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The article analyses Franco Cordelli's Duca di Mantua and a personnage de roman by Philippe Besson. In these texts, the authors compare with Silvio Berlusconi and Emmanuel Macron respectively. Through the category of 'hypermodern', the article aims to study some aspects of contemporary power: in the first part, the ontological status of the texts and the ways in which fiction elements are mixed with actual data will be analysed; it will then be shown which images of power emerge from the two politicians represented; in conclusion, going beyond the texts, an attempt will be made to define the concept of 'Leviatano-hologram' in order to provide new conceptual tools for deconstructing contemporary political imagination. ; International audience The article analyses Franco Cordelli's Il Duca di Mantova and Philippe Besson's Un personnage de roman. In these texts, the authors compare themselves with the figure of Silvio Berlusconi and Emmanuel Macron respectively. Through the category of 'hypermodern', the article intends to study some traits of contemporary power: first of all, it will analyse the ontological status of the texts and the ways used to mix fictional elements with real data; then, it will show which images of power emerge from the two represented politicians; in conclusion, going beyond the texts, it will try to define the concept of 'Leviathan-hologram', in order to provide new conceptual tools to deconstruct the contemporary political imaginary. ; The article analyses Franco Cordelli's Duca di Mantua and a personnage de roman by Philippe Besson. In these texts, the authors compare with Silvio Berlusconi and Emmanuel Macron respectively. Through the category of 'hypermodern', the article aims to study some aspects of contemporary power: in the first part, the ontological status of the texts and the ways in which fiction elements are mixed with actual data will be analysed; it will then be shown which images of power emerge from the two politicians represented; in conclusion, going beyond the texts, an ...

International audience ; Abstract. MOOC, a new form of distance learning, has given rise to the hope of democratisation and acces to knowledge in all the continents. Therefore, inspiring speeches are delivered. Indeed, MOOC appears as a solution to critical issues of massive enrolment and lack of resources that developing countries are facing. On this matter, we will examine aspects regarding true hopes or myths, by questioning current possibilities that MOOC may yet offer. ; Les MOOC, nouvelle forme de formation à distance, suscitent les plus grands espoirs quant à la démocratisation et l'accès aux savoirs sur tous les continents. Dès lors, des discours enthousiastes apparaissent, présentant les MOOC comme une solution aux problèmes cruciaux de massification et de manque de moyens que rencontrent les pays du Sud-notamment en Afrique. Sur ce point, nous nous proposons d'analyser ce qui, dans les discours, relève de véritables espoirs ou de mythes, en nous interrogeant sur les possibles qu'il est cependant aujourd'hui permis d'envisager. Mots-clés. MOOC, espoirs, nouveaux mythes, mutation, évolution, dispositif d'enseignement numérique, enjeux économiques et politiques

International audience ; Abstract. MOOC, a new form of distance learning, has given rise to the hope of democratisation and acces to knowledge in all the continents. Therefore, inspiring speeches are delivered. Indeed, MOOC appears as a solution to critical issues of massive enrolment and lack of resources that developing countries are facing. On this matter, we will examine aspects regarding true hopes or myths, by questioning current possibilities that MOOC may yet offer. ; Les MOOC, nouvelle forme de formation à distance, suscitent les plus grands espoirs quant à la démocratisation et l'accès aux savoirs sur tous les continents. Dès lors, des discours enthousiastes apparaissent, présentant les MOOC comme une solution aux problèmes cruciaux de massification et de manque de moyens que rencontrent les pays du Sud-notamment en Afrique. Sur ce point, nous nous proposons d'analyser ce qui, dans les discours, relève de véritables espoirs ou de mythes, en nous interrogeant sur les possibles qu'il est cependant aujourd'hui permis d'envisager. Mots-clés. MOOC, espoirs, nouveaux mythes, mutation, évolution, dispositif d'enseignement numérique, enjeux économiques et politiques

In this article, the development and changes in Swedish public policy relating to tourism from the 1930s to 2010 is described and interpreted from a political economy perspective. A case study, compiled from mainly secondary sources, is analyzed from a theoretical framework based on regulation theory. The purpose with this study is to increase the understanding of how the macro political economy context has influenced the policy-making in tourism in Sweden, but also to make a contribution to an area which seems to be quite neglected when it comes to research. The changes are analyzed according to the three periods denoted as pre-Fordism (mid-19th century-1930s), Fordism (1930s-1970s) and post-Fordism (1970s to present). It is observed how the general changes between these periods regarding aspects such as regulation and deregulation, and the degree of state involvement, have affected tourism policy making. The tourism policy making has changed from being insignificant, to a high degree of state involvement including planning, control and supervision, to a situation where the market rather than government regulation is considered as state of the art.

What are the relations between the emergence of a state on the international scene and nuclear proliferation? The claim that the acquisition of nuclear arms systems is a condition or consequence of the emergence of a state is called into question here on the basis of a tripartite analysis. First, at the methodological level, Edward Carr's original intuition concerning the teleological aspect of the discipline of International Relations is reaffirmed by establishing on the basis of six precise indicators the homology between a received understanding of nuclear history as the history of proliferation and developmentalist thought, both of which are teleological. It is then demonstrated at the empirical level that many proliferating states have not in fact emerged while some emergent states have not chosen to acquire nuclear arms systems. At the policy level, finally, it turns out that the correlation between emergence and proliferation is not just incomplete and unsound: if its aim is to identify suspects of proliferation in order to better prevent the latter, it can in fact prove counter-productive.

What explains major foreign policy changes? Why and when does the state change its foreign policy? Despite the importance of foreign policy change, which can (re)shape the nature of a given state's international relations vis-a-vis other states and international systems, explanations of foreign policy change have received only sporadic attention in foreign policy analysis literature. Against this backdrop, I offer in this article a new framework designed to capture both motivational and processual aspects of foreign policy change. I develop the framework by critically examining and synthesising two recent systematic explorations of foreign policy change: one framework within the tradition of rationalism (broadly defined) -- David Welch's Painful Choice: A Theory of Foreign Policy Change (2005) -- and the other within constructivism -- Jeffrey Legro's Rethinking the World: Great Power Strategies and International Order (2006). For the motivational analysis, I link the role of crisis-defining ideas to threat perception to sharpen prospect theory. I illustrate this reformulated synthesis with an example of Japan's policy shift toward East Asian financial regionalism. Adapted from the source document.

What are the relations between the emergence of a state on the international scene and nuclear proliferation? The claim that the acquisition of nuclear arms systems is a condition or consequence of the emergence of a state is called into question here on the basis of a tripartite analysis. First, at the methodological level, Edward Carr's original intuition concerning the teleological aspect of the discipline of International Relations is reaffirmed by establishing on the basis of six precise indicators the homology between a received understanding of nuclear history as the history of proliferation and developmentalist thought, both of which are teleological. It is then demonstrated at the empirical level that many proliferating states have not in fact emerged while some emergent states have not chosen to acquire nuclear arms systems. At the policy level, finally, it turns out that the correlation between emergence and proliferation is not just incomplete and unsound: if its aim is to identify suspects of proliferation in order to better prevent the latter, it can in fact prove counter-productive.

www.conflits.org ; National audience ; Après les attentats spectaculaires et meurtriers du 11 septembre 2001 aux Etats-Unis, puis ceux du 11 mars 2004 à Madrid, les services de renseignement occidentaux ont vu leur rôle et leur poids s'accroître dans la lutte contre le radicalisme musulman. A partir d'une enquête portant sur les services français, espagnols et britanniques, cet article analyse les évolutions de leurs missions et de leurs analyses de cette question. Rompant avec une approche mécaniste, qui verrait dans la transformation de ces missions le simple fruit d'une « adaptation » à de nouvelles menaces, il montre que leur nature et leur forme résultent à la fois de l'évolution de l'activité des groupes clandestins et de leur perception ; des effets de la permanence des grilles d'analyse des services de renseignement qui avaient été forgées sur d'autres terrains ; et du travail perpétuel de relégitimation que ces services vont mener auprès de certains secteurs de l'appareil d'Etat. Il contribue de la sorte à éclairer certains aspects souvent méconnus des modes pratiques de régulation de la violence politique dans les démocraties occidentales.

www.conflits.org ; National audience ; Après les attentats spectaculaires et meurtriers du 11 septembre 2001 aux Etats-Unis, puis ceux du 11 mars 2004 à Madrid, les services de renseignement occidentaux ont vu leur rôle et leur poids s'accroître dans la lutte contre le radicalisme musulman. A partir d'une enquête portant sur les services français, espagnols et britanniques, cet article analyse les évolutions de leurs missions et de leurs analyses de cette question. Rompant avec une approche mécaniste, qui verrait dans la transformation de ces missions le simple fruit d'une « adaptation » à de nouvelles menaces, il montre que leur nature et leur forme résultent à la fois de l'évolution de l'activité des groupes clandestins et de leur perception ; des effets de la permanence des grilles d'analyse des services de renseignement qui avaient été forgées sur d'autres terrains ; et du travail perpétuel de relégitimation que ces services vont mener auprès de certains secteurs de l'appareil d'Etat. Il contribue de la sorte à éclairer certains aspects souvent méconnus des modes pratiques de régulation de la violence politique dans les démocraties occidentales.

www.conflits.org ; National audience ; Après les attentats spectaculaires et meurtriers du 11 septembre 2001 aux Etats-Unis, puis ceux du 11 mars 2004 à Madrid, les services de renseignement occidentaux ont vu leur rôle et leur poids s'accroître dans la lutte contre le radicalisme musulman. A partir d'une enquête portant sur les services français, espagnols et britanniques, cet article analyse les évolutions de leurs missions et de leurs analyses de cette question. Rompant avec une approche mécaniste, qui verrait dans la transformation de ces missions le simple fruit d'une « adaptation » à de nouvelles menaces, il montre que leur nature et leur forme résultent à la fois de l'évolution de l'activité des groupes clandestins et de leur perception ; des effets de la permanence des grilles d'analyse des services de renseignement qui avaient été forgées sur d'autres terrains ; et du travail perpétuel de relégitimation que ces services vont mener auprès de certains secteurs de l'appareil d'Etat. Il contribue de la sorte à éclairer certains aspects souvent méconnus des modes pratiques de régulation de la violence politique dans les démocraties occidentales.

International audience ; It is well known that one of the most illustrious pages of the political and literary history of France is the one written by the Communist poet and novelist Aragon who united the idea of the nation with that of resistance, thus salvaging for the next generations the honor of the Republic.It is nonetheless true that his discourse advocating resistance and his calls, in various forms, for national unity are not only circumstantial. They participate in the progressive elaboration of a national myth that can be traced back to the 1930s and to Maurice Thorez, the leader of a party which added the adjective "French" to its name. It was Aragon's role to foster the literary aspect of this national myth.The present study aims at taking stock of the development of this national discourse in Aragon's writings and of its major issues in the context of the events of the 1930s and 1940s. ; On sait qu'au nombre des pages importantes de l'Histoire littéraire et politique de la France figurent celles sur lesquelles le communiste Aragon a associé l'idée de Nation à celle de Résistance, sauvant ainsi pour les générations suivantes l'honneur de ceux qui bradèrent la République. Reste que ce discours de résistance et ses appels, sous des formes diverses, à l'unité nationale, n'est pas seulement un appel de circonstance. Il s'inscrit dans la lente élaboration d'un mythe national mis au jour depuis les années 1930 sous Maurice Thorez dans un parti qui se désigne à présent comme « français » : c'est déjà à Aragon que revient la paternité du versant littéraire de ce mythe national. Cette étude se propose de faire un point sur la mise en place de ce discours national chez Aragon, et de ses enjeux dans l'actualité des années trente à quarante. It is well known that one of the most illustrious pages of the political and literary history of France is the one written by the Communist poet and novelist Aragon who united the idea of the nation with that of resistance, thus salvaging for the next generations the honor of the Republic. It is nonetheless true that his discourse advocating resistance and his calls, in various forms, for national unity are not only circumstantial. They participate in the progressive elaboration of a national myth that can be traced back to the 1930s and to Maurice Thorez, the leader of a party which added the adjective " French " to its name. It was Aragon's role to foster the literary aspect of this national myth. The present study aims at taking stock of the development of this national discourse in Aragon's writings and of its major issues in the context of the events of the 1930s and 1940s.

Defence date: 25 March 2020 (Online) ; Examining Board: Donatella Della Porta (EUI/SNS) (Supervisor), Laszlo Bruszt (EUI/CEU), Claire Colomb (UCL), Eduardo Romanos (Madrid Complutense) ; This thesis analyses urban protest actions in the context of austerity urbanism in Southern Europe, attempting to better understand the conditions that lead to the mobilisation of urban protestors. To date, the literature on urban movements has tended to analyse the effect of macro-forces in transforming the urban environment, finding in them an explanation for protest. By contrast, local contexts – the political and institutional environments in which urban protest emerge – has been relatively unexplored. This is the case despite the fact that, empirically, we see significant variation in local protest despite similarity in the macro-problems effecting residents' lives. Barcelona and Turin are examples of two cities that share many similarities in terms of large-scale processes and phenomena but nonetheless differ markedly in terms of the characteristics of their respective urban mobilisation. Both cities have transformed their economic model over recent decades, moving from an industrial base to the promotion of cultural and knowledge-based economic activity. Recently, both cities have been acutely affected by the financial crisis, suffering severe housing crises and being subject to fiscal constraints and austerity cuts. At the same time, both cities have a strong tradition of urban protest. Taking existing urban studies literature as a starting point, all of these factors would lead to an expectation of similar levels and forms of urban protest in Barcelona and Turin, but this thesis shows that urban mobilisation in the two cities differs in significant ways. This thesis explores the ways in which local contexts may be important in shaping expressions of urban protest. In doing so, I use protest event analysis and content analysis methodologies to collect, map and analyse 852 protest actions in Barcelona and Turin between 2011 and 2015. Drawing on the broader literature on social movements, I argue that the nature and structure of local institutionalised power are important and under-studied aspects of the dynamics of urban protest. More broadly, the thesis suggests that in order to understand urban protest, it is necessary to look beyond the particularistic qualities and fragmentation of a highly place-embedded activism and consider it in the deeper context of the local political process.

<div><p><em>Men and women perform different roles within the household and in agricultural sector. However, women's roles are more strenuous and more pronounced and they work extra hours in providing the much needed labour on the tea farms than the men counterpart. But in spite of women's much involvement in agricultural sector, they undergo discrimination in all aspects not only related to land ownership but also kept out when it comes to control and access to the benefits accrued from tea farming. This study therefore sought to determine gender roles in tea production in Embu and Murang'a counties and also to assess the accessibility and control over the benefits accrued from tea farming by gender. Stratified random sampling; simple random sampling and Purposive sampling techniques were used to sample 276 respondents from estimated target population of </em><em>18,000 tea growers from the two counties under study. </em><em>The study established that women perform more roles in tea plantation than their male counterparts. The findings clearly demonstrated that the most tedious and difficult roles that took long hours to accomplish were assigned to the women for instance, the plucking of tea, taking green leaves to the buying centre and collecting/receiving pay slips from the factory or buying centre was majorly done by the women but it's men who goes to the bank to earn bonus and monthly payments for the work didn't participate and also attending annual general meetings (AGMs) or any meetings at the factory or buying centre and even organized educational forums and surveys since they knew that at the end of it they would either receive certificate of participation and more importantly sitting allowance. The finding further revealed that, men were assigned themselves roles that lighter duties that might require bit of skills such as pruning of tea bushes and nursery establishment. On the other hand women are unable to attend the forums or meetings because of numerous roles waiting for them ranging from household chores to agricultural production. Although conflicts have been in arise over the control of proceeds of tea sales because men receive the benefits and women who worked for them do not seem to benefit much, this gender discrimination had negatively affected tea production and by extension resulted in decline of tea yields and neglected tea bush. This study recommends that Kenya tea development agency to increase its sensitization forums and conducts regular workshops to educate the tea growers on gender balance in regards to distribution of proceeds from tea sales, access to and control over tea benefits. This could not only help to empower and motivate women but also demystify the gender stereotypes that men have about women and therefore eliminate gender discrimination in tea growing communities.</em></p></div>

El presente trabajo, es una propuesta investigativa desde la Institución Educativa Concentración de Desarrollo Rural ( IECDR) en el campo de la comunicación-educación, incide directamente en la educación e inclusión para personas invidentes en el Guaviare, su objetivo principal es propiciar reconocimiento e inclusión social a niños, niñas y jóvenes con discapacidad visual y posteriormente, inclusión laboral de adultos invidentes de la región. Apoyada en la Concepción de Derechos, Constitución Política de Colombia, Política Pública Nacional de discapacidad e Inclusión Social 2013-2022, historias de vida de personas ciegas que desarrollan actividades laborales y prácticas radiales en San José del Guaviare; experiencias canalizadas y aprovechadas para visibilizar a esta comunidad y crear estrategias comunicativas generadoras de inclusión y reconocimiento a través de la radio. Se sensibilizó a personas ciegas relacionando sus potencialidades como seres integrales, se mostró capacidades, aspectos por mejorar, situaciones de exclusión, recursos institucionales, comunitarios, gubernamentales, privados, el uso de nuevas tecnologías de Información y comunicación TIC, (tecnología ConVerTIC, conformada por JAWS y Magic , impresoras en Braille, etc.); se presentó principalmente la radio (para este caso, Emisora Comunitaria Juventud Estéreo 104.7 F.M.) como estrategia comunicativa con los programas "Discapacidad al día" y "Ondas Cederianas" . ; Abstract: his work is a research proposal from the Institución Educativa Concentración de Desarrollo Rural (hereinafter IECDR) in the field of communication-education, directly in education and the inclusion of blind people in Guaviare, its main objective is the recognition and the inclution. social assistance to children and young people with visual and posterior disabilities, labor inclusion for blind adults in the region. Supported by the Conception of Rights, Political Constitution of Colombia, National Public Policy of Disability and Social Inclusion 2013-2022, life stories of blind people who develop work activities and radio practices in San José del Guaviare; experiences channeled and exploited to make this community visible and create communication strategies that generate inclusion and recognition through radio. It sensitized blind people, relating their potential as integral beings, showed capacities, aspects to be improved, situations of exclusion, institutional, community, governmental, private resources, the use of new ICT information and communication technologies, (such as ConVerTIC technology, made up of JAWS and Magic2 , printers in Braille system and others); radio was presented mainly (for this case, Emisora Comunitaria Juventud Estéreo 104.7 FM) as a communication strategy with the programs "Discapacidad al día" and "Ondas Cederianas" spread 70 kilometers around. ; Maestría