Suchergebnisse

Commenting on an article by Federico A. Suberbi-Velez (2000), it is noted that the communications media directed at the Latin American community in the US is not relatively mature, but the ideological interests of media owners are still suspect. For example, there may be differences in the support of Democrats between the Cuban media & other Latin communities' support. In comparing the US Latino media to the media in Mexico, the former shows readily apparent commercial influences & business leaders are not openly criticized. Subervi-velez's comments on the antiquated US democratic system are addressed; it is surprising that technological advances in the US are not applied to the voting booth. M. Pflum

Discusses political liberalization in Mexico, focusing on the relationship between the behavior of a market economy and the dynamics of a competitive electoral system; some comparison with other political systems. Summary in English.

Using survey data collected between 1997 and 2001 in ten post-communist countries, I test a set of hypotheses that explain satisfaction with democracy among members of the main ethnic minority groups within each country. First, I test whether political representation, per se, has any effect at all. Second, I examine the relationship between the type of political system and the capacity of an ethnic minority to participate in the decision-making process. In particular, I show that those minorities which have a voice in parliamentary democracies are more satisfied than other minorities which act in political systems with a more powerful president. Finally, I focus on the proportionality of an electoral system. In this sense, I show how more proportional electoral systems increase satisfaction with democracy for those minorities that either do not have any political representation at all or whose political ethnic party is small. When the ethnic political party is large, then less proportional electoral systems boost satisfaction with democracy. Adapted from the source document.

Examines the market-driven proliferation of American professional campaign expertise, the West Europeanization of campaigns in Eastern Europe, and development of a Third World style of campaigning. Based on a global survey of 502 political consultants, party managers, and campaign managers, Jan. 1998-Aug. 1999.

Examines impact of US Supreme Court-mandated one person, one vote redistricting had on southern Republican gains, 1943-96.

Este artículo trata de mostrar cómo el expresidente peruano Alberto Fujimori pasó del triunfo democrático en las elecciones de 1990, en un ambiente de total publicidad, al progresivo control autoritario de las relaciones políticas caracterizado por el aumento del secreto. Esta "transición autoritaria" ha dejado su registro público, pese a las estrategias de ocultamiento, en los mensajes que el presidente de la república dirigió a la nación cada 28 de julio con motivo de la celebración de la Independencia. En los once mensajes que dirigió Fujimori al país, se encuentran las marcas de su estrategia política general: la consolidación de su imagen de salvador de la nación con la anuencia del pueblo; el fortalecimiento de las instancias ejecutivas del Estado sin necesidad de fiscalización política o judicial, y la polarización de las identidades políticas en una supuesta comunicación directa entre el presidente y las mayorías del Perú. Mediante el análisis sistemático de los mensajes presidenciales, se describe cómo el presidente Fujimori ejerció el discurso político como acción privilegiada durante sus años de gobierno para buscar una legitimidad que prescindiera de la deliberación política.

El presente artículo aborda el problema de la credibilidad en los spots de los candidatos de los partidos y alianzas políticas que contendieron en las elecciones del 2 de julio de 2000 por la presidencia de México.