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In: New horizons in Islamic studies
"Although the Russian Empire has traditionally been viewed as a European borderland, most of its territory was actually situated in Asia. Imperial power was huge but often suffered from a lack of enough information and resources to rule its culturally diverse subjects, and asymmetric relations between state and society combined with flexible strategies of local actors sometimes produced unexpected results. In Asiatic Russia, an international team of scholars explores the interactions between power and people in Central Asia, Siberia, the Volga-Urals, and the Caucasus from the 18th to the early 20th centuries, drawing on a wealth of Russian archival materials and Turkic, Persian, and Tibetan sources. The variety of topics discussed in the book includes the Russian idea of a 'civilizing mission,' the system of governor-generalships, imperial geography and demography, roles of Muslim and Buddhist networks in imperial rule and foreign policy, social change in the Russian Protectorate of Bukhara, Muslim reformist and national movements. The book is essential reading for students and scholars of Russian, Central Eurasian, and comparative imperial history, as well as imperial and colonial studies and nationalism studies. It may also provide some hints for understanding today's world, where 'empire' has again become a key word in international and domestic power relations"--Provided by publisher
In: Worlding beyond the West 18
Preface -- Introduction : relating China to international relations -- Balance of relationships -- Relationality vs. power politics -- Relational policy of small states -- Relational policy of major powers -- Philosophical resources -- Relational ontology -- Buddhist state of nature -- Cyclical perspective on history -- Processes of bor -- Cultural memory -- Psychological efficacy -- Institutional style -- Identities of the theory -- Plausible post-western theory -- Plausible Chinese theory -- Plausible western theory -- In lieu of conclusion : four caveats.
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Band 449, S. 1-164
ISSN: 0002-7162
Immer mehr Menschen sind immer länger auf der Flucht. Dabei findet eine zunehmend größere Zahl von Menschen in Städten statt in Lagern Zuflucht. Das birgt zwar Chancen für lokale Integration, belastet aber die Stadtverwaltungen stark und entspricht selten den Wünschen der Regierungen von Aufnahmeländern, die meist eine Unterbringung in Lagern außerhalb von Städten bevorzugen. Auch humanitäre Organisationen - wie das Hohe Flüchtlingskommissariat der Vereinten Nationen (UNHCR) - sind mit urbanen Fluchtsituationen häufig überfordert. Angesichts dessen sollte sich die Bundesregierung anlässlich des ersten Globalen Flüchtlingsforums am 17./ 18. Dezember 2019 in Genf dafür einsetzen, dass bewährte Ansätze zur Unterstützung betroffener Städte angepasst und neue Ansätze geschaffen werden.
In: The international & comparative law quarterly: ICLQ, Band 60, Heft 1, S. 209-224
ISSN: 1471-6895
This article examines a number of major developments in international law and State policy regarding nuclear weapons which have occurred over the past two years.However, in order to understand the context and significance of these developments, I must first very briefly address what has gone on previously in this area of international relations.I have argued elsewhere that over the course of the decade ending in 2008 the original balance of principles underlying the 1968 Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT), which comprises the cornerstone of the nuclear non-proliferation legal regime, has been distorted, particularly by nuclear-weapon-possessing governments, led by the United States, in favor of a disproportionate prioritization of non-proliferation principles, and an unwarranted under-prioritization of peaceful use and disarmament principles.1 I also argue that this distortion of principled balance by nuclear weapon states has resulted in a number of erroneous legal interpretations of the NPT's provisions.
In: Humanity: an international journal of human rights, humanitarianism, and development, Band 6, Heft 1, S. 145-158
ISSN: 2151-4372
This essay surveys the different legal initiatives and strategies undertaken by Third World States in their efforts to create the NIEO. It argues that the inherently colonial character of international law prevented many Third World ambitions from being realized, and that these initiatives were unable to prevent the advance of neo-colonial power through private actors such as corporations. Further, it suggests that Western responses to the NIEO were important for the legal framework supporting the later emergence of neo-liberalism. Finally it reflects on the significance of the NIEO in the context of the emergence of the BRICS.
IntroductionChapter 1: War in Ukraine and the Asia-Pacific Balance of PowerChapter 2: Strained US-China Relations and the Growing Threat to TaiwanChapter 3: Asia-Pacific Naval and Maritime Capabilities: the New Operational DynamicsChapter 4: China's Belt and Road Initiative a Decade onChapter 5: Japan Steps Up: Security and Defence Policy Under KishidaChapter 6: Conflict in Myanmar and the International ResponseIndex
In: International review of the Red Cross: humanitarian debate, law, policy, action, Band 104, Heft 920-921, S. 2131-2152
ISSN: 1607-5889
AbstractMilitary technology has developed rapidly in recent years, and this development challenges existing norms. It has produced countless debates about the application of international humanitarian law (IHL) to areas of war and technology including cyber military operations, military artificial intelligence (including autonomous weapons), the use of drones, and military human enhancement. Despite these rapid progressions, the prospect of creating new treaties to specifically regulate their use by militaries and in armed conflicts is very low. This is largely due to the unequal allocation of military technology among States and the differing interests that result from this inequality. The absence of formal regulation means that State and non-State actors are increasingly embracing informal means of law-making. This is similar to other areas of IHL, such as the regulation of asymmetric conflicts, where norms are contested. In such cases, State and non-State actors employ various informal law-making techniques to advance their normative positions through treaty interpretation and the identification of customary international law.However, the discussion on military technology differs from other contemporary IHL debates. First, due to the rapid development of such technology and uncertainty about how it will be employed in practice, the interests of the various actors are less clear. Second, there are significant challenges in obtaining accurate information about new military technologies. This makes even the informal law-making path in the context of new technologies more challenging.This paper explores the dynamics of contemporary international law-making as it relates to the regulation of new military technologies. It identifies the main techniques that are used by the relevant actors and explores the common themes among the various debates over military technology, as well as the potential specific challenges in relation to certain technologies.
In: Kilombo: international relations and colonial questions
"This book offers readers an alternative history of the origins of the discipline of International Relations. Conventional, western histories of the discipline point to 1919 as the year of the 'birth of the discipline' with two seminal initiatives - setting up of the first Chair of IR at Aberystwyth and the founding of the Institute of International Relations on the side-lines of the Paris Peace Conference. From these events, International Relations is argued to have been established as a path to create peace in the post-War era and facilitated through a scientific study of international affairs. International Relations was therefore, both a field of study and knowledge production and a plan of action. This pathbreaking book challenges these claims by presenting an alternative narrative of International Relations. In this book, we make three interconnected arguments. First, we argue that the natal moment in the founding of IR is not World War I - as is generally believed - but the Second Anglo Boer War. Second, we argue that the ideas, methods and institutions that led to the making of IR were first thrashed out in South Africa - in Johannesburg, in fact. Finally, this South African genealogy of IR, we show in the book, allows us to properly investigate the emergence of academic IR at the interstices of race, Empire and science"--
World Affairs Online
In: (2013) 24:3 European Journal of International Law 867-913
SSRN
In: Zeitschrift für internationale Beziehungen: ZIB, Band 2, Heft 2, S. 347-370
ISSN: 0946-7165
World Affairs Online
In: Review of international studies: RIS, Band 8, Heft 1, S. 39-52
ISSN: 0260-2105
World Affairs Online