of proof. Development of the given tendency can considerably lower the guarantees of establishment of truth and, as consequence, will create danger of illegal sentences. Criminal trial differentiation procedures by the CPC became difficult for understanding, which affects its application adversely. Excessive differentiation can lead to decay of the method of criminal procedure regulation, which will decrease the quality of criminal procedure activity. The negative changes in the CPC break the conceptual basis of the Code, therefore, they should be eliminated. These facts prove the idea that in the present condition the Criminal Procedure Code of Russia has lost the conceptual basis. There is an impression that the CPC represents different codes. As a result of the numerous features of the CPC the criminal trial has two types of procedure: 1) with the subject inherent in criminal trial (directed at the application of norms of criminal law); 2) with the subject alien for criminal trial (directed at the realization of other rules of substantive law). Different subjects have inevitably entailed a necessity to apply different methods of regulation. And the legislator recognizes it. So, judicial control over preliminary investigation is regulated by a method much softer than the method of criminal procedure regulation. The same can be noted in the rehabilitation sphere. The tendency of application of a softer method of regulation of investigation and proceeding of crimes of economic character (despite the fact that norms of criminal law are applied here) is planned. Therefore, P. Krasheninnikov's statement that the Criminal Procedure Code of Russia (as well as the Criminal Code) has turned into the code of laws, which are not codified and incorporated, but compiled mechanically causes satisfaction. In this connection there is a necessity to create a new code, preliminary having developed its conceptual basis [4, p. 9]. It is represented that the necessity of such work is obvious now.

There is a possible conflict between two current policy guidelines in post-conflict countries, human security, and state rebuilding. This article analyzes how weak statehood and low human security are mutually interlinked in complex ways in the case of post-conflict Nepal. The analysis is based on economic, political, and social data, recent reports by international organizations and NGOs, as well as on statements by major politicians and political parties. A dilemma can be identified in post-conflict Nepal: in order to remedy weak statehood and decrease the level of crime, the presence of the state in the rural areas needs to be enhanced. Yet people feel mistrust toward the police and state administration, which keep many people marginalized. Therefore external actors, particularly the EU, should strengthen their support for democratization of the state while at the same time keeping an eye on the peace process.Spanish
Existe un posible conflicto entre dos orientaciones de las políticas actuales en los países post-conflicto: la seguridad humana y la reconstrucción del Estado. Este artículo analiza cómo la debilidad estatal y la seguridad humana están mutuamente relacionadas entre sí de manera compleja en el caso del post-conflicto en Nepal. El análisis se basa en los datos económicos, políticos y sociales, en los últimos informes de las organizaciones internacionales y no-gubernamentales, así como en las declaraciones de los más importantes políticos y partidos políticos. Es posible identificar un dilema en el Nepal post-conflicto: con el fin de fortalecer al Estado débil y disminuir el nivel de la criminalidad, es preciso mejorar la presencia del Estado en las zonas rurales. Sin embargo, la gente siente desconfianza hacia la policía y la administración estatal, que mantienen a un gran número de personas en la marginalidad. Por lo tanto los actores externos, especialmente la UE, deben fortalecer su apoyo a la democratización del Estado a la vez que deben estar atentos al proceso de paz.French
Il existe une possibilité de conflit entre les deux actuelles lignes directrices en matière de politiques dans les pays en sortie de guerre, à savoir entre la sécurité humaine et la reconstruction de l'État. Cet article analyse comment un état défaillant et une faible sécurité humaine sont reliés mutuellement de façon complexe dans le contexte d'après-guerre au Népal. L'analyse est basée sur des données économiques, politiques et sociales, des rapports récents d'organisations internationales et d'ONG, ainsi que sur les discours des plus importants politiciens et partis politiques. Un dilemme apparaît dans le cas du Népal : afin de renforcer le pouvoir de l'État et de diminuer les taux de criminalité, la présence de l'État doit être accrue dans les milieux ruraux. Or, la population montre une certaine méfiance envers la police et l'administration publique, instances considérées comme responsables de la marginalisation d'une grande partie de la société. C'est pourquoi des acteurs externes, telle l'Union Européenne, devraient renforcer leur aide à la démocratisation de l'État et surveiller en même temps le processus de paix.

Die vorliegende Arbeit zeigt anhand von Einzelfällen, welche Probleme und Folgen eine Ausweisung und/oder Abschiebung von kriminell gewordenen Angehörigen der sogenannten zweiten Generation türkischer Staatsangehöriger im Hinblick auf deren Eingliederung in die türkische Gesellschaft mit sich bringt.\r\nDem Bereich der Ausweisung und/oder Abschiebung – beides Formen von Zwangsmigration – ausländischer Staatsangehöriger in ihr Herkunftsland wurde bislang im weiten Feld der Integrationsforschung kaum Aufmerksamkeit geschenkt. Nicht anders verhält es sich in der politischen und öffentlichen Diskussion, wenn es um die "Entfernung" kriminell gewordener Ausländer, die mitunter in Deutschland geboren und aufgewachsen sind oder sich bereits viele Jahre in der Bundesrepublik aufhalten, aus dem Bundesgebiet geht. Bei dieser Diskussion wird zwar die Bestrafung kriminell gewordener Ausländer mittels Ausweisung und/oder Abschiebung vorschnell befürwortet, besonders in solch spektakulären Fällen, wie in dem des Jugendlichen Muhlis Arı, genannt "Mehmet" oder in dem des als "Münchner U-Bahn Schläger" bekannt gewordenen Serkan. Die weitreichenden Folgen für den Einzelnen werden in der Regel jedoch nicht tiefergehend betrachtet.\r\nDeshalb steht im Zentrum dieser Arbeit die Frage, wie sich die Eingliederung von in Deutschland geborenen und hier aufgewachsenen Nachkommen der "Gastarbeiter"-Generation sowie später nachgeholter Kinder im Anschluss an eine Ausweisung und/oder Abschiebung in die türkische Gesellschaft gestaltet. Die theoretische Grundlage der Untersuchung bilden vier theoretische Konzepte zu Integration, Fremdheit und Marginalität. Dabei handelt es sich um die "Integrationstheorie" von Hartmut Esser, das Konzept des "bleibenden Fremden" von Georg Simmel, das des "einwandernden Fremden" von Alfred Schütz sowie um das Konzept des "marginal man" von Robert E. Park. Auf Basis dieser vier theoretischen Konzepte und der Auswertung des erhobenen empirischen Datenmaterials wird deutlich, dass hohe soziale Barrieren auf Seiten der Mitglieder der türkischen Aufnahmegesellschaft, mangelnde integrationsförderliche Opportunitäten, aber auch eine geringe Motivation auf Seiten der Betroffenen zur Aufnahme integrationsförderlicher Handlungen eine Integration verhindern. Die von Ausweisung und/oder Abschiebung Betroffenen sind letztlich dazu gezwungen, dauerhaft ein Leben am Rande der Gesellschaft in der Marginalität zu führen.\r\n ; This work shows on the basis of some cases the problems people of Turkish nationality (members of the so-called second generation) are confronted with after being expelled from Germany as a result of having committed crimes.\r\nIn the wide field of Integration Research there is hardly no research work as far as the "reintegration" of banished foreign citizens into their home country is concerned.\r\nAlso the political and public discussion has not given a great deal of attention to that field. In public people are quick in demanding expulsion as punishment for criminal foreigners. Examples are found in that spectacular cases of that youngster Muhli Arı, called "Mehmet" or Serkan, known as the "tough" in the Munich underground railway. However the seroius consequences going along with an expulsion for these individuals are not at all considered.\r\nTherefore the centre of this dissertation deals with the question of how these criminals (who are either born in Germany or later brought to Germany to complete their families) get integrated into the Turkish society after their expulsion. The research is based on four theoretical concepts regarding integration, strangeness and marginality. One of them is Hartmut Esser's theory concerning "Integration", other ones are Georg Simmel's and Alfred Schütz's concepts of "The Stranger", the last is Robert E. Park's "Marginal Man".\r\nThe four concepts and the analysis of the empirical data show that on the one hand high social barriers are put up by the members of the Turkish society which are not leading to opportunities to improve integration. On the other hand there is little motivation on the side of the expelled individuals themselves to do something for their integration. Finally all that prevents integration and forces those people affected by banishment to live perpetually isolated on the margins of the Turkish society.\r\n ; 254 S.

Подвергаются анализу трактовки следственного действия в широком и узком смыслах. С учетом критической оценки взглядов на признаки следственного действия отмечается организационно-распорядительный, обеспечительный характер некоторых уголовно-процессуальных действий, названных в гл. 24-27 УПК РФ. Обосновывается вывод о том, что следственным действием следует считать уголовно-процессуальное действие, выполнение которого непосредственно, без производства другого следственного действия, позволяет получить новое доказательство либо проверить имеющиеся в уголовном деле доказательства ; Close contact of tactical-criminalistic measures of investigation of a crime and investigative action makes questions of essence and features of investigative action, their system and types extremely topical. Despite the fact that these questions found reflection in works of famous scientists, nowadays, investigative action is one of the notions, which is still being discussed. In this article, different approaches to criteria of separation of investigative actions from criminal proceeding actions are described, in particular, broad and constricted versions of investigative actions. It is noted that for constricted versions different points of views on the essence of investigative action have been formed; it leads to naming different numbers of investigative actions. It is connected with the fact that operation of a single distinctive feature of an investigative action its cognitive character  does not allow a strict definition of a system of investigative actions. As a criterion of an investigative action a possibility of any criminal proceeding action itself is proposed, by means of applying cognitive methods to it in order to find or check the evidence. In other words, an investigative action has a particular feature of direct influence on a material object with an aim of deriving evidentiary information. The existing discussions about attribution of any criminal proceeding action to the investigative one are caused by the fact that legislator does not always point out the purpose of its applying; or instead of purpose, he names conditions, when it is possible to conduct this action, for instance, face-to face interrogation. The author is strict in the view of attribution of such actions as apprehension of a suspect, reception of samples for comparative research, control and recording of conversations, exhumation, reception of information about connection of telephone subscribers or devices to investigative actions. All these actions have organizational, ensuring execution character of such actions as personal search, view of corpse, documentation view, prescription or forensic expertise. Ch. 24-27 of the Criminal Proceeding Code of the Russian Federation has data on executive and efficient, securing character of some criminal proceeding actions, and special instructions, which regulate application of such actions to such an investigative action as examination. Examination is held immediately after securing proceeding actions. It allows getting evidence as a result (P. 1 Art. 186 of the Criminal Proceeding Code of the Russian Federation). Consequently, when the definition of an investigative action is given, it is necessary to say that it is a criminal proceeding action, executing of which directly, without production of any other investigative action, allows achieving new evidence or checking the already existing one.

High levels of inequality are a persistent feature of many rural areas in the developing world. Rural inequality is correlated with major impediments of rural development, such as crime, elite-capture, and lack of collective action. Government transfer programs, such as conditional cash transfer, unemployment insurance, old-age pension or similar programs that target the lower tail of a village's cumulative welfare distribution function have become a very popular public policy to tackle poverty and inequality in rural areas. While the poverty impacts of those programs are well documented in the literature less attention has been given to the redistributive capacity of such policies at the village level. Among the main reasons for the neglect is a common belief that monetary transfers to the lower tail of the village welfare distribution (i.e. 'the poor'), while excluding the upper tail (i.e. 'the rich') from the program, must lead to a reduction in inequality. In this paper we show that the impact of such programs on reducing rural inequality may be lower than previously thought. This is because program-eligible lower and program-ineligible upper tail do not behave in isolation from each other. They are linked via interactions in credit & insurance, as well as factor & commodity markets. If, consequently, a government transfer triggers the lower tail to shift then the upper tail follows, leading to modest reductions in local inequality. ; Un niveau élevé d'inégalités constitue une caractéristique récurrente des zones rurales des pays en développement. Ces inégalités rurales vont de pair avec nombre d'obstacles majeurs au développement, tel que la criminalité, et le manque d'action collective. Les programmes d'aides gouvernementales, tels que les aides conditionnelles, l'assurance chômage, les pensions vieillesses, ou d'autres programmes du même type ayant pour cible le bas de la distribution des richesses, sont devenus un outil de politique publique très populaire dans la lutte contre la pauvreté et les inégalités en zones rurales. Si l'impact de ces programmes sur la pauvreté a fait l'objet d'importantes recherches, l'impact redistributif de telles politiques n'a été que peu étudié à l'échelle des villages eux-mêmes. Une des raisons pour lesquelles cette thématique n'a pas fait l'objet d'une réelle attention est qu'il est couramment admis que les transferts monétaires dirigés vers le bas de la distribution des richesses ("les pauvres"), en excluant la partie haute ("les riches"), devraient permettre la réduction des inégalités. Le présent article montre que l'impact de programmes de ce type sur la réduction des inégalités en zone rurale pourrait s'avérer plus faible que ce l'on pensait. Le bas de distribution des richesses, éligible, et la partie supérieure, non-éligible, ne fonctionnent en effet pas de manière indépendante. Ils sont liés par leurs interactions sur les marchés du crédit et de l'assurance, ainsi que sur ceux des facteurs et des biens. Si, par conséquent, les aides gouvernementales permettent une élévation du niveau des richesses en bas de la distribution, la partie haute en bénéficiera elle aussi, ce qui se traduit donc in fine par une réduction modeste des inégalités au niveau local.

High levels of inequality are a persistent feature of many rural areas in the developing world. Rural inequality is correlated with major impediments of rural development, such as crime, elite-capture, and lack of collective action. Government transfer programs, such as conditional cash transfer, unemployment insurance, old-age pension or similar programs that target the lower tail of a village's cumulative welfare distribution function have become a very popular public policy to tackle poverty and inequality in rural areas. While the poverty impacts of those programs are well documented in the literature less attention has been given to the redistributive capacity of such policies at the village level. Among the main reasons for the neglect is a common belief that monetary transfers to the lower tail of the village welfare distribution (i.e. 'the poor'), while excluding the upper tail (i.e. 'the rich') from the program, must lead to a reduction in inequality. In this paper we show that the impact of such programs on reducing rural inequality may be lower than previously thought. This is because program-eligible lower and program-ineligible upper tail do not behave in isolation from each other. They are linked via interactions in credit & insurance, as well as factor & commodity markets. If, consequently, a government transfer triggers the lower tail to shift then the upper tail follows, leading to modest reductions in local inequality. ; Un niveau élevé d'inégalités constitue une caractéristique récurrente des zones rurales des pays en développement. Ces inégalités rurales vont de pair avec nombre d'obstacles majeurs au développement, tel que la criminalité, et le manque d'action collective. Les programmes d'aides gouvernementales, tels que les aides conditionnelles, l'assurance chômage, les pensions vieillesses, ou d'autres programmes du même type ayant pour cible le bas de la distribution des richesses, sont devenus un outil de politique publique très populaire dans la lutte contre la pauvreté et les inégalités en zones rurales. Si l'impact de ces programmes sur la pauvreté a fait l'objet d'importantes recherches, l'impact redistributif de telles politiques n'a été que peu étudié à l'échelle des villages eux-mêmes. Une des raisons pour lesquelles cette thématique n'a pas fait l'objet d'une réelle attention est qu'il est couramment admis que les transferts monétaires dirigés vers le bas de la distribution des richesses ("les pauvres"), en excluant la partie haute ("les riches"), devraient permettre la réduction des inégalités. Le présent article montre que l'impact de programmes de ce type sur la réduction des inégalités en zone rurale pourrait s'avérer plus faible que ce l'on pensait. Le bas de distribution des richesses, éligible, et la partie supérieure, non-éligible, ne fonctionnent en effet pas de manière indépendante. Ils sont liés par leurs interactions sur les marchés du crédit et de l'assurance, ainsi que sur ceux des facteurs et des biens. Si, par conséquent, les aides gouvernementales permettent une élévation du niveau des richesses en bas de la distribution, la partie haute en bénéficiera elle aussi, ce qui se traduit donc in fine par une réduction modeste des inégalités au niveau local.

Although trafficking in human beings is not a new issue of our society as its history reach ancient times, it becomes especially important because of increasing scope of migration influenced by economic crisis in Europe and worldwide. Thus it is essential to promote awareness raising campaigns in order to decrease the scope, however not less important is assistance for victims of this crime. Assistance and integration for victims of human trafficking are one of the main principles of the EU policy in the counter-trafficking field. One of the most important steps of successful victims integration into society is entering into employment, thus victims of human trafficking (re-)integration into the labour market was chosen as an object of the research. The aim of the research is to study the phenomenon of human trafficking focusing on the social policy measures in victims of human trafficking (re-)integration into the labour market process in Austria, Finland and Lithuania. During the study a scientific literature review of the research object and analysis of secondary data and statistics are done. In order to reveal experts' and victims of human trafficking personal experience in (re-)integration into the labour market process, a qualitative research method was chosen. 11 specialists and 2 victims were questioned by semi-structured interviews in Austria, Finland and Lithuania. The data of the research is analysed by a phenomenology approach. A research reveals that issue of human trafficking is being solved both in legislation and practical level. Austria, Finland and Lithuania implement counter-trafficking policies, meanwhile NGOs of the countries play active role in victims (re-)integration into the labour market process in practice. As it is revealed Austria, Finland and Lithuania are treated as transit and destination countries for victims of human trafficking. Thus an importance of social citizenship in victims (re-)integration into labour market process was turned out. It is also confirmed that welfare state regimes have an impact for social services provision which influences victims of human trafficking (re-)integration into labour market process. After the interviews with experts it was found out that victims (re-)integration would be more successfully if some changes in the legislation level were done, as well as NGOs should receive more support from the Government. Thus a hypothesis that collaboration among governmental institutions and NGOs must be strengthened is confirmed. Finally victims of human trafficking experience show that how effective their integration depends not only on the assistance they receive during the rehabilitation programme, but not less important is their strong will and motivation to seek changes in their lives. Structure of the study: first part is devoted for presentation of the phenomenon of victims of human trafficking in the EU; social citizenship as a prerequisite for assistance and impact of welfare state regime for social provision for victims of human trafficking are discussed in the second part; victims of human trafficking (re-)integration into the labour market in Austria, Finland and Lithuania both in legislation and practical level are presented; finally the last part of the study experts and victims personal experience of the study object is presented.

Although trafficking in human beings is not a new issue of our society as its history reach ancient times, it becomes especially important because of increasing scope of migration influenced by economic crisis in Europe and worldwide. Thus it is essential to promote awareness raising campaigns in order to decrease the scope, however not less important is assistance for victims of this crime. Assistance and integration for victims of human trafficking are one of the main principles of the EU policy in the counter-trafficking field. One of the most important steps of successful victims integration into society is entering into employment, thus victims of human trafficking (re-)integration into the labour market was chosen as an object of the research. The aim of the research is to study the phenomenon of human trafficking focusing on the social policy measures in victims of human trafficking (re-)integration into the labour market process in Austria, Finland and Lithuania. During the study a scientific literature review of the research object and analysis of secondary data and statistics are done. In order to reveal experts' and victims of human trafficking personal experience in (re-)integration into the labour market process, a qualitative research method was chosen. 11 specialists and 2 victims were questioned by semi-structured interviews in Austria, Finland and Lithuania. The data of the research is analysed by a phenomenology approach. A research reveals that issue of human trafficking is being solved both in legislation and practical level. Austria, Finland and Lithuania implement counter-trafficking policies, meanwhile NGOs of the countries play active role in victims (re-)integration into the labour market process in practice. As it is revealed Austria, Finland and Lithuania are treated as transit and destination countries for victims of human trafficking. Thus an importance of social citizenship in victims (re-)integration into labour market process was turned out. It is also confirmed that welfare state regimes have an impact for social services provision which influences victims of human trafficking (re-)integration into labour market process. After the interviews with experts it was found out that victims (re-)integration would be more successfully if some changes in the legislation level were done, as well as NGOs should receive more support from the Government. Thus a hypothesis that collaboration among governmental institutions and NGOs must be strengthened is confirmed. Finally victims of human trafficking experience show that how effective their integration depends not only on the assistance they receive during the rehabilitation programme, but not less important is their strong will and motivation to seek changes in their lives. Structure of the study: first part is devoted for presentation of the phenomenon of victims of human trafficking in the EU; social citizenship as a prerequisite for assistance and impact of welfare state regime for social provision for victims of human trafficking are discussed in the second part; victims of human trafficking (re-)integration into the labour market in Austria, Finland and Lithuania both in legislation and practical level are presented; finally the last part of the study experts and victims personal experience of the study object is presented.

High levels of inequality are a persistent feature of many rural areas in the developing world. Rural inequality is correlated with major impediments of rural development, such as crime, elite-capture, and lack of collective action. Government transfer programs, such as conditional cash transfer, unemployment insurance, old-age pension or similar programs that target the lower tail of a village's cumulative welfare distribution function have become a very popular public policy to tackle poverty and inequality in rural areas. While the poverty impacts of those programs are well documented in the literature less attention has been given to the redistributive capacity of such policies at the village level. Among the main reasons for the neglect is a common belief that monetary transfers to the lower tail of the village welfare distribution (i.e. 'the poor'), while excluding the upper tail (i.e. 'the rich') from the program, must lead to a reduction in inequality. In this paper we show that the impact of such programs on reducing rural inequality may be lower than previously thought. This is because program-eligible lower and program-ineligible upper tail do not behave in isolation from each other. They are linked via interactions in credit & insurance, as well as factor & commodity markets. If, consequently, a government transfer triggers the lower tail to shift then the upper tail follows, leading to modest reductions in local inequality. ; Un niveau élevé d'inégalités constitue une caractéristique récurrente des zones rurales des pays en développement. Ces inégalités rurales vont de pair avec nombre d'obstacles majeurs au développement, tel que la criminalité, et le manque d'action collective. Les programmes d'aides gouvernementales, tels que les aides conditionnelles, l'assurance chômage, les pensions vieillesses, ou d'autres programmes du même type ayant pour cible le bas de la distribution des richesses, sont devenus un outil de politique publique très populaire dans la lutte contre la pauvreté et les inégalités en zones rurales. Si l'impact de ces programmes sur la pauvreté a fait l'objet d'importantes recherches, l'impact redistributif de telles politiques n'a été que peu étudié à l'échelle des villages eux-mêmes. Une des raisons pour lesquelles cette thématique n'a pas fait l'objet d'une réelle attention est qu'il est couramment admis que les transferts monétaires dirigés vers le bas de la distribution des richesses ("les pauvres"), en excluant la partie haute ("les riches"), devraient permettre la réduction des inégalités. Le présent article montre que l'impact de programmes de ce type sur la réduction des inégalités en zone rurale pourrait s'avérer plus faible que ce l'on pensait. Le bas de distribution des richesses, éligible, et la partie supérieure, non-éligible, ne fonctionnent en effet pas de manière indépendante. Ils sont liés par leurs interactions sur les marchés du crédit et de l'assurance, ainsi que sur ceux des facteurs et des biens. Si, par conséquent, les aides gouvernementales permettent une élévation du niveau des richesses en bas de la distribution, la partie haute en bénéficiera elle aussi, ce qui se traduit donc in fine par une réduction modeste des inégalités au niveau local.

Georgian nationalism is one of the main factors defining the formation of the political expanse in Georgia. Studies on national relations and the history of the autonomous formations in Abkhazia and South Ossetia have acquired particular relevance in the development of Georgian nationalism. Contemporary Georgian nationalists negatively assess the fact that Georgia was part of the Soviet Union: "Georgia was a country enslaved by Russia and Georgians lived in the Russian state, themselves becoming victims of the crimes of that state." Contemporary nationalist-minded historians in Georgia believe that at the beginning of the 1920s, the country was forcibly annexed to the Soviet Union, and Moscow's policy in Georgia did not meet the interests of the Georgian people. For example, Levon Toidze shows that "after the forced Sovietization of Georgia (February-March 1921), two equal ( sic! ) Soviet socialist republics of Georgia and Abkhazia were formed in its territory. This political and legal nonsense was the result of the negligent attitude toward Georgia's national interests." Levon Toidze bases his analysis of Soviet national policy in Georgia on the firm belief that the Soviet model of resolving and settling national problems dramatically differed from the strategy by which the leaders of the Georgian Democratic Republic (which was eliminated after annexation to the Soviet Union) were guided. So he emphasizes that "the idea of independence was supported and highly popular among the non-Russian nationalities, including the Caucasian. Georgia brought this idea to fruition in May 1918 by restoring its independence. Restoration of national statehood and the formation of the Georgian Democratic Republic were extremely important and joyous events in the history of the nation. Prominent officials of Abkhazia also genuinely shared the joy of the Georgian people at that time. We know that the Act of Independence of 26 May, 1918 was also signed by upstanding Abkhazians Varlam Shervashidze and Arzakan Emukhvari." Levon Toidze believes that whereas as part of Georgia the Abkhazians and Ossetians had the opportunity to develop and preserve their national cultures, languages, and traditions, Sovietization of these regions inevitably turned into Russification. In this respect, he stresses: "As for the question of Abkhazia joining the R.S.F.S.R., it can be evaluated as the logical result of the seditious policy conducted by certain political, clerical, and other forces, first of czarist and then of Soviet Russia, to alienate Abkhazia from Georgia, eliminate the Georgian language and Georgian culture from Abkhazia, and introduce the Russian language and Russian culture into the Abkhazian milieu (which was achieved)." This shows a certain politicization of historical knowledge in present-day Georgia. History is used as a tool not only for political mobilization, but also in disputes with neighboring states with which Georgia has territorial conflicts. It is also worth noting that the arguments of Georgian historians in this context are politicized. Georgian nationalist authors are guided by political values and the ideas of the greater Georgian political and civilian nation, and not by ethnic myths, which is largely characteristic of their ideological opponents, the nationalist historians of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

Este documento analiza el proceso de negociación y las características de la Iniciativa Mérida, alcanzada entre México y Estados Unidos en 2007 y destinada a proporcionar ayuda en equipo equivalente a 1,400 millones de dólares durante un periodo de tres años, a fin de mejorar las capacidades del gobierno mexicano para combatir el narcotráfico y el terrorismo. El documento plantea que la negociación de la Iniciativa Mérida se debió a la creciente preocupación del gobierno de Estados Unidos por el incremento en México de la violencia asociada al narcotráfico en un contexto de guerra contra el terrorismo a raíz de los ataques a las torres gemelas de Nueva York en septiembre de 2001. Se evalúa también el contenido de la iniciativa en la cual destaca el interés de reforzar las instituciones mexicanas encargadas de combatir la delincuencia organizada. Se sugiere que el énfasis en el fortalecimiento de los servicios de inteligencia y en el uso de equipo no intrusivo es adecuado para enfrentar una amenaza como el narcotráfico. Por último, el documento plantea que la negociación de la Iniciativa Mérida representa un cambio histórico en la tradicional actitud de desconfianza hacia México en el tema del narcotráfico, motivada en buena medida por la corrupción en las instituciones mexicanas y que ello se debe a la prioridad que representa para ambos gobiernos el combate de este fenómeno. Ello hace pensar que, a pesar de las críticas que existen en Estados Unidos sobre la capacidad del gobierno mexicano para mantener la gobernabilidad, la colaboración bilateral se mantendrá e incrementará en el futuro. ; This paper analyzes the negotiation process and the characteristics of the Merida Initiative, the historic accord reached between Mexico and the United States in 2007 aimed at providing aid in equipment equivalent to 1.4 billion dollars to improve the Mexican government's capacities to fight drug trafficking and terrorism. This paper sustains that the negotiation of the Merida Initiative was motivated by the growing concern of the U.S. government over the increase of drug-related violence in Mexico. This paper will also attempt to understand the Merida Initiative in the context of the war on terrorism due to the September 11th attacks on the Twin Towers in New York City. This study will also evaluate the content of the Initiative, which is focused on strengthening Mexican institutions in charge of fighting organized crime. The aid provided by the Merida Initiative is, however, strictly non-military. This paper will thus evaluate whether the emphasis in strengthening intelligence services and the use of non-intrusive equipment is appropriate to confront a threat like drug trafficking. Finally, this document sustains that the negotiation of the Merida Initiative represents a historical change in the traditional attitude of distrust vis-à-vis Mexico in the issue of drug trafficking, motivated in a large extent by corruption in Mexican institutions. This leads us to think that despite the criticisms in the U.S. about the capacity of the Mexican government to maintain control over its territory, bilateral collaboration will persist and even increase in the future.

This paper will analyze the domestic violence prevention problems and perspectives. The goal of this work is to discuss the main domestic violence characteristics, analyze Lithuanian and international prevention means and offer suggestions to improve Lithuanian domestic violence prevention. This work consentrates on mens violence over women. The conseption of violence is analyzed – the general violence features in criminology and law literature are discussed, the main domestic violence forms are defined: physical, psychological, sexual and economical violence. Also the common violence and the domestic violence factors influence over the domestic violence emerging are examined – various social causes (unemployement, wealth inequality, discrimination, shame), persons psychosocial maladjustment, violence suffered or observed in childhood, previous criminal activity, alcohol consumption and head traumas. Also there will be named the consequences of domestic violence over its victims, children who observed parents violence, violator and society. There will be presented a comprehensive statistics on the registered domestic violence accidents with a parallel analyze of criminological research results. The conclusion that the domestic violence is important and common problem in Lithuania is validated by generalization of the official comprehensive statistics and the criminological research results used in this work. The structure of the domestic violence will be analyzed. Also, results of this work author research of Vilnius District Court criminal cases over 2003-2008 years associated with domestic violence will be presented, and it clearly depicts main domestic violence indications – domestic violence extent, womens domination among victims, physical and psyhological violence domination and fact, that judiclal system is informed about domestic violence only in most severe cases, domestic violence spread rate and other fundamental statements, presented in other researches. Lithuanian law and institutional preventions apllied in Lithuania will be analyzed in this work. The criminal and administrative liability practise on violators is considered, the Republic of Lithuania Criminal Code amendments (which tightened the responsibility for some of the violent crimes committed by family members or close relatives living together and extended the punitive measures that may be designated) is evaluated. The preventive program is analyzed: State violence against women strategy for the reduction and protection from domestic violence and the concept of the project. Objectives of the preventive measures is overviewed, their main weaknesses and advantages are identified. The paper also analyzed the aid to the victims of domestic violence, and violent behavior change programs for violators in the organizations and main occuring problems. The paper also discuss international organizations in detail - the United Nations, the European Council and the European Union – and their prevention of domestic violence activities (campaigns organized against domestic violence, the adoption of declarations, recommendations, resolutions, guidelines), analyzes the most interesting and promising foreign (Austria, the United States, Holland, Finland and Sweden) domestic violence prevention practices, which perhaps could be adapted and Lithuania (for example, in Austria the violators oustion of the person's residence and the broad nature communication restriction with victim). Domestic violence prevention perspective is presented at the end of the work, the main Lithuania preventive activities future development directions are provided with suggestions how to improve domestic violence prevention in order to maximize its effectiveness.

This paper will analyze the domestic violence prevention problems and perspectives. The goal of this work is to discuss the main domestic violence characteristics, analyze Lithuanian and international prevention means and offer suggestions to improve Lithuanian domestic violence prevention. This work consentrates on mens violence over women. The conseption of violence is analyzed – the general violence features in criminology and law literature are discussed, the main domestic violence forms are defined: physical, psychological, sexual and economical violence. Also the common violence and the domestic violence factors influence over the domestic violence emerging are examined – various social causes (unemployement, wealth inequality, discrimination, shame), persons psychosocial maladjustment, violence suffered or observed in childhood, previous criminal activity, alcohol consumption and head traumas. Also there will be named the consequences of domestic violence over its victims, children who observed parents violence, violator and society. There will be presented a comprehensive statistics on the registered domestic violence accidents with a parallel analyze of criminological research results. The conclusion that the domestic violence is important and common problem in Lithuania is validated by generalization of the official comprehensive statistics and the criminological research results used in this work. The structure of the domestic violence will be analyzed. Also, results of this work author research of Vilnius District Court criminal cases over 2003-2008 years associated with domestic violence will be presented, and it clearly depicts main domestic violence indications – domestic violence extent, womens domination among victims, physical and psyhological violence domination and fact, that judiclal system is informed about domestic violence only in most severe cases, domestic violence spread rate and other fundamental statements, presented in other researches. Lithuanian law and institutional preventions apllied in Lithuania will be analyzed in this work. The criminal and administrative liability practise on violators is considered, the Republic of Lithuania Criminal Code amendments (which tightened the responsibility for some of the violent crimes committed by family members or close relatives living together and extended the punitive measures that may be designated) is evaluated. The preventive program is analyzed: State violence against women strategy for the reduction and protection from domestic violence and the concept of the project. Objectives of the preventive measures is overviewed, their main weaknesses and advantages are identified. The paper also analyzed the aid to the victims of domestic violence, and violent behavior change programs for violators in the organizations and main occuring problems. The paper also discuss international organizations in detail - the United Nations, the European Council and the European Union – and their prevention of domestic violence activities (campaigns organized against domestic violence, the adoption of declarations, recommendations, resolutions, guidelines), analyzes the most interesting and promising foreign (Austria, the United States, Holland, Finland and Sweden) domestic violence prevention practices, which perhaps could be adapted and Lithuania (for example, in Austria the violators oustion of the person's residence and the broad nature communication restriction with victim). Domestic violence prevention perspective is presented at the end of the work, the main Lithuania preventive activities future development directions are provided with suggestions how to improve domestic violence prevention in order to maximize its effectiveness.

This paper will analyze the domestic violence prevention problems and perspectives. The goal of this work is to discuss the main domestic violence characteristics, analyze Lithuanian and international prevention means and offer suggestions to improve Lithuanian domestic violence prevention. This work consentrates on mens violence over women. The conseption of violence is analyzed – the general violence features in criminology and law literature are discussed, the main domestic violence forms are defined: physical, psychological, sexual and economical violence. Also the common violence and the domestic violence factors influence over the domestic violence emerging are examined – various social causes (unemployement, wealth inequality, discrimination, shame), persons psychosocial maladjustment, violence suffered or observed in childhood, previous criminal activity, alcohol consumption and head traumas. Also there will be named the consequences of domestic violence over its victims, children who observed parents violence, violator and society. There will be presented a comprehensive statistics on the registered domestic violence accidents with a parallel analyze of criminological research results. The conclusion that the domestic violence is important and common problem in Lithuania is validated by generalization of the official comprehensive statistics and the criminological research results used in this work. The structure of the domestic violence will be analyzed. Also, results of this work author research of Vilnius District Court criminal cases over 2003-2008 years associated with domestic violence will be presented, and it clearly depicts main domestic violence indications – domestic violence extent, womens domination among victims, physical and psyhological violence domination and fact, that judiclal system is informed about domestic violence only in most severe cases, domestic violence spread rate and other fundamental statements, presented in other researches. Lithuanian law and institutional preventions apllied in Lithuania will be analyzed in this work. The criminal and administrative liability practise on violators is considered, the Republic of Lithuania Criminal Code amendments (which tightened the responsibility for some of the violent crimes committed by family members or close relatives living together and extended the punitive measures that may be designated) is evaluated. The preventive program is analyzed: State violence against women strategy for the reduction and protection from domestic violence and the concept of the project. Objectives of the preventive measures is overviewed, their main weaknesses and advantages are identified. The paper also analyzed the aid to the victims of domestic violence, and violent behavior change programs for violators in the organizations and main occuring problems. The paper also discuss international organizations in detail - the United Nations, the European Council and the European Union – and their prevention of domestic violence activities (campaigns organized against domestic violence, the adoption of declarations, recommendations, resolutions, guidelines), analyzes the most interesting and promising foreign (Austria, the United States, Holland, Finland and Sweden) domestic violence prevention practices, which perhaps could be adapted and Lithuania (for example, in Austria the violators oustion of the person's residence and the broad nature communication restriction with victim). Domestic violence prevention perspective is presented at the end of the work, the main Lithuania preventive activities future development directions are provided with suggestions how to improve domestic violence prevention in order to maximize its effectiveness.