Suchergebnisse

This background paper was prepared for the East Asia Pacific aging report. The East Asia and Pacific region grew at an unparalleled rate in the past 50 years. This economic boom is partly attributable to unprecedented demographic changes in East Asia during this period. But demographics are only part of the story. The size of the economic bonus or burden which results from population aging depends on how policy influences labor force participation, savings, human capital accumulation and total factor productivity.

This paper uses a case study of Costa Rica to identify the reasons why democracy is conducive for development. By the mid-twentieth century, Costa Rica had begun to depart from the all-too-common mixture of political instability and economic stagnation characteristic of much of the developing world. This paper claims that this country has benefited from better-than-average public policies, a conclusion based upon an original assessment of policy effectiveness and a major comparative ranking of state policies. It largely rejects the interpretation that uncommon development performance stems from institutions created during the colonial period and instead emphasizes how unending political stalemates gradually made the struggle for power more democratic. A central conclusion of this paper is that political competition-as well as steady economic growth rates and development, more generally-interact with and reinforce each other so that the exercise of power foments rather than retards economic growth.

NDI's Chris Fomunyoh is once again joined by Ambassador Johnnie Carson as they discuss the steps that can be taken to strengthen democracy. They continue their conversation with their thoughts on the key challenges and opportunities facing Africa this year.
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Johnnie Carson: When female voices are not heard, the conversation is crippled, the policy is crippled, the institutions are crippled and the results are crippled.
Chris Fomunyoh: I'm Chris Fomunyoh, senior associate and regional director for Central and West Africa at the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs, NDI. Welcome to this edition of DemWorks.

Again we're joined by Ambassador Johnnie Carson, a proud member of the board of directors of The National Democratic Institute, NDI with a 37 year career in the U.S. Foreign Service focus on Africa. In our previous episode, you spoke about the risk of back sliding. So for this episode, we will focus on the steps that can be taken to strengthen democracy in Africa.

I'd like us to pivot a little bit to the Sahel because in Tanzania we see the back sliding that's coming from political actors themselves, but there's something happening in the Sahel, which is a region in which we see a lot of political commitment to democratic governance, whether it's from the leaders and activists in Niger Republic, in Burkina Faso and in Mali, but at the same time these countries are coming under tremendous pressure from violent extremists who are coming across the desert and destabilizing what would be an emerging democracy and what concerns do you have and how do you think organizations like NDI, like USIP and others that have the self-power expertise, so to speak can contribute to the efforts to counter violent extremism like Sahel and also the whole of Africa?

JC: Chris you're absolutely right and we should all be concerned about outside forces that can come in and destabilize a country, its politics, its economy and its society and across the Sahel we in fact see this happening. The challenges to stability, to democracy to holding free and transparent and creditable elections and having democratic systems that work, are not only challenged by sometimes authoritarian leaders seeking to maintain power and control, we also can see this emerging as a result of exogenous forces coming in from outside, and here we see non-state actors undermining stability across the Sahel, which is creating tension for democracies and tensions for states.

I think one of the things that is absolutely critical in addressing the problems with the Sahel is for government to reconnect with their citizens, to put in place the kinds of services that citizens are looking for and are demanding and expecting. They need to be responsive to the needs that they, citizens believe are not there and they have to have these connections in order to build up resilience, to build up strength against the ideologies and to the negative forces that are brought in by extremist groups.

It is extremists groups across the Sahel are taking advantage of the absence of good services and good connectivity between government and citizens and one of the things that must accompany the security response is in fact a development and government response. Security alone cannot end the problems in the Sahel. It's an important ingredient but the most important ingredient is government going in and establishing responsible connections, providing services, education, healthcare, sanitation, water cattle feeding stations and services that citizens require and are being deprived of.

So one of the things that must be hand in hand and be out front is not the military response and the security response but the governance response, the social service response and if that is absent, the security response will be deficient and will not work.

CF: In fact, I'm so thankful you say that, because I know that you and other members of our board, Secretary Albright, in particular the chair of our board, you've been emphasizing reinforcing this message about democracy and development component as part of the toolkit in conquering violent extremism and in fact, that's the approach that NDI is taking to its work in the Sahel because we currently have ongoing programs in Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso, and our focus, the main focus of that piece of work is on people, processes and the politics and trying to create platforms where governments can reconnect with citizens at a grassroots level.

So in a number of cases we've set up platforms where civil society with legislatures and members of the executive branch, including representatives of the security services get together regularly to figure out what the challenges are in various communities and how to foster inter-communal dialogue and better relationships between the security services and the populations that they seek to serve, because you may remember there was a UN study that said that in many of the cases where violent extremism persist, that 70% of the people who join extremist organizations, are reacting to poor performance by security services and you have paid a lot of attention to Nigerian and the whole Boko Haram phenomenon.

I don't know how this would fit into our conversation with regards to the Sahel as well.


JC: I think it also very pertinent for Nigeria, and I too have seen studies of some very distinguished organizations, Mercy Corps and others that talk about why people are recruited and indeed, the authoritarian sometimes brutal nature of security forces towards communities that they should be protecting drives individuals away from the government and into the hands of Boko Haram.

Even the origin of the current violence in Northern Nigeria has its origins in the brutal extrajudicial killing of Boko Haram's first leader in 2009. His apprehension, his questioning, his interrogation, torture and mistreatment were all recorded on someone's cellphone and became widely seen throughout the country and throughout the north. Two years later, after that event in 2009 we saw and upsurge in 2011 and the activities of Boko Haram and indeed people continued to say that the brutal nature in which the security forces sought to root out Boko Haram, in fact generated more recruits for Boko Haram than it did for support for the government's efforts.

It is absolutely critical, it's absolutely critical that security forces recognize that they have a responsibility to protect the civil liberties and the human rights of the citizens of the state that they are protecting and that the way they treat the individuals in areas that they go into, may have an impact on their ability to ultimately win the conflict, but one thinks of Nigeria and particularly of the North East and there again weak institutions of corruption of lack of social services are all playing a major part in why the conflict in that region continues.

In the north east of Nigeria particularly and the three most affected states, Borno, Yobe and Adamawa. Those three states have the lowest social indicators of any of Nigeria's 36 states, less access to education, to healthcare, to water resources and to jobs and access and this all plays out as well. Governments needs to be responsive to their citizens and while a security response is important, governance and providing social services and the needs to citizens to build resilience is critical as well.

CF: This seems like a good place to take a short break. For well over 35 years NDI has been honored to work side by side with courageous and committed pro-democracy activists and leaders around the world to help contribute to develop the institutions practices and skills necessary for democracy's success.

I realize it's many countries to cover but in the few minutes that are left, I just see if you have any parting words for four countries that we haven't really focused that much on and those are Ethiopia, Kenya, The Democratic Republic of Congo and we'll exit with Cameroon. What are your thoughts?

JC: My thoughts on Ethiopia. It is absolutely essential that those of us who support a democracy and democratic progress lend all of our efforts to those of the Ethiopian government to ensure that the democratic experiment that is underway is successful. Prime Minister Abiy won the Nobel Prize for bringing about peace with Eritrea but the more important thing is that we, outside step up our effort to help him ensure that his legislative elections, this year, are successful and that we do what we can to strengthen his country's democratic progress.

He has appointed and outstanding leader, Birtukan, former opposition leader, spent many years in jail as his country's election commissioner. We need on the outside to provide the kind of technical and financial and advocacy support that she might need to put in place the architecture for running the country's elections. It will in fact be the first real serious elections in that country since the collapse of the Derg in the early 1990s. So it's important that we help do this.

Ethiopia is Africa's second most populous country behind Nigeria and it's important that we help democracy there. It's also a key and strategic state in the region bordering a number of other countries that will look to the success of what happens here. So we need to support.

Kenya, will have elections next year. It is important that there be a continuation in the improvement of the country's electoral agencies. The shadow of the flawed and failed and controversial and violent elections of 2007 and 2008 continue to be a shadow. The controversies associated with the last elections and court decisions there continue to hang over. It is important to continue to support civil society, support the electoral commission and work with the Kenyan government to ensure an outcome.

It appears very clearly that President Kenyatta wants to leave a positive legacy of progress, economically, politically and electorally. This will be a challenge but we should support the process moving forward. The features are still there.

CF: In fact, I should say before end up with the last two countries that for listeners, Ethiopia has got a parliamentary system of government. That's why the parliamentary elections are extremely important, the national elections for Ethiopia and also with regards to Kenya, as you say, President Uhuru Kenyatta would like to leave a good legacy. He's coming to the end of his second term and NDI working with partners on the continent has been very strong on the issue constitutionalism, respect for rule of law. In fact, we had a continent wide conference in Niamey, Niger Republic last October on the whole question of presidential term limits and we'll be having a second conference in Botswana in June to discuss term limits with former African heads of states and various other partners on the continent.

Just to say that, as leaders relinquish power when their terms come to an end, they help consolidate and strengthen democratic practices and institutions. So, with the two remaining countries-

JC: I applaud President Kenyatta for saying very early on that he would adhere to the constitution, he would serve two terms and step down. This is an important message for the most important country in East Africa, especially looking at the neighboring states, particularly Burundi, Rwanda and Uganda where leaders there have found ways to extend themselves in office. He recognizes the importance of transition at the top and allowing the citizens of the country to select new leadership on a constitutional basis rather than trying to alter the constitution to eliminate term limits, age limits and perpetuate themselves in power.

So I hope others in the region are in fact looking at Kenya's model. One jumps across to West Africa and looks at President Paul Biya who's been in power for three decades, plus shows no desire whatsoever to leave office. Here is a man who has lost touch with his citizens and the communities of his country and because he has lost touch with his citizens, because there have been structural deficiencies and weaknesses and the institutions that he is responsible for, we now see a country that is suffering from three or four major political crisis, crisis with the English speaking portion of this country in the south west, the emergence of Boko Haram and radicalism across the border from Nigeria in the north west and problems of herders and farmers driven by drought and climate conditions.

President Biya has lost touch with the needs of his citizens and his government has not been responsive to anyone but himself and a small political elite. I think it is important for the international community to point out the failures and the flaws of his governance, the corruption that underpins it and to support those internally who are pushing for a constitution and political policies that fundamentally change the nature and structure of society, political architecture in society.

CF: You're so right, because that's one country that it's got tremendous potential but that it's not pulling its weight at all and because of its strategic location, invariably weakens other countries in the central Africa sub region, as well as in West Africa too and it's now taking full advantage of what could be real opportunities to improve the wellbeing of its citizens.

We'll be right back after this quick message.

And let's end with the country right in the heart of the continent, The Democratic Republic of Congo. I was in Kinshasa in October and met with political leaders and opinion leaders across the board, civil society, religious leaders who are very powerful in the Congo, very influential and I came away, I should say, a little more optimistic than I was going in. I was quite apprehensive given what has transpired in the 2018 presidential elections but after talking to the Congolese, I got a sense that a genuine attachment to reform.

Everybody wants some reforms of the political process or the electoral process and the key question is whether they are going to be able to set aside their personal agendas and actually get together to help this country, which has got tremendous resources and tremendous potential get back on its feet. I was very impressed by the fact that most of the leaders in Congo are pretty young. I know that you and I have talked about Congo for many, many times and when you were still in the administration you had to deal with some of their crisis.

I don't know what you take is on the present leadership and the present challenges but also the opportunities that present themselves in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

JC: Let me say that The Democratic Republic of the Congo has more unrealized potential than any other large state in Africa and that potential has continued to be in held in check and not realized because of the poor nature of the politics that have occurred there since the 1960s.

The 2018 elections were deeply flawed and irregular and not representative, I think, of the vote of the people. The one thing that one can say about the process that it did lead to President Kabila stepping down and a new younger president, Tshisekedi coming into power. There was immediately after the election a strong feeling that Tshisekedi was going to be instrument of Kabila going forward in that his leadership and his authority and his ability to do things would be substantially constrained. Tshisekedi has shown some degree of independence.

It is again important to recognize that there is little we can do to rerun that election or to reverse it but there is something that all of us can do going forward, and that to put pressure on President Tshisekedi to ensure that the electoral commission is strengthened, it has more independence, more technical capacity and more of an ability to deliver a more responsible, fair and transparent election going forward.

It is also important that he continue the fight against corruption, that he begin to put in place the kind of economic reforms that are going to unleash the potential of the Congo and to provide the people, The Democratic Republic of the Congo an opportunity to realize so many of the opportunities that they have been denied in the past. He has shown more independence than I thought but it is important that he not stop, that he continue to move forward, that he open up political space and continue to open it up for civil society, for the opposition, for the media, that he not constrain but unleash the country's potential and that he continue to show both in reality and fact his independence away from Kabila and those who were around him in the past.

He will be judged on the next four years very keenly, but it's important that the institutions of democracy to the extent that we can help civil society strengthen them, that they be nurtured and pushed forward. Elections and democracy...Democracy doesn't depend essentially, solely on elections. It is institutions that must be strengthened and we can help the DRC and civil society move those forward.

Again, working effectively with religions groups, Catholic Church, a very powerful instrument, working with women's groups, with working youth groups across the DRC and working with an emerging entrepreneurial class of young Congolese as well. We have to nurture and strengthen and push them forward. These next elections will be able to tell us whether there's been progress. President Tshisekedi needs to continue to move forward.

CF: Thank you very much Ambassador Johnnie Carson. It's really been an honor to have you do this tutor for us on the entire continent. Of course there still would always be ground to cover. As you were speaking, I thought about what late President John F Kennedy said about democracy as a never ending endeavor, and so NDI and similar organizations will continue to work side by side with our African partners to make sure that we can support them, give them the support and share experiences that they need so that we can all collectively, continue to work to strengthen and support democracy in countries like the DRC, Ethiopia, Sudan and across the entire continent.

Thank you also for being a member of our board of directors. We are extremely proud of that and extremely proud of the partnership that NDI has with USIP and hope that our two organizations would continue to work together to support the growth of democracy across Africa and to our listeners, can I just say thank you for sharing in this edition of DemWorks, to follow our next podcast. Please check us out on our website www.NDI.org.

Thank you for listening.


Ambassador Johnnie Carson





Peace, Security and Democratic Resilience,

1-. International relations (IR) theory has suffered a restructuring among several lines over the past two decades. The gradual but uninterrupted decline of systemic theories - primus inter pares in the discipline since the 1970s- is one of those. (1) This decline was accompanied by a rise of those approaches that privilege domestic politics as the place to look for answers. For reasons I will develop below, such an intellectual step was logical, expected, and partially appropriate. (2) While the current state of affairs should not be seen as immutable and a systemic comeback is plausible, the truth is that domestic politics, and non-systemic approaches in general, are well entrenched in a semi-hegemonic position. In this essay I will explain the reasons behind the aforementioned shift, assess its consequences, and advance some hypotheses on the future of systemic theories of IR.2-. Born between the interwar period and the dawn the Cold War world, IR was created with the explicit objective of explaining the causes of war –particularly great wars, understood under the lenses of the two devastating conflicts of the first half of the 20th century. Since then, IR scholars have struggled to respond to the main challenges –or what they perceive as the main challenges- in world politics. (3) This "duty" to explain the world drives theory to follow the patterns of change in international politics, which, as they develop, suggest new problématiques and novel ways to approach them. In important ways then –although, as discussed later, this is not the whole picture- (4) a sociology of inquiry is needed to better understand some of the key transformations in IR theory -e.g. the shift from systemic to domestic theories. Systemic approaches (5) made their meteoric rise under the shelter of K. Waltz's Neorealism. (6) They were created as a tool for a particular time with particular problems. (7) This was a world in which the primary preoccupation was how to manage the bilateral relationship between the United States and the USSR so that it would not en up in World War III. There were certainly other interests in the discipline, but this one outweighed all the rest. A Cold War context made systemic theories very appropriate. Needless to say, the bipolar conflict had been in place a long time before Waltz's path-breaking Theory of International Politics. (8) The essential point is, however, that Neorealism proved to be very successful in explaining the basic patterns of interest in this particular period of the history of IR –i.e. dynamics of polarity, relevance of nuclear weapons, consequences of anarchy and its relationship with war and cooperation, inter alia- in a more parsimonious and convincing way than the discipline had ever been able to do.The IR community recognized this "Copernican turn", as Waltz defined it, as progress and systemic approaches were established as mainstream, maybe even as "normal science." Anyone trying to explain something in international politics had to reckon with the system. This was true for realists (see the work of Gilpin, Walt, and Grieco) but also for scholars with a line of inquiry that differed substantially from Waltz's (see Keohane's Cooperation after Hegemony for a good example). 3-. A dramatic event that shakes the bases of an academic discipline is sometimes needed to motivate scholars to devise new lines of inquiry and surpass research programs that appear to be losing heuristic power. This is what the fall of the Soviet Union did with Neorealism, and systemic approaches in general. (9) Structural realism was in many ways, and problematically so, a theory for the Cold War. Its discussion on nuclear weapons, bipolarity, uncertainty, and superpower dynamics seemed to be too tied to a specific historical context. (10) The inability of neorealism, or any other systemic theory for that matter, to foresee –or even explain- the disappearance of the bipolar world –a systemic change par excellence-supposed a hard blow to its appeal. (11) Both the fall of the USSR and the subsequent appearance (or uncovering, once the Cold War veil was lifted) of new "themes" in international politics -IPE, civil wars, the role of leaders, the democratic peace, inter alia- opened a fertile camp over which to argue for the need to "go beyond systemic theory." (12) I argued supra that this was an appropriate move (or partially appropriate). But the reasons implicitly inferred up to know -failure in predicting events and a crisis in the IR community (in a Kuhnian sense)- cannot support this claim. The other face of the coin is that the thorough self-examination of the 1990s also responded to internal problems of systemic theories as research programs. For example, in the 1980s the discipline was stuck in the mud of absolute vs. relative gains debate, a degenerative discussion from a Lakatosian perspective. (13) Visible problems of heuristic power were calling for a partial move beyond the system. This was the real cause for the shift, and the best argument to characterize it as "appropriate". The exogenous shock (fall of the USSR) had the role, not at all minor, of opening a window of opportunity for dissenting scholars. Helen Milner was one of the most eloquent advocates for this turn. Her argument, in short, was that "systemic theory simply cannot take us far enough" (Milner, 1992). The assumption that anarchy was the principal variable defining states preferences and the primacy of a straight causal line from the system to the state and then to policy-making was excessively simplistic, Milner argued. How could the discipline solve this quagmire? By studying domestic politics to understand states' preferences and, consequently, the differing patterns of conflict and cooperation in international politics. (14) As Milner contended: "…cooperation may be unattainable because of domestic intransigence, and not because of the international system." (15) A reaction against systemic theories was not exclusive to the liberal trenches. Following this turn toward domestic politics, some realist scholars directed their efforts at the incorporation of domestic variables as a way to add complexity to systemic models that they saw as too crude. In his From Wealth to Power, F. Zakaria argued that anarchy and the distribution of power were not enough to explain the behavior of rising powers. After observing that at the end of the 19th century the US was not as assertive as a structural approach would have predicted, he hypothesized that this was because it did not have the governmental capacity to do so. To solve this puzzle he argued for the incorporation of models of resource extraction and governmental capability to try to get through the Neorealist corset. This was an important intra-realist challenge to a somewhat ossified systemic realism. (16)The rise of domestic approaches represented a generalized discontentment with the excessive importance given to parsimony and the inflexibility that came with it. Parsimony, which should be no more than a tool in theory building, was placed as a goal in itself, restricting research in a way that went against the discipline's own progress. Those boundaries had to be overcome if we wanted to say something about some of the important issues left unstudied by a focus on the system. Once again, the Cold War world with its apparently clear strategic problems may have seemed more propitious to a highly parsimonious approach to theory building. In a post Cold War world, the costs of parsimony were too heavy. Domestic theories certainly lost in parsimony, but they gained in a more real approach to IR problématiques. This was the primary rationale behind the turn here discussed, and in this limited sense, the shift was appropriate. (17)4-. It would be nice to unambiguously assert that the fall of systemic theories made IR a coherent and progressive discipline. This, unfortunately, is not the case. The past two decades have seen the formation of a different ethos of theory building and discipline development that may end up doing more harm than good to our broader understanding of international politics. Something not mentioned up to now is the ascent of quantitative and strategic-choice approaches in the discipline. Quantitative approaches gained prominence by the same time that, and related to, domestic theories were supplanting systemic theories. (18) Strategic choice and game theory, following developments in other academic areas -especially economics-, also gained importance in the 1990s under the idea of formalizing theories and going beyond the "isms." There is nothing wrong with these approaches per se. Quantitative work has been very important in the empirical development of IR -maybe too neglected in the past. Formal theory, on the other hand, is a powerful and clear tool to build and evaluate theories while avoiding problems of underspecification all too common in the discipline –though, this is only true if one can get through its assumptions. (19)The problems of this new "methodological bets" are to be found in the costs for the general development of the discipline. The most pressing are the ones related to the idea that theory construction should be a bottom to top affair, and the implicit notion that by building the parts individually we will eventually end up in a progressive accumulation of theoretical knowledge. However, this epistemological decision may well result in the proliferation of particularistic theories of problems ever more sophisticatedly studied, increasingly particular and micro, and in crescendo uninteresting. (20) By depending on a kind of magical automatic accumulation of theoretical knowledge we are risking to end up with an even more chaotic and incoherent discipline (more on this in the conclusion). 5-. As said in the introduction, the fall of grace of systemic theories cannot be taken as an irreversible given; it is possible to devise some scenarios in which systemic approaches could make a comeback.The first one is linked to the relationship between theory and History discussed earlier. The post Cold War world, particularly the 1990s, was a strange period for the discipline. The study of IR has historically dealt with great power politics as its core. The "curious" 1990s came with a certain absence of great power politics, especially due to the overwhelming power position of the US. This goes a long way in explaining the growing emphasis on domestic politics, civil wars, international organizations, inter alia, during those years. A partial return of classical great power politics (or the perception of it) -for example under the banner of the rise of China and some other middle powers- might motivate a recasting of systemic theories -particularly for those wanting to study polarity (a passé topic in the unipolar 1990s), (21) systemic change and its consequences, etc. (22)Another plausible scenario would be the success of some of the ongoing projects to make systemic theories more sophisticated and comprehensive by, for example, incorporating domestic variables. A good example is "Neo-classical Realism" (see fn. 16). This research project proceeds from a systemic assumption of the influences of the system (that is, a neorealist basis) but incorporates domestic politics as an intervening variable between systemic pressures and decision-making. Though a rather interesting proto-school, Neoclassical Realism is still in its infant stages and has yet to produce work of remarkable characteristics. Lastly, domestic politics, as should have been expected, were not the panacea for the development of IR theory. There might well be a social exhaustion with the results of domestic and micro-theory –a Kuhnian crisis analogous to the one that discredited systemic theories. This may eventually take IR on unexpected paths. Nevertheless, if measured by academic output and Geist, predicting a comeback of systemic approaches seems a risky bet. The discipline appears to be quite comfortable with increasing its empirical production, formalizing theories towards an Icarian "scientism", and avoiding, at its own peril, a "wholist" view of international politics. 6-. Going beyond systemic theories –not in the sense of vanishing them, but of relaxing some of their strictures, increasing their sophistication, and trying new approaches- was the necessary thing to do for a methodology that was unable to cope with many of the relevant problems in IR. The turn to domestic and particularistic perspectives brought much needed renovation, indeed. However, the excesses incurred by systemic theorists as a result of an obsession with parsimony and structural effects may now seem analogous (although for the opposite reasons) to a fixation with the particular and micro-level studies in contemporary IR theory. A blind push to obtain ever more data of increasingly micro phenomena puts at risk what we can say about international relations in general. We may, for example, be more much prepared to sophisticatedly answer why a specific insurgent group responded in a specific way to the level of aggression of a specific state, (23) but we may also be losing our interest and capacity to think about the nature of conflict in its most elemental condition. The stakes are too high for the IR community to avoid an honest discussion on how far we are willing to continue on this path. (1) This essay works with the assumption of a relative decline of systemic apporaches. To argue that they have vanished would be utterly incorrect. For a convincing argument on the inevitability of structural constraints see Jervis'sSystem Effects.(2) Although a change may be welcomed, the results are not always as encouraging as expected (more on this qualification of "appropriate" later).(3) This does not mean, of course, that there is an exclusive focus on policy or immediacy, It means that in its most basic essence, the idea of the discipline is to be able to provide some answers to the pressing problems in the international system. To give an example, few people would be interested in studying the prospects of war between France and Germany in the 21st century per se –though it surely is studied as a historical case that can shed light on other issues-, while this was one of the main topics in the nascent IR discipline.(4) Social science does not progress only by exogenous shocks, but also for endogenous reasons that cannot be explained by what happens outside theoretical disscusions.(5) Understood simply as those that privilege the influence of the structure over the behavior of the units.(6) This type of theories certainly were not born with Waltz; systemic is a much broader category than Neorealism. The important point is that Waltz devised the more convincing type of systemic theory. For simplicity, Waltz' Neorelism will be used here as the epitome and a kind of proxy for systemic theory. (7) It must be said that the rise of systemic theories also responded to changes in the social sciences in general; for example, the influence of structuralist anthorpoligist Levi-Strauss' work, which Waltz knew well.(8) Theories of IR before Waltz hosted a diverse group of analysts: Classical realism from the hand of a Hans Morgenthau, Geroge Kennan and Raymond Aron; liberal approaches from a Stanley Hoffman, Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye; Bureacratic Organization and foreign policy from a Graham Allison; and a long et cetera.(9) See R. N. Lebow, "The Long Peace, the End of the Cold War and the Failure of Realism."(10) See I. Oren's Our Enemies and US: America´s Rivalries and the Making of Political Science.(11) As with its rise the decline of systemic theories was also linked to broader transformations in the world of ideas, to which IR seems to always be a latecomer. From a broad perspective, this phenomenon had started in the 1960s with the work of Foucault, Derrida, Geertz and others.(12) The end of the immediate preoccupation with bipolarity also gave the opportunity to rethink some long-term historical problems of Neorealism (see Schroeder 1994).(13) Some of the scholars engaged in this deabate were: Keohane, Grieco, Axelrod, and Mastanduno; cf. Milner (1992).(14) In another article in International Organization (1987) she argues that to understand the way in which states make decisions in the international economy it is not enough to look at anarchy. Her model studies the type of economic links between countries (high or low interdependence) and the influence of interests groups that may pressure the state to make particular decisions; these policy outcomes would have been incomprehensible from a systemic/anarchic stance. According to Milner, there is an important dynamic of preference construction and strategies adopted that are to be found in domestic politics.(15) See also Putnam (1988) for an interesting effort to move beyond lists of domestic factors and towards a coherent two level theory.(16) This line of research has been given the title of Neoclassical Realism (see G. Rose 1998). See the work of R. Schweller, J. Taliaferro, A. Friedberg, and T. Christensen.(17) Systemic theories were also attached to what has been discussed as the "paradigm wars" between realism, liberalism, constructivism, etc. The turn away from them can also be given credit for helping to discredit this unproductive way of theorizing.(18) This trend was tied to the notoriety of the "democratic peace" project that was, and still is, an empirical enterprise at its core. See Russett and Oneal (1999); cf. Gartzke (2007).(19) See Wagner, War and the State, and Lake and Powell Strategic Choice and International Relations.(20) This is not the nature of all the work in this approach, of course, but just a possible trend of the school as a whole. See Walt's "Rigor or Rigor Mortis" for a sharp, but not always convincing, critique.(21) For an exception see the work by N. Monteiro on unipolarity. This does not mean that polarity disappeared from the IR map, but it was certainly shrinked as a research question.(22) Some young scholars on this line of research are: P. MacDonald, J. Parent, D. Kliman and M. Beckley.(23) See Jason Lyall's "Does Indiscriminate Violence Incite Insurgent Attacks? Evidence from Chechnya" To be fair, Lyall's work attempts to generalize from this specific case –how convincing he is not very clear, however. *Ph.D. StudentDepartment of Political ScienceUniversity of Pennsylvania.E-mail: gcastro@sas.upenn.edu

Threats To International Peace And Security. The Situation In The Middle East ; United Nations S/PV.8233 Security Council Seventy-third year 8233rd meeting Saturday, 14 April 2018, 11 a.m. New York Provisional President: Mr. Meza-Cuadra . (Peru) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Llorentty Solíz China. . Mr. Ma Zhaoxu Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Mr. Alemu France. . Mr. Delattre Kazakhstan. . Mr. Umarov Kuwait. . Mr. Alotaibi Netherlands. . Mrs. Gregoire Van Haaren Poland. . Mr. Radomski Russian Federation. . Mr. Nebenzia Sweden . Mr. Skoog United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Ms. Pierce United States of America. . Mrs. Haley Agenda Threats to international peace and security The situation in the Middle East This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-10891 (E) *1810891* S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 2/26 18-10891 The meeting was called to order at 11.10 a.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. Threats to international peace and security The situation in the Middle East The President (spoke in Spanish): In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I wish to warmly welcome His Excellency Secretary-General António Guterres, to whom I now give the floor. The Secretary-General: I have been following closely the reports of air strikes in Syria conducted by the United States, France and United Kingdom. Last night at 10 p.m. New York time, the United States President announced the beginning of air strikes with the participation of France and the United Kingdom, indicating they were targeting the chemical-weapons capabilities of the Syrian Government to deter their future use. The statement was followed by announcements from Prime Minister May and President Macron. The air strikes were reportedly limited to three military locations inside Syria. The first targets included the Syrian Scientific Studies and Research Centre at Al-Mazzah airport in Damascus, the second an alleged chemical-weapons storage facility west of Homs and the third an alleged chemical-weapons equipment storage site and command post, also near Homs. The Syrian Government announced surface-to-air missile responsive activity. Both United States and Russian sources indicated there were no civilian casualties. However, the United Nations is unable to independently verify the details of all those reports. As Secretary-General of the United Nations, it is my duty to remind Member States that there is an obligation, particularly when dealing with matters of peace and security, to act consistently with the Charter of the United Nations, and with international law in general. The Charter is very clear on these issues. The Security Council has the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. I call on the members of the Security Council to unite and exercise that responsibility, and I urge all members to show restraint in these dangerous circumstances and to avoid any act that could escalate matters and worsen the suffering of the Syrian people. As I did yesterday (see S/PV.8231), I stress the importance of preventing the situation from spiralling out of control. Any use of chemical weapons is abhorrent, and the suffering it causes is horrendous. I have repeatedly expressed my deep disappointment that the Security Council has failed to agree on a dedicated mechanism for ensuring effective accountability for the use of chemical weapons in Syria. I urge the Security Council to assume its responsibilities and fill that gap, and I will continue to engage with Member States to help to achieve that objective. A lack of accountability emboldens those who use such weapons by providing them with the reassurance of impunity, and that in turn further weakens the norm proscribing the use of chemical weapons, as well as undermining the international disarmament and non-proliferation architecture as a whole. The seriousness of the recent allegations of the use of chemical weapons in Douma requires a thorough investigation using impartial, independent and professional expertise. I reaffirm my full support for the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons and its Fact-finding Mission in the Syrian Arab Republic in undertaking the required investigation. The team is already in Syria. I am informed that its operations plan for visiting the site is complete and that the Mission is ready to go. I am confident it will have full access, without any restrictions or impediments to its performance of its activities. To repeat what I said yesterday, Syria represents the most serious threat to international peace and security in the world today. In Syria we see confrontations and proxy wars involving several national armies, a number of armed opposition groups, many national and international militias, foreign fighters from all over the world and various terrorist organizations. From the beginning, we have witnessed systematic violations of international humanitarian law, international human rights law and international law in general, in utter disregard of the letter and spirit of the Charter of the United Nations. For eight long years, the people of Syria have endured suffering upon suffering. They have lived 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 3/26 through a litany of horrors, atrocity crimes, sieges, starvation, indiscriminate attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure, the use of chemical weapons, forced displacement, sexual violence, torture, detention and enforced disappearances. The list goes on. At this critical juncture, I call on all States Members to act consistently with the Charter of the United Nations and international law, including the norms against chemical weapons. If the law is ignored, it is undermined. There can be no military solution to the crisis. The solution must be political, and we must find ways to make real progress towards a genuine and credible political solution that meets the aspirations of the Syrian people to dignity and freedom, in accordance with resolution 2254 (2015) and the Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex). I have asked my Special Envoy to come to New York as soon as possible to consult with me on the most effective way to accelerate the political process. The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank the Secretary-General for his valuable briefing. I shall now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): Russia has called this emergency meeting of the Security Council to discuss the aggressive actions of the United States and its allies against Syria. This is now our fifth meeting on the subject in a week. President Putin of the Russian Federation made a special statement today. "On 14 April, the United States, with the support of its allies, launched an air strike on military and civilian infrastructure targets in the Syrian Arab Republic. An act of aggression against a sovereign State on the front lines in the fight against terrorism was committed without permission from the Security Council and in violation of the Charter of the United Nations and the norms and principles of international law. Just as it did a year ago, when it attacked Syria's Al-Shayrat airbase in Syria, the United States took a staged use of toxic substances against civilians as a pretext, this time in Douma, outside Damascus. Having visited the site of the alleged incident, Russian military experts found no traces of chlorine or any other toxic agent. Not a single local resident could confirm that such an attack had occurred. "The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) has sent experts to Syria to investigate all the circumstances. However, a group of Western countries cynically ignored this and took military action without waiting for the results of the investigation. "Russia vehemently condemns this attack on Syria, where Russian military personnel are helping the legitimate Government to combat terrorism. "The actions of the United States are making the already catastrophic humanitarian situation in Syria even worse, inflicting suffering on civilians, for all intents and purposes enabling the terrorists who have been tormenting the Syrian people for seven years, and producing yet another wave of refugees fleeing the country and the region in general. The current escalation of the Syrian situation is having a destructive effect on the entire system of international relations. History will have the last word, and it has already revealed the heavy responsibility that Washington bears for the carnage in Yugoslavia, Iraq and Libya." Russia has done everything it could to persuade the United States and its allies to abandon their militaristic plans threatening a new round of violence in Syria and destabilization in the Middle East. Today, and at the Council meeting we called yesterday (see S/PV.8231), the Secretary-General expressed his concern about how events are developing. Washington, London and Paris, however, preferred to let the calls for sanity go unheard. The United States and its allies continue to demonstrate a flagrant disregard for international law, although as permanent members of the Security Council they have a special duty to uphold the provisions of the Charter. It was a disgrace to hear an article of the United States Constitution cited as justification of this aggression. We respect the right of every State to honour its own fundamental law. But it is high time that Washington learned that it is the Charter of the United Nations that governs the international code of conduct on the use of force. It will be interesting to see how the peoples of Great Britain and France react to the fact that their leaders are participating in unlawful military ventures that invoke the United States Constitution. These three countries constantly lean towards neocolonialism. They scorn the Charter and the Security Council, which they attempt, shamelessly, to use for their own unscrupulous purposes. They do no serious S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 4/26 18-10891 work in the Council. They refuse to consult with us, while falsely assuring everyone of the opposite. They are undermining the Council's authority. The alleged use of chemical weapons in the Syrian city of Douma has been cited as the excuse for this aggression. After an inspection by our specialists, Russia's representatives stated unequivocally that no such incident took place. Moreover, people were found to have taken part in staging the incident, which was inspired and organized by foreign intelligence services. After the matter emerged, the Syrian authorities immediately invited experts from the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons to try to establish all the circumstances through a field mission to Douma. The visa formalities were dealt with quickly and security guarantees given. As the air strikes began, the specialists were already in Syria and preparing to begin their work. I would like to remind Council members and everyone else that on 10 April (see S/PV.8228), when our draft resolution (S/2018/322) on ensuring the security of the work of the OPCW's special mission was blocked, we were assured that there was no need for such a document. They said that no additional effort on the part of the Security Council was necessary to ensure that the mission could reach Douma and conduct an investigation of the chemical incident. Now, however, we can see that we were absolutely right. Yesterday, some of our colleagues — some out of naivety and others out of cynicism — told us that this situation had allegedly arisen owing to the lack of an independent investigative mechanism. The aggression today has shown, as we said, that this had nothing whatever to do with it. The OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mission (JIM) was in place during last year's attack on the Al-Shayrat airbase, but that did not stop the United States from launching a missile attack. After that, the JIM spent six months tailoring its conclusions to justify the strike. We have said over and over again that they do not need any investigations. They did not need them then and they do not need them now. The organizers of the aggression did not even wait for the international organization that is authorized to establish the basic facts to do so. Apparently they had established and instantly identified the perpetrators, after disseminating rumours about them through social networks with the help of the militias they sponsor and the non-governmental organizations that are their clients. This was backed up by mythical secret intelligence. Their masks — or rather the White Helmets — have come off once again. We have become accustomed to the fact that their efforts to achieve their dubious geopolitical aims, the aggressor countries deliberately blame the so-called Assad regime for every evil. There has been a trend recently to shift the blame onto Russia, which, as they tell it, has been unable to restrain Syria's so-called dictator. All of this goes according to a tried-and- true formula, whereby a provocation results in a false accusation, which results in a false verdict, which results in punishment. Is that how these people want to conduct international affairs? This is hooliganism in international relations, and not on a petty scale, given that we are talking about the actions of key nuclear Powers. Several missiles were aimed at the research centre facilities in Barzeh and Jamraya. There have been two recent OPCW inspections there with unrestricted access to their entire premises. The specialists found no trace of activities that would contravene the Chemical Weapons Convention. Syria's scientific research institutions are used for strictly peaceful activities aimed at improving the efficiency of the national economy. Do they want Syria to have no national economy left at all? Do they want to kick this country — only a few years ago one of the most developed in the Middle East — back into the Stone Age? Do they want to finish whatever their sanctions have not yet accomplished? And yet they still contrive false breast-beating about the sufferings of ordinary Syrians. But they have no interest in ordinary Syrians, who are sick of war and glad about the restoration of the legitimate authorities in the liberated territories. Their aggressive actions merely worsen the humanitarian situation that they claim to care about so deeply. They could end the conflict in Syria in the space of 24 hours. All that is needed is for Washington, London and Paris to give the order to their tame terrorists to stop fighting the legitimate authorities and their own people. The attacks were aimed at Syrian military airfields that are used for operations against terrorist organizations, a highly original contribution to the fight against international terrorism, which, as Washington never tires of saying, is the sole reason for its military presence in Syria, something that we are extremely doubtful about. Rather, it is becoming increasingly clear that those in the West who hide 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 5/26 behind humanitarian rhetoric and try to justify their military presence in Syria based on the need to defeat the jihadists are in fact acting in concert with them to dismember the country, a design confirmed by the categorical refusal of the United States and its allies to assist in the restoration of the areas of Syria that have been liberated by Government forces. Their aggression is a powerful blow and a threat to the prospects for continuing the political process under the auspices of the United Nations, which, despite the real difficulties, is moving forward, albeit at varying speed. Why do they bother endlessly pinning all their hopes on the Geneva process when they themselves are driving it straight towards yet another crisis? We urge the United States and its allies to immediately halt their acts of aggression against Syria and refrain from them going forward. We have proposed a brief draft resolution for the Council's attention on which we request that a vote be held at the end of this meeting. We appeal to the members of the Security Council. Now is not the time to evade responsibility. The world is watching. Stand up for our principles. Mrs. Haley (United States of America): I thank the Secretary-General for his briefing today. This is the fifth Security Council meeting in the past week in which we have addressed the situation in Syria. A week has gone by in which we have talked. We have talked about the victims in Douma. We have talked about the Al-Assad regime and its patrons, Russia and Iran. We have spent a week talking about the unique horror of chemical weapons. The time for talk ended last night. We are here today because three permanent members of the Security Council acted. The United Kingdom, France, and the United States acted not in revenge, not in punishment and not in a symbolic show of force. We acted to deter the future use of chemical weapons by holding the Syrian regime responsible for its crimes against humanity. We can all see that a Russian disinformation campaign is in full force this morning, but Russia's desperate attempts at deflection cannot change the facts. A large body of information indicates that the Syrian regime used chemical weapons in Douma on 7 April. There is clear information demonstrating Al-Assad's culpability. The pictures of dead children were not fake news; they were the result of the Syrian regime's barbaric inhumanity. And they were the result of the regime's and Russia's failure to live up to their international commitments to remove all chemical weapons from Syria. The United States, France and the United Kingdom acted after careful evaluation of those facts. The targets we selected were at the heart of the Syrian regime's illegal chemical-weapon programme. The strikes were carefully planned to minimize civilian casualties. The responses were justified, legitimate and proportionate. The United States and its allies did everything they could to use the tools of diplomacy to get rid of Al-Assad's arsenal of chemical weapons. We did not give diplomacy just one chance. We gave it chance after chance. Six times. That is how many times Russia vetoed Security Council resolutions to address chemical weapons in Syria. Our efforts go back even further. In 2013, the Security Council adopted resolution 2118 (2013), requiring the Al-Assad regime to destroy its stockpile of chemical weapons. Syria committed to abiding by the Chemical Weapons Convention, meaning that it could no longer have chemical weapons on its soil. President Putin said that Russia would guarantee that Syria complied. We hoped that this diplomacy would succeed in putting an end to the horror of chemical attacks in Syria, but as we have seen from the past year, that did not happen. While Russia was busy protecting the regime, Al-Assad took notice. The regime knew that it could act with impunity, and it did. In November, Russia used its veto to kill the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism, the main tool we had to figure out who used chemical weapons in Syria. Just as Russia was using its veto (see S/PV.8107), the Al-Assad regime used sarin, leading to dozens of injuries and deaths. Russia's veto was the green light for the Al-Assad regime to use these most barbaric weapons against the Syrian people, in complete violation of international law. The United States and our allies were not going to let that stand. Chemical weapons are a threat to us all. They are a unique threat — a type of weapon so evil that the international community agreed that they must be banned. We cannot stand by and let Russia trash every international norm that we stand for, and allow the use of chemical weapons to go unanswered. Just as the Syrian regime's use of chemical weapons last weekend was not an isolated incident, our response is part of a new course charted last year to deter future use of chemical weapons. Our Syrian strategy has not changed. S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 6/26 18-10891 However, the Syrian regime has forced us to take action based on its repeated use of chemical weapons. Since the April 2017 chemical attack at Khan Shaykhoun, the United States has imposed hundreds of sanctions on individuals and entities involved in chemical-weapons use in Syria and North Korea. We have designated entities in Asia, the Middle East and Africa that have facilitated chemical-weapons proliferation. We have revoked the visas of Russian intelligence officers in response to the chemical attack in Salisbury. We will continue to seek out and call out anyone who uses and anyone who aids in the use of chemical weapons. With yesterday's military action, our message was crystal clear. The United States of America will not allow the Al-Assad regime to continue to use chemical weapons. Last night, we obliterated the major research facility that it used to assemble weapons of mass murder. I spoke to the President this morning, and he said that if the Syrian regime should use this poison gas again, the United States is locked and loaded. When our President draws a red line, our President enforces the red line. The United States is deeply grateful to the United Kingdom and France for their part in the coalition to defend the prohibition of chemical weapons. We worked in lock step; we were in complete agreement. Last night, our great friends and indispensable allies shouldered a burden that benefits all of us. The civilized world owes them its thanks. In the weeks and months to come, the Security Council should take time to reflect on its role in defending the international rule of law. The Security Council has failed in its duty to hold those who use chemical weapons to account. That failure is largely due to Russian obstruction. We call on Russia to take a hard look at the company it keeps, live up to its responsibilities as a permanent member of the Council, and defend the actual principles the United Nations was meant to promote. Last night, we successfully hit the heart of Syria's chemical weapons enterprise, and because of these actions we are confident that we have crippled Syria's chemical weapons programme. We are prepared to sustain this pressure if the Syrian regime is foolish enough to test our will. Ms. Pierce (United Kingdom): These are uncertain times and today we deal with exceptional circumstance. Acting with our American and French allies, in the early hours of this morning the United Kingdom conducted coordinated, targeted and precise strikes to degrade Al-Assad's chemical weapons capability and deter their future use. The British Royal Air Force launched Storm Shadow missiles at a military facility some 15 miles west of Homs, where the regime is assessed to keep chemical weapons in breach of Syria's obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention. A full assessment has not yet been completed, but we believe that the strikes to have been successful. Furthermore, none of the British, United States or French aircraft or missiles involved in this operation were successfully engaged by Syrian air defences, and there is also no indication that Russian air defence systems were employed. Our action was a limited, targeted and effective strike. There were clear boundaries that expressly sought to avoid escalation, and we did everything possible, including rigorous planning, before any action was undertaken to ensure that we mitigated and minimized the impact on civilians. Together, our action will significantly degrade the Syrian regime's ability to research, develop and deploy chemical weapons and deter their future use. The United Kingdom Prime Minister has said that we are clear about who is responsible for the atrocity of the use of chemical weapons. A significant body of information, including intelligence, indicates that the Syrian regime is responsible for the attack we saw last Saturday. Some of the evidence that leads us to this conclusion is as follows. There are open source accounts alleging that a barrel bomb was used to deliver the chemicals. Multiple open source reports claim that a regime helicopter was observed above the city of Douma on the evening of 7 April. The opposition does not operate helicopters or use barrel bombs. And reliable intelligence indicates that Syrian military officials coordinated what appears to be the use of chlorine in Douma on 7 April. No other group could have carried out this attack. Indeed, Da'esh, for example, does not even have a presence in Douma. The Syrian regime has been killing its own people for seven years. Its use of chemical weapons, which has exacerbated the human suffering, is a serious crime of international concern as a breach of the customary international law prohibition on the use of chemical weapons, and that amounts to a war crime and a crime against humanity. Any State is permitted under international law, on an exceptional basis, to 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 7/26 take measures in order to alleviate overwhelming humanitarian suffering. The legal basis for the use of force for the United Kingdom is humanitarian intervention, which requires that three conditions to be met. First, there must be convincing evidence, generally accepted by the international community as a whole, of extreme humanitarian distress on a large scale, requiring immediate and urgent relief. I think that the debates in the Council and the briefings we have had from the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and others have proved that. Secondly, it must be objectively clear that there is no practicable alternative to the use of force if lives are to be saved. I think that the vetoes have shown us that. Thirdly, the proposed use of force must be necessary and proportionate to the aim of relief of humanitarian suffering. It must be strictly limited in time and in scope to this aim. I think we have heard both in my intervention in Ambassador Haley's how that has also been met. The history of the Syrian conflict is a litany of threats to peace and violations of international law. The Security Council has met 113 times since the Syrian war started. It was therefore not for want of international diplomatic effort that we find ourselves in this position today. After a pattern of chemical-weapons use since the outbreak of the conflict, Al-Assad defied the international community in 2013 by launching a sarin gas attack on eastern Ghouta, which left more than 800 people dead. Despite the adoption of resolution 2118 (2013) and despite four years of patient engagement, Syria continues to use chemical weapons against its people and has failed to answer a long list of serious questions. The only conclusion we can reach is that Syria has not declared or destroyed all of its chemical weapons, despite its obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention. This is not assertion on our part but a matter of record, and I draw the Russian Ambassador's attention to his points about Barazan and Jimrya. The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) still has unanswered questions and discrepancies. He knows this. We all know this. The Council was briefed by the OPCW Director-General. Resolution 2118 (2013) decides in the event of non-compliance to impose measures under Chapter VII of the Charter. Yet on 28 February 2017, when the United Kingdom together with France, proposed a draft resolution (S/2017/172) taking measures under Chapter VII short of the use of force, Russia vetoed (see S/PV.7893). The very least the Security Council should have been able to do was to follow up on the findings of the report of the Joint Investigative Mechanism by extending its mandate. Yet four times Russia vetoed different proposals from different Council Members to do just that. The Syrian regime and it supporters are responsible for the gravest violations of international humanitarian law in modern history. They have used indiscriminate weapons, notably barrel bombs and cluster munitions, against civilians, and they have deliberately targeted medical facilities and schools, as well as humanitarian personnel and civilian objects. They have used sieges and starvation as methods of warfare, accompanied by attacks on opposition-held civilian areas. The regime has persistently obstructed humanitarian aid and medical evacuations. Tens of thousands of people have been illegally detained, tortured and executed by the regime. This is one of the most serious challenges to the international non-proliferation regime we have ever faced. A State party has violated the Chemical Weapons Convention, it has defied the Security Council, and it has broken international law. Repeated attempts over several years to hold them to account have been met with Russian obstruction and resistance. In the Security Council, we have repeatedly attempted to overcome this obstruction without success. We are faced with a litany of violations, no sense of guilt, no sense of regret, no sense of responsibility, a shameful record, wrapped in a mix of denial, deceit and disinformation. I would invite those like the Russian Ambassador who speak about the Charter to consider the following. It is hard to believe that it is in line with the principles and purposes of the Charter to use or condone the use of chemical weapons, and in the United Kingdom's view it cannot be illegal to use force to prevent the killing of such numbers of innocent people. I will take no lessons in international law from Russia. Despite all the foregoing, we would like to look forward. The United Kingdom, together with France and the United States, will continue to pursue a diplomatic resolution to the Syrian crisis. My French colleague will say more about our work in a few moments. We believe that it must comprise four elements. S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 8/26 18-10891 First, Syria's chemical weapons programme must be ended and the chemical weapons stockpiles destroyed once and for all. Secondly, there must be an immediate cessation of hostilities and compliance with all Security Council resolutions, including those that mandate humanitarian access. Thirdly, the regime must return to the Geneva talks and agree to engage on the substantial agenda put forward by the United Nations Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura. Fourthly and finally, there must be accountability for the use of chemical weapons and other war crimes in Syria. The Secretary-General rightly highlighted the political process. We propose that, as we members of the Security Council will all be together next weekend in the retreat with the Secretary-General very kindly hosted by Sweden, we use that opportunity to reflect on next steps and the way back to the political process. And with our allies, we stand ready to work with all members of the Security Council towards this end. Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): A week after the chemical massacre in Douma and a day after last night's strikes, I want to say again straight away to those who pretend to wonder that France has no doubt whatsoever about the responsibility of the Al-Assad regime in this attack. This morning we made public a notice comprising information collected by our intelligence services. We dismiss those who try once again to challenge what is obvious and to disguise the facts before the world. For years now, Bashar Al-Assad, with the active support of his allies, has been devising a strategy of destruction designed to crush any opposition with contempt for the most basic principles of humanity and at the cost of the lives of hundreds of thousands of civilians in Syria. We saw it in Aleppo, in Homs, in eastern Ghouta. For years, the Syrian regime has used the most terrifying weapons of destruction — chemical weapons — to massacre and terrorize its civilian population. We had another demonstration of this in Douma, as we had seen before in Khan Shaykhun, Sarmin, Telemens and Qaminas, where its responsibility was clearly established by the Joint Investigative Mechanism of the United Nations and the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). No one can say he or she did not know. For years, the Syrian regime has systematically and repeatedly violated all its international obligations. The list of such violations is long; it is overwhelming. We all know them: violations of all international chemical-weapons obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention, to which Syria has been a party since 2013, and the 1925 Geneva Protocol, which prohibits the use of such weapons against civilians; violations of the very foundations of international humanitarian law, namely, the principles of distinction, precaution and proportionality; violations of successive Security Council resolutions 2118 (2013), 2209 (2015) and 2235 (2015) and, by the same token, of its obligations under the Charter of the United Nations; finally, the use of chemical weapons against civilian populations constitutes a war crime within the meaning of the Statute of the International Criminal Court. In August 2013, the Secretary-General even described the use of chemical weapons as a crime against humanity. In view of the repeated and proven violations by the Damascus regime of all the rules on which our security is based, France has consistently called for strong action by the international community. We have made every effort to ensure that these horrors do not remain without consequences at the United Nations and the OPCW and that they are stopped. The Security Council had undertaken by successive resolutions 2118 (2013), 2209 (2015) and 2235 (2015) to impose coercive measures within the meaning of Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations in the event of new violations. It has been prevented from acting in conformity with its commitments because of the vetoes systematically used by Russia. By making such systematic use of its veto in the Security Council, Russia has betrayed the commitment it made to the Council in 2013 to ensure the destruction of the Syrian chemical arsenal. The Security Council's blockade of the mass atrocities committed in Syria is a deadly and dangerous trap from which we must escape. When it ordered the 7 April chemical attack, the Syrian regime knew exactly to what it was exposing itself. It wanted to once again test the international community's threshold of tolerance and it found it. In the face of this attack on the principles, values and rights that are the basis of United Nations action, silence is no longer a solution. We cannot tolerate the downplaying of the use of chemical weapons, which is an immediate danger to the Syrian people and to our collective security. We cannot let the deadly genie of proliferation out of its bottle. We had clearly warned Al-Assad's regime and its supporters that such a transgression would not remain without reaction. We have acted in 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 9/26 accordance with our role and responsibility. We have done so in a controlled, transparent framework, taking care to avoid any escalation with the actors present on the ground. The President of the Republic and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of France have spoken on this subject. Some who for years have flouted the most elementary rules of international law now assert that our action is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations. I would remind them that the Charter was not designed to protect criminals. Our action is fully in line with the objectives and values proclaimed from the outset by the Charter of the United Nations. The Organization's mission is "to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained". This action was indeed necessary in order to address the repeated violations by the Syrian regime of its obligations — obligations stemming from the law, treaties and its own commitments. Finally, our response was conceived within an proportionate framework, with precise objectives. The main research centre of the chemical weapons programme and two major production sites were hit. Through those objectives, Syria's capacity to develop, perfect and produce chemical weapons has been put out of commission. That was the only objective, and it has been achieved. My country, which knew at first hand the devastating effects of chemical weapons during the First World War, will never again allow impunity for their use. We will never stop identifying those responsible, who must be brought to justice. That is the purpose of the International Partnership against Impunity for the Use of Chemical Weapons, which we launched last January. Allow me to stress this point: last night's strikes are a necessary response to the chemical massacres in Syria. They are a response in the service of law and our political strategy to put an end to the Syrian tragedy. To be more specific, we have four imperatives on the Syrian issue that are in the immediate interest of Syrians, but also in the interest of the entire international community, as the Secretary-General reminded us, and I want to thank him for his briefing. Let me recall those four imperatives. First, the Syrian chemical-weapons programme must be dismantled in a verifiable and irreversible way. We must spare no effort to establish an international mechanism for establishing responsibility, to prevent impunity and to prevent any repeat attempts to the Syrian regime to use chemical. Secondly, terrorism must be eradicated by permanently defeating Da'esh. That is a long-standing commitment that still requires genuine effort to ensure a definitive victory. Thirdly, there must be a ceasefire throughout the Syrian territory and humanitarian access to the civilian populations, as required by Security Council resolutions. We need full and unhindered humanitarian access in order to help people in need, in accordance with resolution 2401 (2018). In particular, it is essential and urgent that humanitarian convoys safely reach eastern Ghouta on a daily basis. Fourthly, we need a crisis-exit strategy, with a lasting political solution. We can sustainably resolve the Syrian crisis only through an inclusive political solution on the basis of the full implementation of resolution 2254 (2015). We have been calling for that for seven years. It has never been so urgent to implement it and to relaunch genuine negotiations under the auspices of the United Nations with a view to achieving a political transition in Syria. Only that road map will allow us to finally emerge from the Syrian impasse. France is ready to tackle it, as of today, with all those who are ready to put all their efforts to that end. In that spirit, at the initiative of France and in line with President Emmanuel Macron's statement tonight, we will submit as soon as possible a draft resolution on those different aspects with our British and American partners. Today I ask Russia, first and foremost, to call on the Damascus regime to enter into a plan for a negotiated solution so that the long-lasting suffering of Syrian civilians can finally be brought to an end. Mr. Ma Zhaoxu (China) (spoke in Chinese): I would like to thank the Secretary-General for his briefing. Just yesterday we were gathered in this Chamber for a meeting on the situation in Syria, during which China made clear its position on the issue of Syria, expressed profound concern about the further escalation of the tensions in Syria and made a clarion call for a political solution to the issue of Syria (see S/PV.8231). I would like to restate the following. S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 10/26 18-10891 China has consistently stood for the peaceful settlement of disputes and against the use of force in international relations. We advocate respect for the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of all countries. Any unilateral military actions that circumvent the Security Council contravene the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, violate the basic norms enshrined in international law and those governing international relations, and would hamper the settlement of the Syrian issue with new compounding factors. We urge all the parties concerned to refrain from any actions that may lead to a further escalation of the situation, to return to the framework of international law and to resolve the issue through dialogue and consultation. China believes a comprehensive, impartial and objective investigation of the suspected chemical-weapons attack in Syria is necessary in order to arrive at a reliable conclusion that can withstand the test of history. Until that happens, no party must prejudge the outcome. There is no alternative to a political settlement in resolving the Syrian issue. The parties concerned in the international community should continue to support the role of the United Nations as the main mediator and should work together unremittingly towards a political settlement of the Syrian issue. I would like to restate that China stands ready to continue its positive and constructive role in the efforts to achieve a political settlement of the Syrian issue in the interests of peace and stability in the Middle East and in the world at large. Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): Kazakhstan expresses its serious concern about the sharp escalation of the situation in Syria. We call on all parties to prevent further military escalation and take effective steps aimed at restoring confidence and establishing peace and ensuring security in the long-suffering land of Syria on the basis of the Charter of the United Nations and the relevant resolutions of the Security Council. We called yesterday and the day before yesterday, and every time when we have observed increasing tensions, in this Chamber for responsible action in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and international law. Who else, if not Council members, should show the world an example of compliance with the principles and provisions of the Charter? We are telling others to strictly follow international law and order, but sadly, yesterday we witnessed a different example. Whatever action taken under whatever good pretext cannot and will not justify the military use of force. Violence carried out against violence will never bring about peace and stability. Kazakhstan's position has always been, and continues to be, that military action is the last resort, to be used only in cases approved by the Security Council. There was no approval by the Council of the military strikes that took place yesterday. "Humanity hoped that the twenty-first century would herald a new era of global cooperation. This, however, may turn out to be a mirage. Our world is once again in danger and the risks cannot be underestimated. The threat is a deadly war on a global scale. Our planet is now on the edge of a new cold war that could have devastating consequences for all humankind." (S/2016/317, annex, p.2) That is an exact quote from the manifesto of my President, entitled "The World. The Twenty-First Century", of 31 March 2016. Just yesterday Secretary- General António Guterres confirmed, to our regret, that the Cold War is back with a vengeance (see S/PV.8231). Kazakhstan appeals to the parties to adhere to both the Charter of the United Nations and international law. We think that the time has come for serious talks encouraging the United States and the Russian Federation, given their standing as the co-Chairs of the International Syria Support Group and their respective influence on the parties, to move actively in the direction of finding middle ground and a political settlement to the conflict in Syria. The United Nations has a vital role to play in convening those negotiations and helping the parties resolve their disputes. My delegation is also extremely concerned about recent developments and the lack of unity among Security Council members with regard to the chemical attack in Syria. From its early days of independence, through a series of practical steps, Kazakhstan has consistently promoted peace initiatives in the international arena to achieve disarmament, non-proliferation and the prohibition of weapons of mass destruction, including chemical weapons, and strongly condemns their development, testing and use. I repeat: Kazakhstan strongly condemns the use of chemical weapons. 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 11/26 It is important to conduct a thorough, objective and impartial investigation into all aspects of the alleged chemical attack in Douma so as to enable the international community to render a fair verdict against the perpetrators, in full compliance with international law. The Government and other parties must thoroughly execute their obligations to comply with the relevant recommendations made by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons and the United Nations by accepting designated personnel, while providing for and ensuring the security of the activities undertaken by such personnel. We would like to remind the members of the Council that Kazakhstan's principled position is not only to condemn in the strongest terms the use of weapons of mass destruction by anyone, in particular against the civilian population, but also to resolve conflicts exclusively by peaceful means. President Nazarbayev stressed in his manifesto that the main tools for resolving disputes among States should be peaceful dialogue and constructive negotiations on the basis of equal responsibility for peace and security, mutual respect and non-inference in the domestic affairs of other States. Preventing the escalation of conflict and ending wars are the most challenging tasks; there are no other reasonable options. World leaders must treat such tasks as the highest priority on the global agenda. We must also respect the sovereignty of States Members of the United Nations and the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter. We urgently need a political solution. Only a political, diplomatic approach, dialogue and confidence-building measures in the spirit of the Charter and Security Council documents on preventive diplomacy and sustaining peace can bring about proper results. We therefore call upon the international community to show political will to overcome differences and resume negotiations, in the belief that only a United Nations-led political transition in accordance with resolution 2254 (2015) can end the Syrian conflict, which, in turn, can advance only if the Council is united. There is great need to continue to support the aims of the Astana talks and further the Geneva negotiations in order to see positive results. All parties at the international, regional and Syrian levels should support an immediate ceasefire and seriously and objectively move forward without any preconditions within the framework of the International Syria Support Group, under the auspices of the United Nations Office in Geneva. We believe that the Syrian people are capable of determining their own future. However, achieving their aspirations for democracy, reconstruction and stability is impossible without genuine international support to contain the negative impact of spoilers and to help Syrians combat terrorism and build their State on a firm and stable foundation. Kazakhstan has always stood for dialogue and the resolution of international conflicts. All parties must ensure that the situation does not further deteriorate. Military means will not work; only political solutions will succeed. My President warned that there will be no winners in any modern war, as everyone will be on the losing side. He proposed to work towards the total elimination of war and a world without conflict. Finally, we again call upon all relevant parties to persist in diplomatic efforts, seek political solutions, engage in dialogue and support the United Nations as the main mediation channel. Kazakhstan is ready to work with all colleagues to preserve peace and security on the basis of mutual understanding, goodwill and determination to make the world a safer place. Mr. Radomski (Poland): I would like to thank the Secretary-General for his briefing. Poland views the recent events in the context of repeated chemical-weapons attacks against Syria's civilian population as a consequence of the impunity enjoyed by the perpetrators so far. The lack of an appropriate response encourages a greater number of attacks with the use of weapons that are both banned under international law and blatantly inhumane. In such circumstances the international community cannot remain passive. It should take all the necessary measures to prevent such attacks from being repeated in the future, in particular against a defenceless civilian population. At the same time, the competent international bodies should take decisions that will enable the perpetrators to be identified and brought to justice. We fully understand the reasons behind the action taken last night by the United States, the United Kingdom and France against Syrian chemical-weapons capabilities. We support that action, as it is intended to deter chemical-weapons attacks against the people of Syria. Let me underline that it is the primary responsibility of the Security Council to set up an S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 12/26 18-10891 investigative mechanism to examine the use of chemical weapons in Syria. In that context, we reiterate our disappointment with the politically motivated Russian veto on the proposal for establishing an independent, impartial investigative mechanism on the use of chemical weapons in Syria. Poland will continue its international efforts aimed at the complete elimination of chemical weapons. The use of such weapons is unacceptable and should be prosecuted vigorously in every instance and location in which they are used. Poland calls for refraining from actions that could escalate the situation. Mr. Skoog (Sweden): I thank you, Sir, for convening today's important meeting. I also thank the Secretary- General for his briefing. The conflict in Syria is now in its eighth year. That is longer than the Second World War. President Al-Assad is responsible for one of the worst and most enduring humanitarian disasters of our time. From the beginning of the crisis, we have witnessed terrible violations and violence and a flagrant lack of respect for international law, in particular by Syrian Government forces. We must also never forget the atrocities committed by Da'esh. As the Secretary-General stated yesterday, we have witnessed "systematic violations of international humanitarian law, international human rights law and international law tout court — in utter disregard for the letter and the spirit of the United Nations Charter". Indeed, there are numerous and flagrant violations of Security Council resolutions, international protocols and conventions Chemical weapons have been used repeatedly in Syria. The Joint Investigative Mechanism concluded that the Syrian authorities were responsible for four chemical-weapons attacks, and Da'esh for two. The use of such weapons is abhorrent, intolerable, a war crime and a crime against humanity. That is why, as has been noted here before, the international community banned their use in the international armed conflict more than a century ago. Subsequent developments have confirmed the prohibition of the use of chemical weapons as a norm of customary international law. We will spare no effort to end the use and proliferation of chemical weapons by State or non-State actors anywhere in the world. Those responsible for such crimes must be held accountable; there can be no further impunity. The Security Council has the primary responsibility to act in response to threats to international peace and security. It is our joint responsibility to uphold the prohibition on the use of chemical weapons in armed conflict. It is our common legal and moral duty to defend the non-proliferation regimes that we have established and confirmed. That is best done through true multilateralism and broad international consensus. In that regard, we welcome the deployment of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapon's Fact-finding Mission to Syria and we look forward to its findings. It is regrettable that the Council was unable to come together and agree on a timely, clear and unified response to the repeated use of chemical weapons in Syria. We regret that Russia, again this week, blocked the Council from setting up a truly impartial and independent attribution mechanism. That has contributed to the situation in which we find ourselves now. The use of chemical weapons is a serious violation of international law and it constitutes a threat to international peace and security. Deterrence and prevention of their use is the concern of the entire international community. We therefore share the rage and anger and are appalled by the repeated use of such weapons in Syria. It is necessary to rid Syria of chemical weapons once and for all, and hold those responsible accountable. At the same time, as the Secretary-General said in his statement yesterday, there is an obligation, particularly when dealing with matters of peace and security, to act consistently with the Charter of the United Nations, and international law in general. We are at a dangerous moment. We call for restraint and for avoiding any acts that could escalate, or further fuel, tensions. We need to avoid the situation spiralling out of control. Over the past few days, we have tried to ensure that all peaceful means to respond are exhausted. We worked tirelessly so that no stone was left unturned in efforts to find a way for the Council to shoulder its responsibility in accordance with the Charter. We have shared a proposal with Council members to achieve that objective by inviting the Secretary-General to come back to the Council with a proposal. In order to be successful, diplomacy needs to be backed by clear demands. The Secretary-General called on the Council to take action, but regrettably the Council could not unite. It was indeed a missed opportunity, but we stand ready to continue those efforts. 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 13/26 In the light of all that has now happened, it is more critical than ever to avoid an escalation and revert to the track of diplomacy for a political solution in line with resolution 2254 (2015). We reiterate our total support for the United Nations-led political process, which urgently needs to be reinvigorated, as well as the efforts of Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura and the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) for the cessation of hostilities. Humanitarian access can wait no longer. A sustainable political solution is the only way to end the suffering of the Syrian people. Let us all then rally around that objective. Let us redouble our efforts and put an end to the long, brutal and meaningless conflict once and for all. Mrs. Gregoire Van Haaren (Netherlands): I would like to begin by thanking the Secretary-General for his briefing today. Both yesterday and today, he spoke of the litany horrors that the Syrian population has experienced in the past seven years, of which the chemical-weapons attacks are among the most gruesome. The world hardly needs reminding of the unspeakable suffering that countless Syrian men, women and children have endured. It is a suffering that comes at the hands of Al-Assad and his allies. The Syrian regime has left the world no doubt as to its willingness to unleash terror on its own population. The repeated use of chemical weapons counts as the most cynical expression of that campaign. Just a week ago, the world was yet again confronted with reports of chemical-weapons use — that time in Douma. All the while, the Russian Federation has made clear to the world its readiness to stand by Al-Assad every step of the way. It has blocked draft resolutions in the Council that could have stopped the violence. I call upon all members of the Security Council to support a collective, meaningful response to the use of chemical weapons. But even if the Council fails to act, it should be clear to the world that the use of chemical weapons is never permissible. Against the background of past horrors and the unabated risk of recurrence, the response by France, the United Kingdom and the United States is understandable. The response was measured in targeting a limited number of military facilities that were used by the Syrian regime in the context of its illegal chemical-weapons arsenal. The action taken by those three countries made clear that the use of chemical weapons is unacceptable. Last night's response was aimed at reducing the capabilities to execute future chemical attacks. But do not let the Syrian regime and the Russian Federation think for a moment that we will waver in our pursuit of full accountability for the perpetrators of past chemical attacks. We will not settle for anything less than an independent, impartial attribution mechanism, so that the culprits of those heinous attacks can be identified and held accountable. We call on the Russian Federation to stop opposing that. The use of chemical weapons is a serious violation of international law and may constitute a war crime or crime against humanity. The Kingdom of the Netherlands strongly believes that the international community must fully uphold the standard that the use of chemical weapons is never permissible. Impunity cannot, and will not, prevail. However, should the Council continue to suffer from the paralysis inflicted by a single permanent member, we must not forget that the United Nations is bigger than the Council alone. We have strong leadership at the top of the United Nations Organization, and we have a powerful General Assembly. Both have to consider all instruments to advance accountability for the use of chemical weapons. The Kingdom of the Netherlands welcomes every option to establish an independent and impartial mechanism, whether within the framework of the United Nations framework or of other relevant international organizations, as long as it results in a mechanism that can establish who is responsible, so that the perpetrators can subsequently be held to account. Any new mechanism should build upon the important work of the Joint Investigative Mechanism and the ongoing Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons Fact-finding Mission. It is therefore crucial that the Mission have complete and unhindered access to all information and sites it deems necessary to conduct its investigations with regard to the attack with chemical weapons in Douma last weekend. The international norms against the use of chemical weapons must be respected, and the Syrian people must be relieved from the violence, hardship and injustice that has haunted them for so long. To that end, we call for a political solution and an immediate cessation of violence, as agreed upon earlier by the Council, as well as full, unhindered and immediate humanitarian access. We reiterate our determination to achieve justice for the victims. The need to collectively stand up for the fate of the Syrian people is now more apparent than ever. Mr. Llorentty Solíz (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): My delegation would like to thank the Secretary-General for his presence and participation S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 14/26 18-10891 in this meeting. Bolivia would also like to thank the Russian Federation for its initiative in convening this emergency meeting of the Security Council. Today is a dark day in the history of the Council. Three permanent members have made the decision, in violation of the Charter of the United Nations, to take unilateral action against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of another State Member of the Organization. Bolivia would like to clearly and categorically express its condemnation of the use of chemical weapons or the use of chemical substances as weapons, as it is unjustifiable and criminal wherever and whenever it happens, by whomever, given it constitutes a serious crime against international law and international peace and security. Those responsible for committing such terrible and criminal acts must be identified, investigated, prosecuted and punished with the utmost rigour. Bolivia continues to demand a transparent and impartial investigation to determine who the culprits are. Aside from that topic, the purpose of this meeting is linked to the fact that, as I stated, three permanent members of the Council have used force in breach of the Charter. It is impossible to combat the alleged violation of international law by violating international law. Bolivia is surprised by the fact that, given that, they have a greater a greater responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, the permanent Council members bypass the United Nations when it suits them. They advocate for multilateralism as long as it serves their purposes and then simply discard it. When multilateralism is no longer in their interest, it no longer concerns them. This is not the only case in which, sadly, unilateral action has been used. We recall, and will not tire in recalling, such use in Iraq in 2003 and in Libya in 2011. Any such action must be authorized by the Security Council under the Charter of the United Nations. All unilateral actions run counter to international law, as well as to the values and principles of the Charter. Bolivia rejects the use and the threat of the use of force. Unilateral actions not only respond to the specific interests of those who carry them out, but are also measures that are — allow me to use the word — imperialist. It so happens that the empires that we mentioned earlier consider themselves morally superior to the rest of the world. They consider themselves exceptional and indispensable, and therefore believe that they are above the law and international law, but in reality the interest of those who unilaterally use force and violate the Charter is not to advance democracy or freedom or to combat the use of chemical weapons. Their goal is to expand their power and domination. What we have witnessed over the past few hours is an attack on the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism, which has not begun the work that was scheduled to begin today. A unilateral attack is an attack on multilateral organizations, such as the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. It is an attack on the Council and its primary responsibility of maintaining international peace and security. It is an attack on the Charter, and it is an attack on the entire international community. I wonder, with regard to the permanent members that used force just a few hours ago, how much money have they invested in arming and training the armed groups in Syria? What natural resources are they after? With what moral authority will they be able invoke the Charter in the future? Sadly, the history of violating the purposes and principles of the Charter is a long one. We mentioned Libya and Iraq, which were recent cases. The unilateral decision concerning Jerusalem also sent another absolutely clear signal of the lack of respect for international law. Who are the ones selling weapons to those who are bombing civilians in Yemen? Who are the ones who rejected the Paris Agreement on climate change? Who are the ones who stepped away from the global compact for safe, orderly and regular migration? Who are the ones who build walls? We nevertheless believe that it is also important to talk about history over the long term. Above all, we have been experiencing the consequences of the havoc wreaked by some of the colonialist Powers and of their disdain for international law in the Middle East that dates back over 100 years. We are currently reliving the same scenario in Syria, characterized by total disregard for international law. To a certain extent, we relived it, for example, when the United Kingdom refused to return the sovereignty of the Malvinas islands to Argentina or when the Chagos Archipelago issue was not resolved. I hope that the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice concerning that matter will be respected. In other words, we are talking about a whole range of policies that are detrimental to international peace and security. 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 15/26 The Permanent Representative of the United States said that the United States, her country, has its finger on the trigger — "locked and loaded". Of course, we clearly heard her words with a great deal of concern and sadness. We know that the United States has aircraft carriers, satellites, smart bombs and an arsenal of nuclear weapons, and we also know that it has nothing but scorn for international law. But we have this — we have the purposes and principles of the Charter, and ultimately, as history has shown time and again, those principles will prevail. Mr. Alotaibi (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): At the outset, we thank Secretary-General António Guterres for his briefing at the beginning of this meeting. The State of Kuwait believes in and is committed to the Charter and principles of the United Nations, respect for the sovereignty of States, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Article 24 of the Charter of the United Nations confers upon the Security Council the responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, whereby it can act on behalf of Member States to carry out that mandate. Article 25 stipulates that the Members of the United Nations agree to accept and carry out the decisions of the Security Council. What we have witnessed in the Syrian crisis is an impasse concerning the international community's efforts and the flagrant violation of its resolutions. We have followed very closely and with great concern the dangerous developments in Syria relating to recent military operations in response to the use by the Syrian authorities of chemical weapons prohibited by international law. We underscore that those developments are the result of the impasse in the international community's efforts embodied by the Security Council to reach a political settlement to the bloody conflict in Syria, which has gone on for more than seven years. It has led to hundreds of thousands of casualties and millions of displaced Syrians and resulted in the major destruction of civilian infrastructure in several cities. The chemical weapons issue long enjoyed a unified approach in the Council, which condemned the use of all chemical weapons in Syria regardless of who uses such weapons. Moreover, the Security Council adopted resolution 2118 (2013) unanimously, imposing measures under Chapter VII of the Charter in case of the non-compliance of various parties with its provisions or the continued use in Syria of chemical weapons, which, as we have said, are internationally banned weapons. In order to ensure the implementation of that resolution, in August 2015 the Security Council adopted resolution 2235 (2015), established the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism to determine those responsible for any crime involving the use of chemical weapons in Syria. In fact, the Mechanism identified the perpetrators of such crimes on several incidents. The unfortunate divide in the positions of the Council encouraged the parties to the crisis to continue their violations of resolutions of international legitimacy, international human rights law and international humanitarian law, as well as relevant Security Council resolutions. The most recent resolution 2401 (2018), adopted unanimously, is another example of resolutions being violated. It calls for the immediate cessation of hostilities in order to allow for humanitarian access to the besieged areas. Unfortunately, that humanitarian resolution was not implemented, as we know. The State of Kuwait regrets this escalation and calls on members to overcome their differences within the Security Council and to restore the unity of the Council so that it can shoulder its responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. We also call on members to bridge the existing gap by establishing a new, independent, impartial and professional mechanism to investigate the use of any chemical weapons in Syria and to determine who is accountable for such crimes. We reiterate our full readiness to participate in any effort aimed at achieving a compromise among the positions of members of the Council so as to ensure that those who are responsible for these crimes will be held accountable and punished, and to preserve the non-proliferation regime. It is certain that there is no military solution to the Syrian crisis. Intensive efforts must be made to spare the Syrian people further suffering. We reiterate our principled and firm position regarding the Syrian crisis, which is in line with the position of the League of Arab States calling for the preservation of the unity, sovereignty and independence of Syria; putting an end to acts of violence and the killing; avoiding bloodshed; saving Syrian lives; and reaching a peaceful settlement under the auspices of the United Nations on the basis of the 2012 Geneva First Communique, and resolution 2254 (2015), through a process of political transition S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 16/26 18-10891 with the involvement of all Syrian parties so that the Syrian people can achieve their legitimate aspirations. Mr. Alemu (Ethiopia): I would like to thank the Peruvian presidency for responding quickly to the request for the holding of this meeting, and we would like to express our appreciation to Russia for making the request. It would have been a serious dereliction of duty on the part of the Council if it had failed to meet in the light of what transpired yesterday. We also thank the Secretary-General for his briefing and his presence today. For those of us who are elected members of the Security Council, the responsibility is indeed extremely heavy, to the point of being unbearable. Let us not forget that we are here representing 193 countries, to which, like permanent members, we have made solemn promises that are generally encapsulated in the Charter of the United Nations. For those of us who are members of the African Union, an organization that for obvious historical reasons attaches huge importance to scrupulous adherence to the principles of the Charter, the obligation that we have to tell the truth and to stand up and be counted for peace is also enormously heavy — all the more so when the parties involved, from our own national perspective, are friends. It was only yesterday that the Secretary-General urged Member States to act responsibility in these dangerous circumstances and stressed the need to avoid the serious situation from spiralling out of control (see S/PV.8231); indeed, he repeated the same sentiment today. We have also been repeatedly expressing our concern that the dynamic in Syria could lead to devastating consequences not only nationally, but regionally and internationally. No doubt, the strike undertaken by the three countries yesterday appears not to have led to the situation spiralling out of control. We do not take that lightly, even though it might be difficult to be consoled by that fact in the light of the potential danger we still face. That is why we call for maximum restraint, the exercise of wisdom and a quick return to dialogue among the major powers that have enormous influence on the current situation in Syria. As we stressed yesterday and previously, it is absolutely vital to resume the path of diplomacy. The alternative is without a doubt catastrophic beyond our imagination. We hope that no one wants to see that happen, but it could if we do not act together with a huge sense of urgency to defuse the current tension and reduce further military escalation. By no means do we overlook the genesis of this tragedy we are facing. It has to do with the alleged use of chemical weapons in Douma. At least, that is what ratcheted up the tension, leading to what took place yesterday, which is difficult to defend as being consistent with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. But there is also one point that makes it difficult for us to understand what took place yesterday. The Fact-finding Mission of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) is arriving, or, as just said by the Secretary-General, has already arrived in Syria to investigate the alleged use of chemical weapons, which is the cause of all this tension. In the light of that, you must excuse us, Mr. President, if we were a little perplexed. While the priority of the time is clearly to avert the further escalation of the latest development, we are not underestimating the importance of ensuring accountability for any confirmed use of chemical weapons in Syria. In that regard, the OPCW Fact-finding Mission should be allowed to conduct a thorough investigation to establish the facts related to the alleged chemical weapons attack in Douma. The sustainable way to end impunity, which we believe is extremely important, to deter and stop the use of chemicals as weapons is through united and concerted action, including through an attribution mechanism that the Council could and must set up. That has become all the more critical now, when, as we all know, truth is becoming very difficult to establish. An opportunity has been created for parties and even individuals to claim the veracity of their own facts. We know that we are all disappointed by the current deadlock, but that should not justify overlooking the obligation to adhere to the principles of the Charter. Let me conclude by referring to what the Secretary-General said yesterday. I wanted to refer to it again because it reflects the truth and is, therefore, worth repeating: "[T]he Cold War is back with a vengeance — but with a difference. The mechanisms and the safeguards to manage the risks of escalation that existed in the past no longer seem to be present." (S/PV.8231, p. 2) That is why we must appeal to the members of the Security Council, especially the Permanent Five, to help create a situation where diplomacy would have the upper hand and the primacy of politics will be our guide for coming out of what is a troubled moment in our 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 17/26 recent history. The Geneva process and Special Envoy de Mistura need the unqualified support of the Council. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): I thank Secretary-General Guterres for his statement, which clearly illustrates the perspective of the United Nations on this issue. What took place last night was clearly not a surprise to any member of the Security Council. It remained to establish only the day and the time. In fact, as we said in our statement yesterday (see S/PV.8232), we are concerned about the rhetoric that we are hearing and where it will lead us. It has now led us to where we feared and did not want to go — military attacks against Syria. Yesterday in this Chamber, Secretary-General António Guterres spoke about the memory of the Cold War, which in fact returned with a vengeance in the early hours of the morning, reminding the peoples of the world of the conflict of interests that still exists between two blocs. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea has followed with great concern the reports on the attacks carried out by the United States, with the support of the armed forces of France and the United Kingdom. According to estimates, the coalition fired more than 100 cruise missiles and air-to-ground missiles from two United States naval ships stationed in the Red Sea, as well as from tactical warplanes that overflew the Mediterranean and B-1B bombers from another area. The coalition launched a coordinated attack on three targets, which included a scientific research centre in an area of Damascus, a facility to the west of Homs and a command post near that facility. While surgical and very selective, last night's strikes are a violation of Chapter V of the Charter of the United Nations and of the principles and norms of international law. It is important to recall that, according to Article 24 of the Charter, the Security Council has the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Members of the Council must therefore refrain from creating situations of insecurity and instability. The Security Council should not highlight or disregard the fact that those strikes may have unpredictable and potentially tragic consequences for the Middle East by encouraging or justifying the development of nuclear programmes in order to prevent any further aggression. Experts of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) are already in Douma to carry out investigations. Until we have reliable and irrefutable proof of the alleged chemical attack in Douma last week, the Republic of Equatorial Guinea is of the view that no aggression can be justified. Our delegation also reiterates that, in accordance with Article 33 of the Charter, in the case of any dispute that is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security, it is imperative to seek a solution first and foremost through negotiation, mediation or other peaceful means. History continues to show us that military interventions never resolves conflicts but, instead, cause them to proliferate and to continue, causing devastation and destruction. We must ensure that that does not happen again in the case of the Syrian Arab Republic. We again point out that the military intervention in Libya in 2011 and its consequences today should be a clear lesson to the international community. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea opposes the use of force in international relations. We accept its use only when it is in line with the principles of international law and the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations. As we have already said, in the case of Syria, it would not bring about any substantial change in the overall situation in the country. We reiterate that political agreement is the only viable way to find a lasting solution to the Syrian problem. All the parties involved must resolve their differences through dialogue, agreement and consultation. That process requires the support of the international community. The failure of diplomacy only exacerbates the suffering of the Syrian people and is the highest expression of the Security Council's failure. Equatorial Guinea continues to believe that, in order to fully clarify the 7 April events in Douma, a thorough, impartial and objective investigation must be carried out in order to reach a reliable conclusion. We urge the OPCW Fact-finding Mission in the Syrian Arab Republic to promptly carry out an investigation and to report to the Security Council on its conclusions as soon as possible. We also again reiterate the urgent need to establish, under the auspices of the Secretary- General, a professional, independent and transparent investigative body to attribute responsibility for and identify the perpetrators of the use of chemical weapons so that those responsible, whoever they are, are brought to international justice. Only in that way can that thorny issue achieve consensus and unity among the members of the Security Council. S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 18/26 18-10891 I conclude my statement by reiterating the unequivocal position of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, which is that we wholeheartedly condemned the use of chemical weapons by whomever. Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): The delegation of Cote d'Ivoire would like to thank the Secretary-General for his presence and for his briefing on the latest developments in Syria following the air strikes carried out by certain members of the Security Council during the night of Friday, 13 April. Côte d'Ivoire requests all the actors involved in the Syrian conflict at the various levels to show restraint and not to further complicate the disastrous situation in which the Syrian people find themselves. Weapons and bombs have struck Syria too often in disregard for our collective action towards peace. Is it necessary to recall that, by signing the Charter of the United Nations in 1945, the founding Members sought to establish a new world order based on multilateralism and its resolve to make peace a universal common good, the maintenance of which was entrusted to the United Nations and the Security Council as its primary responsibility? The Secretary- General has just reminded us of that. In every situation in which the Charter of the United Nations has guided the action of the international community, respect for its principles has always enabled us to overcome the most inextricable challenges, thereby preventing many disasters for humanity. Based on its strong conviction in the virtues of multilateralism, my country therefore believes that resorting to force in order to maintain international peace and security must be authorized by the Security Council in order to preserve its essential legal authority and to thereby prevent any deviation or abuse. Only a Security Council that is strong and representative of our time will be able to mobilize all Member States of the United Nations in support of its primary responsibility of maintaining international peace and security. Côte d'Ivoire would therefore like to express its deep concern over the inability of the Council to relaunch the dialogue in Syria and to sideline the supporters of a military solution. Côte d'Ivoire would like to take this opportunity to reiterate its unequivocal condemnation of the use of chemical weapons, no matter who is responsible, and we call for the establishment of a multilateral mechanism to attribute responsibility and to bring those responsible for the use of chemical weapons to justice in the appropriate international tribunals. In that context, my delegation reiterates its support for the investigation to be conducted by the Fact-finding Mission of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons in order to shed light on the allegations of the use of chemical weapons in Douma in eastern Ghouta. Côte d'Ivoire once again urges the members of the Security Council to unite with a view to putting an end to their differences and to effect the establishment of this mechanism to establish responsibility, which all the members of the Council would like to see set up. Côte d'Ivoire would like to reassert its conviction and its position of principle that the response to the crisis in Syria cannot be a military response. Quite to the contrary; it must be sought in the framework of dialogue and an inclusive political process, as envisioned in the road map set out in resolution 2254 (2015). The time has come to decisively give every opportunity for dialogue a chance and to make sure that the Council is in step with history. The President (spoke in Spanish): I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of Peru. Peru notes with great concern the developments in Syria. In the face of military action, as a response to information on the use of chemical weapons against the civilian population in the country, we reiterate the need to keep the situation from spiralling out of control and causing a greater threat to stability in the region and to international peace and security. Peru condemns any use of chemical weapons as an atrocity crime. For that reason, we have supported the urgent deployment to Syria of an Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons Fact-finding Mission, as well as the establishment of a dedicated, independent, objective and impartial attribution mechanism. We regret the stalemate in the Security Council and our inability to take a decision on the issue. In that regard, Peru encourages the Secretary-General to redouble his efforts in accordance with the prerogatives entrusted to him in the Charter of the United Nations with a view to helping to resolve the stalemate in the Council and to establish the attribution mechanism. Peru believes that any response to the crimes committed in Syria, as well as a solution to the conflict in Syria overall, must be consistent with the Charter, with international law and with the Council's resolutions. 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 19/26 As the Secretary-General has reminded us, the Council is the organ with the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, and it is up to its members to act in unity and to uphold that responsibility. Peru joins the Secretary-General's urgent appeal to all Member States to act with restraint in these dangerous circumstances and to avoid any act that could escalate the situation and worsen the suffering of the Syrian people. My delegation reaffirms its commitment to continue working in order to achieve sustainable peace in Syria, to guarantee protection for the civilian population, to ensure that there is no impunity for atrocious crimes, as well as to help defuse the situation. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. The representative of the United Kingdom has asked for the floor to make a further statement. Ms. Pierce (United Kingdom): I should like to respond to the remarks made by the Ambassador of Bolivia about the United Kingdom. We have no doubt about the sovereignty of the United Kingdom over the Falkland Islands, South Georgia, South Sandwich Islands and surrounding maritime areas. Successive British Governments have made clear that sovereignty will not be transferred against the wishes of the Falkland Islands. The Falkland Islanders voted overwhelmingly to maintain their current constitutional arrangements with the United Kingdom. Turning to the Chagos archipelago, the United Kingdom is participating in the proceedings before the International Court of Justice, even as we disagree with jurisdiction in that case. The President (spoke in Spanish): The representative of the Plurinational State of Bolivia has asked for the floor to make a further statement. Mr. Llorentty Solíz (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): I will be very brief and limit myself to reading out what it says in the special declaration on the question of the Malvinas Islands, signed by all the Heads of State and Government of Latin America and the Caribbean. The Heads of State and Government: "Reiterate their strongest support for the legitimate rights of the Argentine Republic in the sovereignty dispute over the Malvinas, South Georgias and South Sandwich Islands and the surrounding maritime areas and the permanent interest of the countries of the region in the Governments of the Argentine Republic and of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland resuming negotiations in order to find — as soon as possible — a peaceful and definitive solution to such dispute, pursuant to the relevant resolutions of the United Nations .". That would include in particular General Assembly resolution 2065 (XX). The President (spoke in Spanish): I now give the floor to the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic. Mr. Ja'afari (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): I welcome the presence of the Secretary- General at this very important moment in the history and the work of the Security Council. In his important statement yesterday, the Secretary-General warned that the Cold War had returned (see S/PV.8231). That is exactly right. We all agree with the relevance of this remark. I take this opportunity to recall those who relaunched the logic of the Cold War. Of course, we all remember, following the collapse of the former Soviet Union, that a number of philosophical books were published here in this country, including The End of History and the Last Man, by Francis Fukuyama. Another author, American thinker Samuel Huntington, wrote an essay entitled The Clash of Civilizations. Those two works marked the return of the Cold War logic. Indeed, the message of those two books was as follows: To the people of the world, you must take the American approach and surrender to the American will or we will attack you. "My way or the highway", as the American saying goes. That marked the return of the Cold War philosophy. Lies serve no purpose. They serve the person who lies once and only once. Lies deceive only once. When a lie is repeated it becomes exposed and exposes the person who is lying. My colleague the Ambassador of France announced that the aggression of his country, along with the United States and the United Kingdom, was carried out on behalf of the international community. If that is the case, I wonder which international community my colleague the French Ambassador is speaking of. Is he speaking of a real international community that S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 20/26 18-10891 actually exists? Has the international community that he represents authorized this tripartite aggression against my country? Did their Governments obtain a mandate from this international community to attack my country? My American, French and British colleagues claimed that they have bombarded centres for the production of chemical weapons in Syria. If the Governments of these three countries knew the actual location of these production centres that they claim to have bombarded, why did they not share that information with the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW)? Why did they not share this information with the Fact-finding Mission in Damascus before attacking my country? It is just a question I am putting to the Security Council. Furthermore, I would like to assure Council members that the OPCW investigation team arrived today at noon. Obviously, the team was delayed for a full day getting from Beirut to Damascus before the attack, for reasons that we do not know, as though the team was asked not to go to Damascus until after the bombing took place. But the team did reach Damascus today at noon and will hold a meeting in two hours, at 7 p.m., Damascus time, with the local authorities. My Government will, of course, provide every support to the team so that it may carry out its mission successfully. The facility of the Barzah Research and Development Centre, the building that was targeted by the tripartite aggression, was visited twice last year by experts from the OPCW. They inspected it, after which they gave us an official document stating that Syria had complied with its obligations under the OPCW and that no chemical activities had taken place in the inspected building. If the OPCW experts gave us an official document confirming that the Barzah Centre was not used for any type of chemical activity in contravention to our obligations with respect to the OPCW, how do Council members reconcile that with what we have heard this morning? How do they reconcile that with all the accusations and claims that the aggression targeted a chemical-weapons production centre? My American colleague said that the time for discussion is over — that it was over yesterday (see S/PV.8231). If that is so, then what are we doing today as diplomats an ambassadors at the Security Council? Our mission here is to speak, to explain what happened, to shed light on all the issues. We are not here in the Security Council simply to justify an aggression. How can we state that the discussion is over? No, the discussion is continuing in this Chamber, if the idea is to put an end to aggressions or to implement the provisions of the Charter and international law. That is why we are here. My British and French colleagues spoke of a plan of action and have invited the Secretary-General to implement it before the Council and the Syrian Government have agreed to it. Their plan of action is in fact a very strange one. But I would like to present on behalf of my Government a counter plan of action, which, I assume, should have been presented today. First, we should read the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and define and recall the responsibilities of the three States in maintaining international peace and security, rather than threatening it. I happen to have three versions of the Charter, two in English and one in French. Perhaps these three States should read what the Charter actually states. Secondly, these three States must immediately stop supporting the armed terrorist groups that are active in my country. Thirdly, they should put an end to the lies and fabrications being used to justify their aggression against my country. Fourthly, these three States should realize that, after seven years of a terrorist war that was imposed on my country, Syria, a war carried out by these three countries and their agents in the region, their missiles, airplanes and bombs will not weaken our determination to defeat and destroy their terrorists. This will not prevent the Syrian people from deciding their own political future without foreign intervention. I will repeat this for the thousandth time — the Syrian people will not allow any foreign intervention to define our future. I promised yesterday that we will not remain inactive in the face of any aggression, and we have kept our promise. I will explain how we have kept our promise. Allow me now to address those States that remain committed to international law. I would tell them that the Syrian Arab Republic and its many friends and allies are perfectly capable of dealing with the brutal aggression that my country has had to face. But what we are asking the diplomats and ambassadors today who are committed to international legitimacy and the Charter to call on the United States, Britain and France to read the provisions of the United Nations Charter, in particular those pertaining to respect for 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 21/26 the sovereignty of States and to the non-use of force in international relations. Perhaps the Governments of these three countries will realize, if only once, that their role in the Security Council is to maintain international peace and security rather than to undermine it. As I just said, I have three copies of the Charter, and I would ask the Council's secretariat to distribute them to the three delegations so that they might enlighten or awaken themselves from their ignorance and their tyranny. In flagrant violation of the principles of international law and the United Nations Charter, the United States, Britain and France, at 3:55 a.m. on Saturday, 14 April, Damascus time, attacked the Syrian Arab Republic by launching some 110 missiles against Damascus and other Syrian cities and areas. In response to this terrible aggression, the Syrian Arab Republic has exercised its legitimate right in line with Article 51 of the Charter to defend itself, and we have defended ourselves against this evil attack. Syrian air defences were able to intercept a number of rockets launched by the tripartite aggression, while some of them reached the Barzah Centre in — not outside — the capital Damascus. The Centre in that location that includes laboratories and classrooms. Fortunately, the damage was only material. Some of those modern, charming and smart rockets were intercepted, while others targeted a military site near Homs, wounding three civilians. The Governments of these three States prepared for this evil attack by issuing aggressive statements through their senior officials, saying that their only excuse for preventing the advance of the Syrian Arab Army against armed groups was these allegations of the use of chemical weapons. Indeed, in a race against time, the armed terrorist groups did receive instructions from those aggressors to fabricate this charade of the use of chemical weapons in Douma. They found false witnesses and manipulated the alleged crime scene as they did before, which served as the pretext for this scandalous aggression. This can only be explained by the fact that the original aggressors — the United States of America, Britain and France — decided to interfere directly in order to avenge the defeat of their proxies in Ghouta. In fact, those who fabricated the charade of the chemical attack in Ghouta were arrested and admitted on television that it was a fabricated attack. We have a video of that if the presidency wishes to see it. I would like to draw the attention of those who align themselves with the Charter of the United Nations and international legitimacy to the fact that this evil aggression sends another message from those three aggressors to the terrorist groups that they can continue using chemical weapons in the future and committing their terrorist crimes, not against Syrian civilians only but in other countries. There is no doubt about that. In 146 letters we have drawn the Council's attention to the plans of the terrorist groups to use chemical weapons in Syria. There are 146 letters that have been sent to the Council and the Secretariat. Today, some Council members are suddenly reinventing the wheel. The Council knows that this aggression took place just as a fact-finding team from the OPCW was supposed to arrive in Syria at the request of the Syrian Government to examine the allegations of a chemical attack in Douma. Obviously, the main message that these aggressors are sending to the Council and to the world is that they are not actually interested in the Council's mandate and that they do not want a transparent and independent investigation. They are trying to undermine the work of the investigative mission and anticipating the results. They are trying to put pressure on that mission to conceal their lies and fabrications, just as happened six years ago, in 2013, when Mr. Sellström went to Khan Al-Assal from Damascus, as I have explained in a previous statement to the Council. This morning's attack was not just an attack on Syria, as my dear friend, the representative of Bolivia said; rather, it was an attack against the Charter, the Council, international law and 193 members of this Organization. The attempt by Washington, D.C., London and Paris to ensure the failure of the United Nations working groups and fact-finding missions is systematic. While those three States boast of their support for these bodies, behind the closed doors of the Organization they pressure and blackmail them not to carry out the mandates for which they were established. We recall what took place with the investigative missions in Iraq, Libya, Yugoslavia and Africa. No investigative mission can be successful if it is subjected to political blackmailing. It cannot succeed. Of the three aggressors, I say they are liars. They are compulsive liars. They are hypocrites. They are attempting to ensure the failure of any action of the Organization that does not serve their interests. Ever since the Organization was established, they have tried to undermine the efforts of international investigative bodies. They have tried to exploit them. I need only mention Iraq, Yugoslavia, Libya, Syria, and Africa. The aggressors exhausted the Council agendas for decades S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 22/26 18-10891 with their attempts to divert its attention from its role in the maintenance of international peace and security. They used the Council to pursue their aggressive policy of interference and colonialism. Yesterday, in the press of the United States and of the West, the main theme was lying in the context of a campaign that was claiming success, but they know it was a lie. While these three Governments were launching their evil aggression against my country, Syria, and while my country's air defence system was countering the attacks with a great deal of bravery — one hundred missiles were destroyed and did not reach their target — the American Secretary of Defense and the Army Chief of Staff were before the American and international press in an outrageous surrealist scenario. They were not actually able to answer objective questions. Millions of television viewers must have pitied those two men because they were like dunces, repeating phrases without any meaning, and were unable to respond to the legitimate questions of a journalist about their attempts to target chemical weapons facilities and the danger that posed to civilians if the alleged chemical weapons were to spread. They did not respond. They were also unable to respond to a journalist who asked the Secretary of Defense, "You said yesterday that you had no proof that the Syrian Government was responsible for the attack in Douma. What happened in the past few hours? What made you change your mind?" His answer was that he received confirmation from intelligence services. The Syrian Arab Republic condemns in the strongest terms this tripartite attack, which once again shows undeniably that those three countries pay no heed to international legitimacy, even though they repeatedly say they do. Those countries have revealed their belief in the law of the jungle and the law of the most powerful even as they are permanent members of the Security Council, an organ entrusted with maintaining international peace and security and with stopping any aggression, in accordance with the principles and purposes of the Charter. The Syrian Arab Republic is disgusted by the scandalous position of the rulers in Sheikhdom of Qatar, who supported this Western colonial tripartite aggression by allowing planes to take off from the American Al Udeid air base in Qatar. It is not surprising that the little boys of the Sheikhdom of Qatar took that position. They have supported terrorist gangs, such as the Muslim Brotherhood and others, in a variety of ways in order to destabilize Arab countries, including Syria. The Syrian Arab Republic is asking the international community, if it exists — we have heard a new definition of the international community today — and the Security Council to firmly condemn this aggression, which will exacerbate the tensions in the region and which is a threat to international peace and security throughout the world. I call upon those who are committed to international legitimacy to imagine with me the meeting in which the United States National Security Council decided to carry out this attack. I cannot help wondering what was said. "We have no legal basis for attacking Syria. We have no proof that a toxic chemical weapons attack took place in Douma, but let us set that aside. We did not need international legitimacy or any legal argument to conduct military interventions in the past." I am just imagining the discussion that might have taken place among them yesterday. "This military action is necessary for us and for our allies in order to distract public attention in our countries from the scandals involving our own political elite and ensure that the corrupt system in some Gulf States pays the price of such aggression. Most important is how to protect the terrorism that we have sponsored in Syria for years." The President (spoke in Spanish): Members of the Council have before them document S/2018/355, which contains the text of a draft resolution submitted by the delegation of the Russian Federation. The Council is ready to proceed to the vote on the draft resolution before it. I shall put the draft resolution to the vote now. A vote was taken by show of hands. In favour: Bolivia (Plurinational State of), China, Russian Federation Against: Côte d'Ivoire, France, Kuwait, Netherlands, Poland, Sweden, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 23/26 Abstaining: Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Kazakhstan, Peru The President (spoke in Spanish): The draft resolution received 3 votes in favour, 8 against and 4 abstentions. The draft resolution has not been adopted, having failed to obtain the required number of votes. I now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements after the voting. Mr. Skoog (Sweden): We voted against the draft resolution submitted by the Russian Federation (S/2018/355) because we believe that its language was unbalanced. It was not comprehensive and failed to address all of our concerns about the current situation. At the same time, we agree with the Secretary-General that actions must be consistent with the Charter of the United Nations and with international law in general. In our national statement delivered earlier today, we explained our view on the current situation in Syria and condemned the use of chemical weapons and the many other flagrant violations of international law in Syria. We also underscore the importance of a sustainable political solution. As members of the Security Council, we reiterate that we must unite and exercise our responsibility with regard to the situation in Syria. If there is any encouragement today, it is that it appears that everyone around the table insists on a sustainable political solution as the only way to end the suffering of the Syrian population. We therefore reiterate our full support for the United Nations political process, which must now be urgently reinvigorated, including through strong support for the efforts of Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura. Mr. Alemu (Ethiopia): We would like to explain why we abstained in the voting on the draft resolution proposed by Russia (S/2018/355). We abstained not because the text does not contain a great deal of truth — indeed it does — or because it does not adhere to principles to which we should all adhere; it does. We abstained on the grounds of pragmatism. We know that even if it had received nine votes, it would have been vetoed. Therefore it would have had only symbolic value. Nonetheless, that is not unimportant. However, for us, it is critical to defuse tensions and prevent the situation from spiralling out of control. We would like to play a constructive role in that regard. Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): Kazakhstan abstained in the voting today on draft resolution S/2018/355 because we believe that all disputes among States should be resolved through peaceful dialogue and constructive negotiations on the basis of equal responsibility for peace and security. As I mentioned in my statement earlier today, we call for all parties to refrain from actions that could aggravate tensions and cause the situation to spiral out of control. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): Our abstention reflects the frustration of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea with regard to the failure to adopt a resolution to establish an attribution and accountability mechanism to identify those responsible for the use of chemical weapons. We reiterate our call for a consensus-based resolution that would establish that mechanism and prevent a repeat of the action we witnessed yesterday. In that regard, we recall that the Swedish initiative was endorsed by the 10 elected members of the Council. We could introduce the required changes into the draft resolution to enable its adoption by consensus, which would allow the mechanism to be established under the auspices of the Secretary-General. Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): The draft resolution submitted by Russia (S/2018/355) has just been categorically rejected. The result of the voting sends a clear message that the members of the Council understand the circumstances, reason for and objectives of the military action taken yesterday. The Council understands why such action, which has been acknowledged as proportional and targeted, was required. No one has refuted the fact that the use of chemical weapons cannot be tolerated and must be deterred. That is the key point. It is important that we now look towards the future. As I have just said, the air strikes were necessary and served to uphold international law and our political strategy to end the tragic situation in Syria. It is for that reason that, together with our American and British partners, France will work with all members of the Security Council to submit a draft resolution on the political, chemical and humanitarian aspects of the Syrian conflict with a view to devising a lasting political solution to the conflict. Mrs. Gregoire Van Haaren (Netherlands): The Kingdom of the Netherlands voted against the draft resolution proposed by the Russian Federation S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 24/26 18-10891 (S/2018/355) because the text does not provide for the urgent action that the Security Council must take in response to the use of chemical weapons in Syria. It ignores the very essence of the action that must be taken by the Council. It should condemn the use of chemical weapons in Syria, protect its people and hold accountable those responsible. Today's draft resolution does none of the above. Mr. Alotaibi (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): Kuwait voted against draft resolution S/2018/355. At the time when the State of Kuwait reiterates its adherence to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, which prohibits the threat or use of force as a means to settle disputes and requires them to be settled by peaceful means, yesterday's use of force was the result of efforts to disrupt the will of the international community, specifically by hindering the Security Council in its determination to take measures at its disposal to end the ongoing use of internationally prohibited chemical weapons in Syria. That is a flagrant violation of resolution 2118 (2013), which unequivocally expresses the Security Council's intention to act under Chapter VII of the Charter when one party or several parties fail to comply with its provisions or in the case of the continued use of chemical weapons in Syria. The Council must once again show its unity and bear its responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, in accordance with the Charter. It must agree on a new independent, impartial and professional mechanism for investigating any use of chemical weapons, bring those responsible for such crimes to account, and ensure that they do not enjoy impunity. We call for intensified efforts and a return to the political track, under the auspices of the United Nations, with the aim of reaching a peaceful settlement to the crisis based on the first Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex) and resolution 2254 (2015). Mr. Ma Zhaoxu (China) (spoke in Chinese): China has always opposed the use of force in the context of international relations. We advocate for respecting the sovereignty, independence, unity, and the territorial integrity of all countries. Any unilateral military action bypassing the Security Council runs counter to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, violates the principles of international law and the basic norms governing international relations and, in the present case, will further complicate the Syrian issue. Based on that principled position, China voted in favour of draft resolution S/2018/355, proposed by the Russian Federation. I would like to emphasize here that a political settlement is the only viable pathway to solving the Syrian issue. China urges the parties involved to remain calm, exercise restraint, return to the framework of international law and resolve issues through dialogue and negotiations We support the role of the United Nations as the main channel for mediation, and we will spare no effort to reach a political settlement of the situation in Syria together with the international community. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): Today is the day when the Security Council and the world community should raise their voices in the defence of peace, security, the Charter of the United Nations and international law. Every delegation in this Chamber is a sovereign country, and no one should attempt to pressure or dictate to any of us how to interpret international law and the Charter of the United Nations, or how to consult our own consciences. We have never hesitated to vote in accordance with the dictates of international law, the Charter, our conscience and truth. Today's meeting confirms that the United States, Britain and France, all permanent members of the Security Council, continue to plunge world politics and diplomacy into a realm of myths, myths that have been created in Washington, London and Paris. That is dangerous work, representing a kind of diplomacy that traffics in myths, hypocrisy, deceit and counterfeit ideas. Soon we will arrive at the diplomacy of the absurd. These three countries create these myths and try to force everyone to believe in them. We counter their myths with facts and a true picture of what is going on. But they do not want to see or hear. They simply ignore what they are told. They have come up with a legend about Russia as a constant wielder of the Security Council veto whom they purposely provoke into using the veto so as to then present themselves in a favourable light, especially right now. They are distorting international law and replacing its concepts with counterfeits. They are unabashedly hypocritical. They demand an investigation, and before the investigation has even started they name and punish the guilty parties. Why did they not wait for the result of the investigation that they themselves all called for? The Security Council is paralysed because of these countries' persistent deceptions both of us 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 25/26 and the international community. They are not only putting themselves above international law, they are trying to rewrite it. They violate international law and try to convince everyone that their actions are legal. The representative of the United Kingdom gave three reasons justifying the missile strikes based on the concept of humanitarian intervention. They are trying to substitute them for the Charter. That is why we and other countries did not support it then and do not support it now, because we do not want it to become the justification for their crimes. We demand once again that that they halt this aggression immediately and refrain from the illegal use of force in the future. Today we once again showed the whole world how we play our underhanded games. In Soviet times there was a pamphlet entitled Where Does the Threat to Peace Come From? that described Washington and the NATO countries' military preparations. Nothing has changed. The threat to peace comes from exactly the same place. Look at what they say and listen to the war drums that they are beating in Washington today in the guise of hypocritical concern for democracy, human rights and people in general. The five-minute rule in the latest presidential note's rules of procedure (S/2017/507) will not allow me to list them, because the list is too long. I could cite other examples, as for example how the President of France showed interest in a conversation with President Putin in an investigation in Douma and was ready to send French experts there when that idea suddenly disappeared. Because a different algorithm was put forward. That is obvious. Today is a sad day. It is a sad day for the world, the United Nations and its Charter, which has been blatantly violated, and the Security Council, which has shirked its responsibilities. I should like to believe that will not see another day as bad as today. The President (spoke in Spanish): I shall now make another statement in my national capacity. Peru abstained in the voting because we believe that the draft resolution did not adequately reflect the need to guarantee due accountability for the use of chemical weapons throughout Syrian terrority and because its language is imbalanced and would not help to restore the Council's unity, which is critical to addressing the events in Syria in a comprehensive manner. I now resume my functions as President of the Security Council. The representative of the United Kingdom has asked to make another statement. Ms. Pierce (United Kingdom): I think it is obvious why we voted against the draft resolution. We support completely what the French representative laid out about next steps and we will work tirelessly to that objective, along with partners on the Council. The Russian Ambassador referred to myths. These are not our myths. The way forward in the Council has been blocked. The second of our own criteria for taking this action on an exceptional basis must be objectively clear. There is no practicable alternative to the use of force if lives are to be saved. In the 113 meetings of the Council on Syria, I think that has been demonstrated absolutely crystally clear. The United Kingdom believes that it cannot be illegal to prevent the use of force to save lives in such numbers as we have seen in Syria. The reason we took this action — our legal basis — was that of humanitarian intervention. We believe that that is wholly within the principles and purposes of the United Nations. The President (spoke in Spanish): The representative of the Syrian Arab Republic has ask for the floor to make a new statement. I now give him the floor. Mr. Ja'afari (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): I apologize for requesting the floor once again. The scene that we have just witnessed is quite sad. There are those in the Council who prefer to overlook an enormous elephant that we have spoken of before. The elephant is the direct American military occupation of one-third of my country's territory — a direct American military occupation of one-third of the Syrian Arab Republic territory. However, there are those who speak of minor details which they believe to be pivotal. No, the political scene is far more dangerous than that. We are a State whose sovereignty has been facing a direct military violation by a permanent member of the Council. That is the true scene, and not the allegations and the film prepared by the terrorist organization known as the White Helmets established by British intelligence. We need to focus on the main scene here. Some would claim that they are fighting Da'esh in Syria and Iraq. However they have given air cover to Da'esh. Whenever the Syrian Arab Army makes advances against Da'esh, United States, British and French war planes bombard our military sites. Why? To prevent our decisive victory against that entity. However, they failed S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 26/26 18-10891 and we were able to achieve victory against Da'esh with our brothers in Iraq in three years and not in thirty, as former President Obama predicted. We understand that the capitals of the three countries that launched the aggression against my country are frustrated. Some colleagues who voted against the Russian draft resolution (S/2018/355) claim to support a political settlement. We tell them now, after their shameful vote against the draft resolution, that those who voted against it are no longer partners of the Syrian Government in any political process. The British Ambassador explained things about the Malvinas Islands. That testimony reveals the facts about the imperialistic policies of Britain. I am actually the Rapporteur of the Special Committee on Decolonization (C-24) and I work under the agenda of the United Nations and the Secretary-General. My task and that of my colleagues in the C-24 is to end colonialism throught the world. The Malvinas are on the list of territories that do not enjoy self-governance. We are working in accordance with the United Nations agenda to end the British occupation of the Malvinas. As for my colleague the Ambassador of Kuwait, I remind him — although he and his Government are well aware of it — that when my country participated in the liberation of Kuwait, we did not justify our principled position to the people of Kuwait. Our position was a principled one. We did not need draft resolutions, meetings or any tripartite aggression. We did not look into the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations or undermine our national obligations to our brothers in Kuwait, nor did we join any bloc that was hostile to Kuwait. We fulfilled our national duty towards our brothers in Kuwait. The Ambassador of Kuwait will also recall that my country could have played a different role at the time and could have negatively impacted the peace, safety and security of Kuwait, but we chose not to do so. We acted pursuant to a national principled position that was not subject to negotiation or discussion. The meeting rose at 1.50 p.m.

Guinea-Bissau (S/2018/110) ; United Nations S/PV.8188 Security Council Seventy-third year 8188th meeting Saturday, 24 February 2018, noon New York Provisional President: Mr. Alotaibi. . (Kuwait) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Inchauste Jordán China. . Mr. Ma Zhaoxu Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Mr. Alemu France. . Mr. Delattre Kazakhstan. . Mr. Umarov Netherlands. . Mr. Van Oosterom Peru. . Mr. Meza-Cuadra Poland. . Ms. Wronecka Russian Federation. . Mr. Nebenzia Sweden . Mr. Skoog United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Mr. Hickey United States of America. . Mrs. Haley Agenda The situation in the Middle East This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-05017 (E) *1805017* S/PV.8188 The situation in the Middle East 24/02/2018 2/14 18-05017 The meeting was called to order at 2.10 p.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. The situation in the Middle East The President (spoke in Arabic): In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. Members of the Council have before them document S/2018/146, which contains the text of a draft resolution submitted by Côte d'Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea, France, Kuwait, the Netherlands, Peru, Poland, Sweden, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America. I now give the floor to members of the Council who wish to make statements before the voting. Mr. Skoog (Sweden): Sweden and Kuwait earlier this week put forward a draft resolution to respond to the desperate calls of the United Nations and the humanitarian community in Syria for a cessation of hostilities for an initial period of 30 days, in order to allow for much-needed humanitarian relief. We have been working intensely with all Council members to operationalize the concrete requests of the United Nations, the humanitarian community and, above, all the civilian population on the ground. We have done our utmost to accommodate Council members' concerns. It is now time for the Council to unanimously shoulder its responsibility and show that meaningful action is possible. The key components in our draft resolution are a nationwide cessation of hostilities for at least 30 days, weekly United Nations humanitarian aid convoys to all areas in need, and immediate emergency medical evacuations. The United Nations convoys and evacuation teams are ready to go. The draft resolution also calls for the immediate lifting of sieges of populated areas, including eastern Ghouta. It reiterates its demand, reminding in particular the Syrian authorities that all parties have an obligation to act in accordance with international law to protect civilians and hospitals and other medical facilities. The draft makes an exception for military operations directed against the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant, Al-Qaida, the Al-Nusra Front and other terrorist groups designated by the Security Council. This in no way relieves the parties to the conflict in Syria from upholding their obligations under international law at all times, including the principles of distinction, proportionality and precaution. The draft resolution is not a comprehensive peace deal on Syria; its aim is purely humanitarian. There are already ceasefire agreements in force for the areas where fighting has escalated the most. They need to be complied with. There are existing monitoring mechanisms that can be utilized. The role of the Council is to push the parties to the conflict to comply with the proposed cessation of hostilities in order to urgently enable needed alleviation of suffering for the people of Syria. If the draft resolution is adopted today, it can de-escalate violence, save lives, alleviate suffering and break the deadlock on humanitarian access and sieges. Since the first call for a cessation of hostilities, the situation has gotten dramatically worse, particularly in eastern Ghouta, as we have heard from the Secretary- General and from Under-Secretary-General Mark Lowcock. After seven years of war, the situation for innocent civilians in Syria has never been worse. But we have an opportunity to turn things around today to avert the disaster unfolding before our eyes. The draft resolution before the Council represents a resolute and very urgent attempt for the Council to take decisive and meaningful action. Today, we count on each and every member to do the right thing. The President (spoke in Arabic): The Council is ready to proceed to the vote on the draft resolution before it. I shall put the draft resolution to the vote now. A vote was taken by show of hands. In favour: Bolivia (Plurinational State of), China, Côte d'Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, France, Kazakhstan, Kuwait, Netherlands, Peru, Poland, Russian Federation, Sweden, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and United States of America The President (spoke in Arabic): The draft resolution received 15 votes in favour. The draft resolution has been adopted unanimously as resolution 2401 (2018). 24/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8188 18-05017 3/14 I shall now make a statement in my capacity as representative of Kuwait. I associate myself with the statement just made by the Permanent Representative of Sweden on our behalf. The unanimous adoption today of resolution 2401 (2018), following lengthy and intensive negotiations, demonstrates that the penholders, Kuwait and Sweden, are keen to ensure unanimity on this important humanitarian resolution. The resolution renews hope in the Security Council's ability to be unified and speak in one voice, sending a clear and explicit message that it rejects any violations of the Charter of the United Nations. I wish to thank all Member States that voted in favour of the resolution, which includes key and specific demands in response to the appeals of the international community, the most important of which are as follows. First, it demands that all parties cease fire without delay throughout Syria for a minimum of 30 days. Secondly, it allows the United Nations and its partners to immediately undertake medical evacuations safely and unconditionally. Thirdly, it requires all parties to ensure the unimpeded and safe access of all humanitarian and medical workers. Fourthly, it calls on all parties to lift the siege of populated areas, including eastern Ghouta. We are totally convinced that, while the resolution may not end the humanitarian suffering in Syria at once, it is a positive message that the Council today is solidary and united to end this humanitarian suffering and hostilities right away. The biggest task now is to ensure the implementation of the provisions of the resolution in order to save civilian lives in Syria and deliver their humanitarian needs immediately. The Security Council still has a great deal to do so as to end this tragic crisis in Syria, which is about to complete its seventh year. The resolution that we have adopted today is only an interim solution, as a political solution in Syria is the only way to achieve a comprehensive settlement of the crisis and meet the aspirations of the brotherly Syrian people, in accordance with relevant Security Council resolutions, especially resolution 2254 (2015) and the 2012 Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex). The State of Kuwait stresses the importance of reaching an agreement among Council members to prevent any attempt to obstruct a draft resolution aimed at stopping flagrant violations of human rights. Kuwait supports the code of conduct proposed by the Accountability, Coherence and Transparency group, whereby Council members would pledge not to obstruct draft resolutions that address crimes against humanity, genocide and war crimes. We also support the Mexican-French initiative calling on restraint in the use of the veto in the event of serious violations of human rights, based on our commitments to abide by the four Geneva Conventions and their Protocols, international humanitarian law and the outcomes of the 2016 World Humanitarian Summit. We call for engagement on general humanitarian issues, such as the delivery of humanitarian aid, the evacuation of the sick and injured, and humanitarian truce, as procedural issues. In order to prevent the recurrence of such tragedies and the great suffering of humankind, the veto must not be used in such instances. I now resume my functions as President of the Security Council. I give the floor to the other members of the Council that wish to make statements. Mrs. Haley (United States of America): I want to thank the penholders, Sweden and Kuwait, for their work, their sacrifice and their time in the negotiations. As we look at the negotiations, I think it is also important that we bring the Council some of the voices of the Syrian people in eastern Ghouta, who have suffered so much while waiting for the Security Council to act. A doctor treating patients in a makeshift hospital described the conditions she is facing: "We are mental and emotional wrecks. There is nothing more we can do. We are bled dry." In a haunting video, the doctor walks into a room with a crying mother as she says, "I am waiting for my son to die. At least he will be free of pain. I was just making bread for him when the roof fell in. He is going straight to heaven. At least in heaven there is food." Another message we received yesterday which I think was relayed to Council members in the closed consultations, but which I think it is important to repeat again — was an emergency call from a doctor in eastern Ghouta, who said: "We have a horrible situation here. We are being targeted with all kinds of weapons, non-stop. We lack everything: water, food, medical supplies, S/PV.8188 The situation in the Middle East 24/02/2018 4/14 18-05017 shelter. This is a disaster. Everyone is just waiting to die." Today, the Security Council finally took a step towards addressing these devastating levels of human suffering in Syria. The United States wants nothing more than to see the ceasefire in resolution 2401 (2018) implemented immediately across the country. It is critical that the Al-Assad regime and its allies comply with our demand to stop the assault on eastern Ghouta and immediately allow food and medicine to reach everyone who needs it. All of us on the Council must do our part to press the Al-Assad regime as hard as we can to comply. But we are late to respond to this crisis — very late. On Wednesday, the Secretary-General made an emotional plea for an immediate ceasefire in Syria to allow the very basic necessities to get to the people. Kuwait and Sweden had a version of the resolution ready to go for a vote, but Russia called for a delay. On Thursday, in an effort to stall, Russia called for an open meeting on the humanitarian situation in Syria. At that meeting (S/PV.8186), 14 members of the Council were ready to impose a ceasefire, but Russia obstructed the vote again. And then yesterday, the Council sat around for hours, ready to vote, only to have Russia delay it again. Every minute the Council waited on Russia, the human suffering grew. Getting to a vote became a moral responsibility for everyone, but not for Russia, not for Syria, and not for Iran. I have to ask: why? At least 19 health facilities have been bombed since Sunday. As they dragged out the negotiations, the bombs from Al-Assad's fighter jets continued to fall. In the three days it took us to adopt the resolution, how many mothers lost their kids to the bombing and the shelling? How many more images did we need to see of fathers holding their dead children? All for nothing, because here we are voting for a ceasefire that could have saved lives days ago. And after all of this time, hardly anything has changed in the resolution except a few words and some commas. The Syrian people should not have to die waiting for Russia to organize its instructions from Moscow or to discuss them with the Syrians. Why did the Council allow this? There is no good reason we should not have done this Wednesday, or Thursday, or Friday. We may not know the faces that we are talking about. We may not know their names, or these people, but they know us. And we all failed them this week. I guess there is unity in that. Today, Russia has belatedly decided to join the international consensus and accept the need to call for a ceasefire, but only after trying every possible way to avoid it. The resolution marks a moment of Council unity that we must seize and maintain beyond the 30-day timeframe. We hope that the resolution will be a turning point, where Russia will join us in pushing for a political settlement to this conflict and take action to re-establish real accountability for the use of chemical weapons in Syria. Progress starts by adhering to the ceasefire with no excuses. After so many years of defying the Council's demands, the Al-Assad regime must change course. None of us should be so naïve as to accept that the Al-Assad regime can continue indiscriminately bombing schools, hospitals and homes under the fake excuse of "counter-terrorism". Al-Assad's bombing must stop. The ceasefire must be given a chance to work. We look to the Al-Assad regime's backers, especially Russia and Iran, to address what the Secretary-General rightly called a "hell on Earth". All eyes will now be on the Syrian regime, Iran and Russia. Our goal with this resolution is clear. The Al-Assad regime needs to stop its military activities around eastern Ghouta, and for once allow humanitarian access to all of those who need it. We are deeply skeptical that the regime will comply, but we supported the resolution because we must demand nothing less. We owe that to the innocent people of Syria begging for help. In the days to come, our resolve to stand by our demands in the resolution will be tested. All of us must rise to the challenge of maintaining this ceasefire, just as we came together today. All of us must do everything we can to make the demands of the resolution a reality. That is the only way to restore the credibility of the Council. The Syrian people have been waiting long enough. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): Following lengthy consultations, during which the overwhelming majority of delegations demonstrated a sincere focus on seeking joint solutions — for which we thank them — the Security Council has unanimously adopted the humanitarian resolution 2401 (2018), on Syria. I wish to particularly thank the penholders, the Permanent Representatives of Kuwait and Sweden, for their tireless efforts 24/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8188 18-05017 5/14 and resolve to reach a compromise up until the very last moment. Russia supports the resolution because it encourages the Syrian parties to work as quickly as possible to bring a halt to the hostilities, comply with previous agreed-on decisions in that regard, engage in negotiations on a general de-escalation and establish extended humanitarian pauses throughout the country. The reason it took us so long to reach agreement on the resolution was because we did not support the directives it included for an immediate cessation of hostilities for a relatively long period, and the reason for that was simply because it was unachievable in that form. A ceasefire would not have happened if we had adopted the directives without any concrete agreement between the warring parties, and any approach so removed from reality would definitely not help to address the pressing humanitarian problems in Syria. It will be crucial to ensure that the Security Council's demands are reinforced by concrete agreements on the ground. It would be naive to think that any of these complicated issues can be resolved overnight. We trust that all the external stakeholders with influence will work to bring that about. We can see that some foreign sponsors of the illegal armed groups have either fallen very short in that regard or have been deliberately flouting their obligations. Russia is working with all the parties to the conflict and doing everything possible to normalize the situation and actively assist the humanitarian efforts. Iran and Turkey, our partners in the Astana process, have taken on a major part of the work, and we are preparing for an important meeting in the Astana format next month. In the southern de-escalation zone a fairly decent level of cooperation has been established with Jordan and the United States, although we have been seeing tension rising in some areas owing to activity by armed groups. The resolution clearly states that it does not apply to military operations against the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant, Jabhat Al-Nusra, other Al-Qaida-affiliated organizations and various groups that the Security Council has recognized as terrorists. That struggle that will continue. We call on international stakeholders to coordinate closely on this issue, including with the Syrian authorities, and in strict compliance with international law and with respect for Syria's sovereignty and territorial integrity. The goal of combating terrorism must not become a pretext for solving this or that geopolitical issue of dubious legitimacy, which is exactly what the United States is doing in Syria. Instead of being drowned in rhetoric about Russia — and by the way, next time I am going to count the number of times Ambassador Haley mentions my country — what we are insisting on is a prompt end to the occupation-style efforts of the so-called coalition, which, among other things, would have a definite humanitarian impact, enabling the Syrian Government to address the issue of restoring normal life in all the areas that have been liberated from terrorists, including in the north and the east of the country. Closing the coalition's Al-Tanf military base would solve the problem of the internally displaced persons in the Rukban camp. In that connection, we would also like to point out that every effort should be made to deliver aid via the most direct routes, as provided for in the humanitarian resolutions on Syria. It is important that today's resolution calls for speeding up the immediate deployment of humanitarian mine-clearing operations throughout Syria. It also reiterates the demand that all parties demilitarize medical facilities, schools and other civilian infrastructure and refrain from establishing military positions in residential areas, something that the illegal armed groups have frequently been guilty of. The conflict's flashpoints are more clearly identified, and are not limited to eastern Ghouta and Idlib, and that includes Raqqa, which the coalition has laid waste. It also expresses indignation at the militias' shelling of Damascus, in which our Embassy has been hit several times. We know that the humanitarian situation in Syria is dire and in urgent need of effective measures, but we can see perfectly well that the propagandistic picture being painted of eastern Ghouta is identical to the loud campaign in late 2016 during the counter-terrorist operation to liberate eastern Aleppo. We must engage not just with eastern Ghouta, but with Raqqa, Rukban, Foah, Kefraya and Yarmouk. Every area of Syria should get help. The resolution emphasizes the importance of supporting the restoration of stability in the areas that civilians are returning to, which in our view sends an unambiguous message to those capitals that continue to make restoration assistance conditional on a specific transitional direction in the political process. It stipulates that the humanitarian priorities for Syria in 2018 are not limited to Under-Secretary-General Lowcock's five requests. The agenda is far broader. We S/PV.8188 The situation in the Middle East 24/02/2018 6/14 18-05017 hope in particular that the specialized United Nations agencies and their partners will be sensitive to requests from the Syrian authorities. In conclusion, I would like to express my deep concern about the public statements by certain United States officials threatening aggression against Syria, a sovereign country. This is a warning that we will not countenance any arbitrary interpretation of the resolution that has just been adopted. We demand an end to this irresponsible and hateful rhetoric. Rather, there should be joint efforts to settle the conflict in Syria on the basis of resolution 2254 (2015). Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): France welcomes the unanimous adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), which demands that a cessation of hostilities be established without delay throughout Syria, in order to enable humanitarian personnel to evacuate the wounded and to gain access to the population. The negotiations were arduous. However, despite their differences in approach, the members of the Security Council managed to prevail in the name of the humanitarian imperative. The resolution is vital in the true meaning of that word, since halting the shelling and evacuating the wounded are matters of life and death for thousands of Syrian people, especially in eastern Ghouta, which has been under siege by the Damascus regime for days. I would like to thank the delegations of Kuwait and Sweden — which introduced the resolution, with our support — for their efforts, perseverance and outstanding work in arriving at a robust text. As by President Macron and the Secretary-General forcefully recalled last Wednesday, it is imperative and urgent to end the shelling of eastern Ghouta, Idlib and the whole of Syrian territory immediately. That was the thrust of yesterday's joint call by President Macron and Chancellor Angela Merkel to President Putin during their demanding and close conversation on the issue. It is also the reason for our vote today. The resolution is the outcome of our concerted efforts, as well as a belated response to the violence unleashed against civilians in eastern Ghouta and elsewhere. Let us make no mistake: a cessation of hostilities for an initial 30 days to enable humanitarian access to meet vital urgent needs is only the very first step. It is the minimal response to the repeated demands of both the United Nations and humanitarian actors, which have been conveyed for months by Council members, in particular by France. It is now up to the regime's supporters to ensure full compliance with the cessation of hostilities without delay and to respond to all requests for access to humanitarian assistance and medical evacuations in accordance with the text we have just adopted. We specifically call on the guarantors of the Astana process to assume their responsibilities and effectively ensure that the Syrian regime immediately cease its hostilities and ensure respect for the basic principles and rules of international humanitarian law and human rights law. It is urgent that humanitarian assistance reach without delay the people who need it. Every minute counts because every minute can lead to the loss of lives. Nothing would be worse than to see this resolution remain a dead letter. That is why France will be extremely vigilant on all those points over the coming hours and days. We all know that a return to stability in Syria is the only way to put a definitive end to the humanitarian crisis, for which a political solution is required. More than ever, therefore, we must redouble our efforts to establish a neutral environment that will enable a credible political process and elections to be held in Syria, as part of the Geneva process and resolution 2254 (2015). France is ready to continue working tirelessly with its partners to that end. As we said yesterday in this forum, the elements for a regional and potentially major international confrontation have coalesced today. That is a risk that must be taken very seriously. We must therefore come together, as we have done today, to put an end to the humanitarian catastrophe under way, prevent a spillover of the conflict and seek an inclusive political solution in Syria. These are three indissociable priorities, and our generation will be judged on whether or not we are able to put an end to the Syrian tragedy. This text is a potentially important step, but it is obviously not the end of the road. Let us be frank: the hardest part has yet to be done. Therefore, on behalf of France, I would like to launch a two-pronged appeal. The first is a call for the resolution to be fully and immediately implemented. We are all aware that pitfalls and obstacles abound. This is a reflection of the extent to which resolute and coordinated engagement by all members of the Security Council is crucial to ensuring that the provisions we have just adopted are implemented on the ground without delay. To put it even more clearly: if we do not put all our resources 24/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8188 18-05017 7/14 and energy behind the full implementation of this resolution, we know that it will not work. Above all, that applies to Russia and the Astana guarantors. The second call is to use this truce as leverage to put an end to the spiral of violence in the Syrian tragedy and create positive momentum towards an inclusive political settlement in Syria. That must be our common ambition. There is a glimmer of hope today in that regard. Let us seize this fragile moment to begin to reverse the course of events, despite the magnitude of the difficulties ahead. As the Council knows, France is fully committed to that goal. Mr. Hickey (United Kingdom): The United Kingdom welcomes the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018). In particular, we applaud your work, Mr. President, together with Sweden, as co-penholders. But this is not a moment for self-congratulation. It has taken us far too long to agree this resolution. While we have been arguing over commas, Al-Assad's planes have been killing more civilians in their homes and in their hospitals, imposing unbearable suffering. Despite the amount of time we have spent in this Chamber over many years discussing the devastating humanitarian crisis, we have still not been able to achieve the peace and security that the Syrian people so desperately need. As the conflict enters its eighth year, the situation in eastern Ghouta and elsewhere in the country is far worse than we ever thought imaginable. The barbarity and depravity of the Al-Assad regime shows no limits. We must never lose sight of the fact that the pictures we see and the stories we hear from this comfortable Chamber are the agonizing reality for hundreds of thousands of civilians — for men, women and children who are being forced to eke out an existence underground to avoid being killed by a regime that commits daily atrocities against its own people. I have heard some say that the information about the situation in eastern Ghouta is propaganda. A doctor in eastern Ghouta, having heard such comments, said this morning: "Amid the chaos and the bombs, it is the not being believed that almost hurts the most. We are dying here every day. And when people say that they do not believe us, that is pain upon pain." This is not propaganda. It is a living hell for hundreds of thousands of residents of eastern Ghouta. As we have repeated many times, the intentional and systematic targeting of civilians and civilian objects not only violates international humanitarian law, it is a war crime. The United Kingdom will be unrelenting in our campaign to ensure accountability. By having voted in favour of the resolution today, we are standing up and saying that we will not stand by and let this happen. In the face of escalating violence, devastation and suffering, we must all now take practical steps to improve the situation for those living and dying in a hell of one man's making. The resolution demonstrates our resolve to put a stop to the brutal violence. It demands that all parties cease hostilities without delay. That means right now, immediately. The role and responsibility of the Council does not end with the adoption of this resolution, quite the opposite. All States Members of the United Nations, but particularly Council members, must now take responsibility for ensuring that the resolution is implemented in full, without delay. The resolution calls for the Council to review its implementation within 15 days, but we must all be active in supporting and monitoring implementation from the moment we step out of the Chamber. If we see any of the parties violating the terms of the resolution, we must bring it back to the Council immediately. Those with any influence over the Syrian regime — Russia, Iran — have a particular responsibility to ensure that the ceasefire is respected in full and without delay, that all sieges are ended and that humanitarian aid is delivered. This is the absolute minimum that the people of Syria deserve. As much as we welcome the adoption of this resolution today, it is only a small step. Just as one aid convoy in three months to a besieged area cannot even begin to address the humanitarian crisis, one resolution alone cannot solve the situation in Syria. We must do everything in our collective power to ensure that this resolution is effective in delivering for those whom we have failed to date. We must all send a clear message to the Al-Assad regime: abandon your attempt to pursue a military strategy, stop fighting and engage seriously in United Nations-led political talks in Geneva. In conclusion, let me reiterate the words of my Foreign Secretary. The entire world is looking at the Al-Assad regime, Russia and Iran. They hold the keys not only to the end of this obscene conflict, but to the safety, humanitarian aid and basic medical treatment S/PV.8188 The situation in the Middle East 24/02/2018 8/14 18-05017 that is being denied to millions of people right now in Syria. For the mother giving birth underground in eastern Ghouta, for the child unable to learn as schools are closed for yet another day, for the doctor battling air strikes to treat patients in Idlib — all of us sitting here today owe it to the people of Syria to work together with renewed and unyielding energy to achieve a political solution that will bring peace to the Syrian people. Mr. Ma Zhaoxu (China) (spoke in Chinese): The recent escalation of conflict in the affected areas of Syria has caught the attention of the international community. We acutely feel the suffering of the Syrian people as if it were inflicted upon us. China condemns all acts of violence that target civilians and civilian property and destroy innocent lives. China welcomes the Security Council's unanimous adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), which is the result of Council members' patient consultation and hard work to find consensus. The resolution includes positive elements such as calling for respect for Syria's sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity; demanding a cessation of hostilities by all parties; easing the humanitarian situation in Syria; supporting mine action throughout Syria; and continuing to combat terrorism. As an active party to the consultation process, China made unflagging efforts and played a constructive role in facilitating consensus-building in the Council. China appreciates that, thanks to the concerted efforts of all parties concerned, the Council arrived at a solution that reflects the broadest possible consensus among Council members. I would like in particular to thank Kuwait and Sweden, as co-penholders of the resolution, for their tireless efforts. By speaking with one voice on the humanitarian situation in Syria, the Security Council is helping to alleviate the situation as a whole, helping to consolidate the momentum towards a ceasefire, contributing to counter-terrorism efforts in the country and serving the overarching objective of arriving at a political settlement of the Syrian issue. Going forward, the international community should work together to ensure the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018), so that it can play a positive role in improving the humanitarian situation in Syria. The only way to fundamentally improve the humanitarian situation in Syria and to lift the people of Syria out of their suffering is to find a political settlement. The international community should support the Syrian parties in seeking a swift solution that is acceptable to all parties in the context of a United Nations mediation through a Syrian-owned and -led political process in order to end the suffering of the Syrian people as soon as possible. China is keen for the Council to remain united and forge consensus on the Syrian issue. The Council must push the Syrian parties to consolidate the momentum towards a ceasefire, strengthen cooperation on combating terrorist groups, advance the process towards a political settlement and play a constructive role in maintaining peace and security in Syria and across the region. Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): The delegation of Kazakhstan voted in favour of resolution 2401 (2018), on the cessation of hostilities in Syria. I express my gratitude to the co-penholders — Sweden and Kuwait — for their determined efforts to find common ground among the Security Council members. I also thank the members of the Council for their constructive approach towards the resolution, which has many significant provisions. The position of Kazakhstan is very consistent — that stability in the Middle East can be achieved by reducing violence for peaceful means and avoiding the emergence of new tensions. In the past few days, Heads of State and Government from around the world have called on the Syrian Government to observe human rights and on both sides to exercise restraint. Simultaneously, external incitement that fuels tension should stop immediately so that it does not endanger regional security. We see a Security Council united today in demanding that all parties cease hostilities without delay. We now expect all countries that exercise influence on the ground and conduct military campaigns against international terrorist groups in Syria to interact and find common ground for fighting terrorism jointly, while taking practical steps to implement the resolution. Kazakhstan calls on all forces that support an early settlement of the Syrian conflict, including the Government of Syria and the armed opposition, to fully comply with the ceasefire regime and the resolution. All the parties must ensure safe and unhindered access for humanitarian assistance to reach the affected areas, as well as the evacuation of people in need of medical assistance. The Foreign Minister of Kazakhstan hopes that his colleagues — the Foreign Ministers of the guarantor States of the Astana process — will take additional constructive steps to strictly implement the 24/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8188 18-05017 9/14 ceasefire agreements and support the de-escalation zones in Syria, at the meeting scheduled to take place in the capital of Kazakhstan in mid-March or earlier, if need be. These were difficult, but successful, deliberations. We should all work collectively to find a peaceful solution. The unity shown today in the Security Council should continue, since we have yet a lot to accomplish in Syria and elsewhere. Mr. Van Oosterom (Netherlands): On Wednesday, during the high-level debate on the Charter of the United Nations, I quoted one of the founding fathers of the United Nations, Ambassador Stettinius (see S/PV.8185). He said that the members of the Security Council had the obligation to agree so that the Council may be able to act and act effectively. Today we finally managed to agree to end the atrocious violence in eastern Ghouta; to end attacks against hospitals; and to end the killing of innocent civilians, including women and children. The Kingdom of the Netherlands welcomes the unanimous adoption of this crucial resolution — resolution 2401 (2018). Let me thank the co-penholders in particular — Kuwait and Sweden — for their tireless efforts and skilled diplomatic work. We pay tribute to them. Today we have a resolution, now we need to see action on the ground. All United Nations States Members have an obligation to make sure that the words of the resolution are implemented without delay. The Syrian authorities in particular have a specific responsibility towards their own people. The resolution means that all parties must cease hostilities without delay. All parties must engage immediately for a sustainable and durable humanitarian pause of at least 30 consecutive days throughout Syria to enable the safe, unimpeded and sustained delivery of humanitarian aid and services and to enable medical evacuations of the critically sick and wounded, in accordance with applicable international law. The implementation of the resolution means the cessation of hostilities, the delivery of humanitarian aid and urgent medical evacuations. It is a first step in the right direction, but much more is needed — a political solution, accountability and the return of refugees. The Council should remain seized of the matter and closely monitor the implementation of the resolution, starting today. The Council should reconvene without delay if the situation demands it. Ms. Wronecka (Poland): We highly commend the work of Sweden and Kuwait as co-penholders on the humanitarian resolution for Syria — resolution 2401 (2018) — who did their best to accommodate the concerns of all Security Council members. On Wednesday I stressed that it is the Council's responsibility to not fail in stopping the ongoing human tragedy in Syria, and in eastern Ghouta in particular (see S/PV.8185). Today we have managed to reach compromise and adopt the resolution by consensus. I would like to thank all my colleagues for their very constructive attitude. However, the innocent people of Syria have waited far too long for that. Now, all of the parties, especially those with influence on the ground, must make every effort to implement it. In that context, we reiterate our call on all sides to comply with international humanitarian law, cease all hostilities against civilians and allow for free humanitarian access. In conclusion, it is not only our legal obligation to act now, but also our moral duty. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): Following the unanimous adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), I take the floor on behalf of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, whose Government closely followed the whole process leading up to its successful conclusion with the unanimous adoption of this humanitarian resolution. At the outset, I pay a well-deserved tribute to the penholders, Kuwait and Sweden, for all their efforts, patience and dedication to the goal of drafting a resolution that was ultimately deserving of a favourable vote. We commend the unanimous support of the elected members for the penholders throughout the duration of that process. In Spanish, it is often said that "it is never too late if the outcome is good". This positive outcome is the result of the contributions of all members of the Council, to which we extend our gratitude and commend for the fruitful end. What lies ahead now is the effective implementation of the provisions of the resolution with a view to achieving the objective the Security Council has set out to achieve, namely, an immediate ceasefire throughout Syria in order to facilitate the safe, unhindered and sustainable delivery S/PV.8188 The situation in the Middle East 24/02/2018 10/14 18-05017 of humanitarian aid, services and medical evacuations of all severely injured and ill persons. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea energetically calls on all parties, the United Nations and those involved in the devastating conflict to do everything possible towards the noble end of saving human lives and alleviating the suffering that has been endured far too long by the people. The adoption of the resolution partially spares all members of the Security Council from embarrassment. We will save ourselves completely from that shame if the ceasefire takes effect in the next few hours and if humanitarian aid and medical care begin to reach the affected persons over the upcoming days. Mr. Inchauste Jordán (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): Seven years have elapsed since the beginning of this war, and the suffering of the Syrian people continues to worsen. The numerous human lives lost in recent weeks add to the more than 500,000 lost since the beginning of the conflict. We believe that while military tactics prevail over a political solution, there can be no lasting peace, and consequently it will be civilians, especially women and children, who will continue to be subjected to unnecessary suffering. For that reason, we commend the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), and hope that its timely and effective implementation will help to alleviate the suffering of the Syrian people. My delegation underscores and commends the arduous work undertaken by the penholders. The delegations of Sweden and Kuwait have demonstrated strong leadership and resolve up to the very last moment to reach an agreement. Similarly, we wish to acknowledge the effort and commitment shown by the Russian Federation and the parties involved, as well as all members of the Security Council during the negotiation process. In recent days, my delegation has expressed its position on the matter at hand, and today we do so once again. Consensus and unity within the Security Council are pivotal if we are to improve the humanitarian situation in Syria, which is why we commend the consensus reached today. We reiterate that there can be no military solution to the situation and that the only way forward is through inclusive political dialogue. We thefaffirm our support for the Geneva process and the achievements made in Astana, of which the agreements must be upheld by all parties. Moreover, we have high expectations that the various forums of dialogue, such as the Sochi dialogue, can contribute to the achievement of a final and lasting peace. Mr. Alemu (Ethiopia): We welcome the unanimous adoption of resolution 2401 (2018) on the humanitarian situation in Syria. We voted in favour because we believe that the resolution can make a positive difference on the ground in the alleviation of the continued tragedy of the Syrians. Having discussed the severe humanitarian crisis in Syria almost weekly, it was clear that what was required from the Council was concrete and collective action that would contribute to alleviating the intolerable suffering of Syrians in all areas of the country. We are pleased that the Council has acted and sent the right message to bring about a cessation of hostilities that will allow the United Nations and its humanitarian partners to have safe, sustained and unimpeded humanitarian access to deliver the much-needed humanitarian assistance to all Syrians in need. I wish to express our sincere appreciation to the delegations of Kuwait and Sweden, which effectively and efficiently led the process of negotiations. We all know that it was not an easy task, but they did excellent work in accommodating the concerns of all delegations with a high sense of responsibility and patience. We also thank all delegations for their flexibility during the negotiation process. We hope that the positive spirit that led the Council to adopt the resolution will prevail, not only in ensuring its effective implementation, but also in laying the bases for greater mutual understanding among all those with enormous influence over developments in Syria, whether in the humanitarian or political and security domains. We know, given the realities, that this is a tall order. One matter needs to be stressed on this occasion. The security situation in Syria is perhaps more complicated today than it has ever been over the past few years. We should not overlook the fact that the source of the humanitarian tragedy that we see today is the result of the difficult political and security situation in the country. We trust that all those, including those whom Ambassador Delattre referred to, will continue to play a role in contributing to the creation of the basis for progress in the peace process. That is extremely critical for ensuring that the humanitarian tragedy is Syria is brought to an end. We can only hope that what the Council has achieved today will lay the basis for averting an even greater humanitarian tragedy in Syria. 24/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8188 18-05017 11/14 Mr. Meza-Cuadra (Peru) (spoke in Spanish): We wish to thank you, Mr. President, and your team, as well as the Permanent Representative of Sweden and his team, for the tireless efforts made to achieve this important consensus, and we also thank the members of the Council for their flexibility. This commitment will allow for an immediate cessation of hostilities in Syria and the urgent and necessary provision of humanitarian assistance. We underscore the need to maintain unity within the Council in terms of its responsibilities to protect the civilian population, in accordance with international law and international humanitarian law. Peru, a sponsor of resolution 2401 (2017), which we have just adopted, will closely monitor its urgent implementation and compliance therewith by all parties involved. We wish to express our sorrow concerning and solidarity with the victims of the conflict in Syria, and our support and admiration for the United Nations humanitarian workers and those of other agencies deployed on the ground. We hope that the important step that we have taken today will help to achieve a lasting solution to the Syrian conflict in line with resolution 2254 (2015) and the Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex). Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): Côte d'Ivoire, as a sponsor of resolution 2401 (2017), which we have just adopted and which is purely humanitarian in nature, commends its initiators, namely, your country, Mr. President, and Sweden. It welcomes the adoption of the resolution, which demands the cessation without delay of hostilities. This demand on the part of the Council must be upheld by all actors on every battlefield in Syria. Côte d'Ivoire also welcomes the efforts undertaken by all parties to arrive at a consensus within the Council. It thanks in particular the Russian Federation for its spirit of compromise. The contribution made by all parties to the adoption of the resolution is aimed at saving the Syrian people from the horrific war plaguing that country, which is imperilling the lives of thousands of human beings, specifically civilians, including women and children. Côte d'Ivoire remains convinced that only a definitive end to the Syrian conflict through negotiations can enable all Syrians to restore peace, achieve reconciliation and rebuild their country, with a view to relaunching its economic and social development. We hope that the 30-day truce demanded by the Council will be the beginning of a process that will bring peace to Syria on the basis of the relevant conclusions and recommendations of all negotiations held in Astana, Sochi and Geneva concerning the country. The President (spoke in Arabic): I now call on the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic. Mr. Ja'afari (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): Over the past two days, 10 of the thousands of missiles that have fallen on the Syrian capital landed on the headquarters of the Red Crescent in Damascus, the main headquarters of the Syrian Red Crescent, in the Abu Ramani neighbourhood of Damascus. Those missiles were launched by the moderate armed groups in Al-Ghouta. Thousands of people died, including Dr. Hassan, a professor at the Technological Health Institute in Damascus. A French colleague and friend, Thierry Mariani, said: (spoke in French) "Like hundreds of others over the past five years, Dr. Hassan Haj Hassan was killed by shells fired from Ghouta on Damascus by these moderate rebels. Those dead and are not entitled to media compassion; they are on the wrong side of history. When will there be balanced coverage?" (spoke in Arabic) This French citizen accurately described the suffering of the Syrian people as a result of the launching by terrorists of missiles against Damascus. He had visited Aleppo in 2017, and as he was leaving Free Syrian Army gangs fired rockets at the airport. Luckily he was not hurt, but since then the Aleppo airport has been closed because it is unsafe. Also. the head of the Syrian Red Crescent in Idlib, Dr. Muhammad Al-Waty, was kidnapped by moderate armed groups. My colleague the Permanent Representative of France said that we must observe a truce, and I agree with him. However, I think that we also need to implement the 29 other Security Council resolutions on the situation in Syria, of which 13 relate to the fight against terrorism. We need not only a month-long cessation of hostilities; we also need to see the implementation of the 29 other resolutions that the Council has adopted. My colleague the British Ambassador told us horrific stories that he heard from other people. Perhaps S/PV.8188 The situation in the Middle East 24/02/2018 12/14 18-05017 he has not heard about what the British forces have done in Iraq, Palestine and Libya. The British Government went to the Malvinas and fought Argentina for an island that it does not own and that is situated tens of thousands of kilometres away from the United Kingdom. However, I say to my British colleague that his Government — and I am not using the term "regime", because I respect international law — is preventing us from countering terrorism in our own territories. We are not going thousands of kilometres away, we have not been fighting in other countries. It is in our own territories that we are combating terrorism — terrorism that is supported by the Government of the United Kingdom. During the meeting on Thursday (see S/PV.8186), I explained the reality of what is happening in Syria — the suffering of civilians as a result of the actions of armed terrorist groups. I assure members once again that the Government of the Syrian Arab Republic has taken all the de-escalation initiatives seriously and has observed them so as to protect the lives of its citizens and to stop those who have been trading in their pain and blood. In that regard, I note that the Syrian Government has complied with the Astana agreement on establishing de-escalation zones and stipulated a number of commitments, including compelling the signatory armed groups to sever any ties they have with terrorist organizations, especially the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) and the Al-Nusra Front and all other affiliated groups. At the same time, the Astana agreement gave the Syrian Government the right to respond in case of any violations by those armed groups. It was not at all surprising to us that those terrorist armed groups would not comply with any of those initiatives, but would use them as an opportunity to reorganize their forces and their terrorist fighters, acquire more arms, military equipment, human and logistical support and perpetuate their crimes against the Syrian people. They are receiving instructions from certain States members of the Council, as well as regional actors that are practicing State terrorism to ensure the obstruction and failure of those initiatives and agreements. Since the signing of the agreement on the establishment of de-escalation zones, these armed groups have systematically violated it. In responding to the violations, the Syrian Government has exercised extreme self-restraint to protect the lives of civilians and salvage the agreement that terrorist armed groups and the countries that sponsor them have been trying to obstruct since the moment of signing it. However, these violations have become repeated and serious and have affected the lives of 8 million civilians living in the capital, Damascus, and its suburbs. Attacks have been waged by launching rockets and missiles and using car bombs, with Syrian military sites being targeted. All this has led to an unbearable situation that we cannot condone. As a State, we bear a responsibility towards our citizens and we have a sovereign right to counter terrorism. We are also receiving repeated appeals from Syrian citizens for protection — their families, their children, their schools — from the acts of these terrorist armed groups In the light of these violations and terrorist acts, the Syrian Government has had to take the necessary steps to protect its citizens. We exercised our legitimate right to defend them. At the same time, we have taken all the steps necessary to ensure the safety of the civilians who have been taken hostage by these groups and used as human shields inside eastern Ghouta. In cooperation with our Russian friends, we also ensured the safe passage of civilians out of danger from 4 to 14 February. We have provided shelter and food and necessary medical care. The Government has paid for all that assistance. We have called upon armed groups to lay down their weapons and stop their terrorism from residential places and neighbourhoods, and instead engage in national reconciliation initiatives. Of course, the appeals of 8 million Syrians do not reach the Secretariat or the representatives of the United States, the United Kingdom and France, although they receive appeals from their proxies — terrorist armed groups and White Helmet terrorists, the new legitimate representative of the Al-Nusra Front. It seems that these countries decided today to replace the black flags of ISIL and Al-Qaida with white flags in Iraq and the White Helmets in Syria. We are therefore done with using the black colour; we are using the white colour now, white flags in Iraq and White Helmets in Syria. According to General Assembly resolution 46/182, which we all negotiated and reached consensus on, the basic principle that governs the delivery of humanitarian aid is respect for the sovereignty of the country concerned as well as coordinating with it fully in any activity in which the United Nations is engaged on the territory of the country in question. However, such principles lose all value when they are 24/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8188 18-05017 13/14 subject to the political whims and double standards of the Secretariat and some more influential countries, particularly when it comes to implementing them in Syria. How else can we explain that some countries submit draft resolutions on the situation in Syria and negotiate them for many weeks with all actors, but excluding the country concerned? This is what I asked the day before yesterday. How do we explain that the Resident Coordinator in Damascus sends a note to the Syrian Foreign Ministry on 14 February stressing that the aid convoys reached 2.3 million Syrians in the so-called besieged and hard-to-reach areas in 2017, while the Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs presented completely false figures yesterday to tarnish the image of the Syrian Government and to give Western countries in the Security Council justification for targeting the Syrian Government and its partners? The Resident Coordinator said that aid had reached 2.3 million Syrians. But just two days ago, Mr. Lowcock said that aid had reached only 20,000 people. Along with some members of the Council, we have said repeatedly over the past seven years that to end the suffering of civilians in Syria we do not need non-consensual draft resolutions, nor do we need to adopt new resolutions or hold regular or emergency meetings. We do not need to deplete United Nations resources to prepare periodic reports that rely on unreliable sources. We do not need to establish a committee here and a body there. We need to implement the 29 — now 30 — Security Council resolutions that have been adopted; it is quite a coincidence that by adopting resolution 2401 (2018) today we have reached 30 resolutions. These resolutions should be implemented. The Governments of some countries should stop spending billions of dollars to support and finance armed terrorist groups and provide them with arms. The latest we have heard is that the United States of America has allocated $4 billion to ublically fund the terrorists in Syria. Those countries must stop opening their borders and airports to facilitate the flow of terrorist fighters to Syria. They must allow the Syrian people to shape its future and restore its security and stability without any foreign interference. You said, Mr. President, that the Council rejects anything that violates the purposes and principles of the Charter. Yes, this is very precise. You called also for the implementation of today's resolution in all parts of Syria, which is how we interpret this resolution in Damascus. Resolution 2401 (2018) must be implemented in all parts of Syria, including Afrin, United States-occupied areas and the Golan. In addition, let me make it clear that the Governments of the United States of America, the United Kingdom and France and their enablers in the region should stop holding meetings in Washington, D.C., Paris and London, establishing groups, bodies or forums and devising what they refer to as strategic plans reminiscent of colonial times. Following a meeting in Washington, D.C., they announced that they had drafted a plan to divide Syria within a year — I am just recounting what they said. The strategic plans contained in the document adopted in Washington, D.C., are aimed at dividing Syria, changing its political system by force, spreading terrorism and maintaining an illegitimate military presence in our territories. I say to my colleague the Permanent Representative of the United States, who threatened us here at the Council a while ago and no one has responded to her, that none of the plans will succeed; they will backfire sooner or later. According to Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, my country has the right to defend itself with all of the legal tools available. A United States occupying military presence exists in our territories, and we have the right to resist it. The representative of the United States has threatened us. We, in turn, give her a warning from this Chamber because, according to Article 51 of the Charter, we have the right to defend ourselves. We again stress that double standards will continue to mar international efforts to counter terrorism as long as there is a partial approach to addressing the threat of armed groups in Syria. Some members of the Council claim that they are concerned about an area controlled by terrorist armed groups in eastern Ghouta. The size of that area is 50 square kilometres. They continue to ignore three illegally occupied Syrian territories covering 50,000 square kilometres. They focus on 50 square kilometres and ignore an area of 50,000 square kilometres, of American, Turkish and Israeli occupation. That simple comparison reflects the political hypocrisy of some Member States, and the inaction of the Security Council and of other bodies of the United Nations, as the Organization succumbs to the political and financial polarization that has become the main feature of its working methods. S/PV.8188 The situation in the Middle East 24/02/2018 14/14 18-05017 In conclusion, we will continue, with the support our allies, to counter terrorism regardless of where it exists in Syria — I repeat, regardless of where it exists in Syria. We are exercising our sovereign right of self-defence and a constitutional right in our territory and within our national borders. We do not send forces to conquer areas thousands of kilometres away, as the so-called illegitimate international coalition does in my country, Syria, today. We do not follow the example of French forces in Mali, the Niger and other African countries, or of the United States and United Kingdom in Afghanistan, Libya today and Iraq previously. We defend ourselves and counter terrorism within our borders. We did not go to Mali, the Niger or the Malvinas. We need serious commitment from Governments that issue instructions to armed terrorist groups. The groups should be given orders to immediately stop targeting civilians and perpetrating terrorist acts — I repeat immediately and without delay, as the resolution stipulates. I stress that the Syrian Government will reserve the right to respond as it deems appropriate if such groups target civilians in any part of Syria with even a single missile. I take it that we all understand that paragraph 1 of resolution 2401 (2018) also applies to the aggression of Turkish forces in Afrin and the repeated acts of aggression by the international coalition against my country's sovereignty and territories. Of course, resolution 2401 (2018) applies also to the continuous violations by Israeli occupation forces against Syria's sovereignty, by supporting terrorist factions in the occupied Syrian Golan. That is how we interpret the resolution just adopted by the Council. The meeting rose at 3.35 p.m.

Alexander Dugin on
Eurasianism, the Geopolitics of Land and Sea, and a Russian Theory of
Multipolarity







IR has long been regarded as an
Anglo-American social science. Recently, the discipline has started to look
beyond America and England, to China (Theory Talk
#51, Theory Talk
#45), India (Theory Talk
#63, Theory Talk
#42), Africa (Theory Talk #57, Theory Talk
#10) and elsewhere for non-Western
perspectives on international affairs and IR theory. However, IR theorists have
paid little attention to Russian perspectives on the discipline and practice of
international relations. We offer an exciting peek into Russian geopolitical
theory through an interview with the controversial Russian geopolitical thinker
Alexander Dugin, founder of the International
Eurasian Movement and allegedly an important
influence on Putin's foreign policy. In this Talk, Dugin—among others—discusses his Theory of a Multipolar
World, offers a staunch critique of western and liberal IR, and lays out
Russia's unique contribution to the landscape of IR theory.




Print version of this Talk (pdf) Russian version




What, according to you, is
the central challenge or principle debate within IR and what would be your
position within this debate or towards that challenge?



The field of IR is extremely interesting and multidimensional.
In general, the discipline is much more promising than many think. I think that
there is a stereometry today in IR, in which we can distinguish a few axes
right away.



The first, most traditional axis is realism – the English school
– liberalism.



If the debates here are exhausted on an academic level, then on
the level of politicians, the media, and journalists, all the arguments and
methods appear new and unprecedented each time. Today, liberalism in IR
dominates mass consciousness, and realist arguments, already partially
forgotten on the level of mass discourse, could seem rather novel. On the other
hand, the nuanced English school, researched thoroughly in academic circles,
might look like a "revelation" to the general public. But for this to happen, a
broad illumination of the symmetry between liberals and realists is needed for
the English school to acquire significance and disclose its full potential.
This is impossible under the radical domination of liberalism in IR. For that
reason, I predict a new wave of realists and neorealists in this sphere, who,
being pretty much forgotten and almost marginalized, can full well make
themselves and their agenda known. This would, it seems to me, produce a
vitalizing effect and diversify the palette of mass and social debates, which
are today becoming monotone and auto-referential.



The second axis is bourgeois versions of IR (realism, the
English school, and liberalism all together) vs. Marxism in IR. In popular and
even academic discourse, this theme is entirely discarded, although the
popularity of Wallerstein (Theory
Talk #13) and other
versions of world-systems theory shows a degree of interest in this critical
version of classical, positivistic IR theories.



The third axis is post-positivism in all its varieties vs.
positivism in all its varieties (including Marxism). IR scholars might have
gotten the impression that postmodern attacks came to an end, having been
successfully repelled by 'critical realism', but in my opinion it is not at all
so. From moderate constructivism and normativism to extreme post-structuralism,
post-positivistic theories carry a colossal deconstructive and correspondingly
scientific potential, which has not yet even begun to be understood. It seemed
to some that postmodernism is a cheerful game. It isn't. It is a new
post-ontology, and it fundamentally affects the entire epistemological
structure of IR. In my opinion, this axis remains very important and
fundamental.



The fourth axis is the challenge of the sociology of international
relations, which we can call 'Hobson's challenge'. In my opinion, in his
critique of euro-centrism in IR, John M. Hobson laid the foundation for an
entirely new approach to the whole problematic by proposing to consider the
structural significance of the "euro-centric" factor as dominant and clarifying
its racist element. Once we make euro-centrism a variable and move away from
the universalistic racism of the West, on which all systems of IR are built,
including the majority of post-positivistic systems (after all, postmodernity
is an exclusively Western phenomenon!), we get, theoretically for now, an
entirely different discipline—and not just one, it seems. If we take into
account differences among cultures, there can be as many systems of IR as there
are cultures. I consider this axis extremely important.



The fifth axis, outlined in less detail than the previous one,
is the Theory of a Multipolar World vs. everything else. The Theory of a
Multipolar World was developed in Russia,
a country that no one ever took seriously during the entire establishment of IR
as a discipline—hence the fully explainable skepticism toward the Theory of a
Multipolar World.



The sixth axis is IR vs. geopolitics. Geopolitics is usually
regarded as secondary in the context of IR. But gradually, the epistemological
potential of geopolitics is becoming more and more obvious, despite or perhaps
partially because of the criticism against it. We have only to ask ourselves
about the structure of any geopolitical concept to discover the huge potential
contained in its methodology, which takes us to the very complex and
semantically saturated theme of the philosophy and ontology of space.



If we now superimpose these axes onto one another, we get an
extremely complex and highly interesting theoretical field. At the same time,
only one axis, the first one, is considered normative among the public, and
that with the almost total and uni-dimensional dominance of IR liberalism. All
the wealth, 'scientific democracy', and gnoseological pluralism of
the other axes are inaccessible to the broad public, robbing and partly
deceiving it. I call this domination of liberalism among the public the 'third
totalitarianism', but that is a separate issue.





How did you arrive at where
you currently are in your thinking about IR?    




I began with Eurasianism, from which I
came to geopolitics (the Eurasianist Petr Savitskii quoted the
British geopolitician Halford Mackinder) and remained for a long
time in that framework, developing the theme of the dualism of Land and Sea and
applying it to the actual situation That is how the Eurasian school of
geopolitics arose, which became not simply the dominant, but the only school in
contemporary Russia. As a professor at Moscow State University, for six years I
was head of the department of the Sociology of International Relations, which
forced me to become professionally familiar with the classical theories of IR,
the main authors, approaches, and schools. Because I have long been interested
in postmodernism in philosophy (I wrote the book Post-philosophy on the subject), I paid special attention to
post-positivism in IR. That is how I came to IR critical theory,
neo-Gramscianism, and the sociology of IR (John Hobson, Steve Hobden, etc.). I came
to the Theory of a Multipolar World, which I eventually developed myself,
precisely through superimposing geopolitical dualism, Carl Schmitt's theory of the Grossraum, and John Hobson's critique of
Western racism and the euro-centrism of IR.





In your opinion, what would
a student need in order to become a specialist in IR?



In
our interdisciplinary time, I think that what is most important is familiarity
with philosophy and sociology, led by a paradigmatic method: the analysis of
the types of societies, cultures, and structures of thought along the line
Pre-Modernity – Modernity – Post-Modernity. If one learns to trace semantic
shifts in these three epistemological and ontological domains, it will help one
to become familiar with any popular theories of IR today. Barry Buzan's (Theory
Talk #35)
theory of international systems is an example of such a generalizing and very
useful schematization. Today an IR specialist must certainly be familiar with
deconstruction and use it at least in its elementary form. Otherwise, there is
a great danger of overlooking what is most important.



Another very important competence is
history and political science. Political science provides generalizing,
simplifying material, and history puts schemas in their context. I would only
put competence in the domain of economics and political economy in third place,
although today no problem in IR can be considered without reference to the
economic significance of processes and interactions. Finally, I would earnestly
recommend to students of IR to become familiar, as a priority, with geopolitics
and its methods. These methods are much simpler than theories of IR, but their
significance is much deeper. At first, geopolitical simplifications produce an
instantaneous effect: complex and entangled processes of world politics are
rendered transparent and comprehensible in the blink of an eye. But to sort out
how this effect is achieved, a long and serious study of geopolitics is
required, exceeding by far the superficiality that limits critical geopolitics
(Ó Tuathail et. al.): they stand at the beginning of
the decipherment of geopolitics and its full-fledged deconstruction, but they
regard themselves as its champions. They do so prematurely.





What
does it entail to think of global power relations through a spatial lens ('Myslit prostranstvom')?  



This is the most important thing. The
entire philosophical theme of Modernity is built on the dominance of time. Kant
already puts time on the side of the subject (and space on the side of the
body, continuing the ideas of Descartes and even Plato), while Husserl and Heidegger
identify the subject with time altogether. Modernity thinks with time, with
becoming. But since the past and future are rejected as ontological entities,
thought of time is transformed into thought of the instant, of that which is
here and now. This is the basis for the ephemeral understanding of being. To
think spatially means to locate Being outside the present, to arrange it in
space, to give space an ontological status. Whatever was impressed in space is
preserved in it. Whatever will ripen in space is already contained in it. This
is the basis for the political geography of Friedrich Ratzel and subsequent geopoliticians. Wagner's Parsifal ends with the words of
Gurnemanz: 'now time has become space'. This is a proclamation of the triumph
of geopolitics. To think spatially means to think in an entirely different way
[topika]. I think that postmodernity has already partly arrived at this
perspective, but has stopped at the threshold, whereas to cross the line it is
necessary to break radically with the entire axiomatic of Modernity, to really
step over Modernity, and not to imitate this passage while remaining in
Modernity and its tempolatry. Russian people are spaces [Russkie lyudi prostranstva],
which is why we have so much of it. The secret of Russian identity is concealed
in space. To think spatially means to think 'Russian-ly', in Russian.





Geopolitics
is argued to be very popular in Russia nowadays. Is geopolitics a new thing,
from the post-Cold War period, or not? And if not, how does current
geopolitical thinking differ from earlier Soviet (or even pre-soviet)
geopolitics?



It is an entirely new form
of political thought. I introduced geopolitics to Russia at the end of the 80s,
and since then it has become extremely popular. I tried to find some traces of
geopolitics in Russian history, but besides Vandam, Semyonov-Tyan-Shansky, and a few
short articles by Savitskii, there was nothing. In the USSR, any allusion to
geopolitics was punished in the harshest way (see the 'affair of the
geopoliticians' of the economic geographer Vladimir Eduardovich Den and his group).
At the start of the 90s, my efforts and the efforts of my followers and
associates in geopolitics (=Eurasianism) filled the worldview vacuum that
formed after the end of Soviet ideology. At first, this was adopted without
reserve by the military (The Military Academy of the General Staff
of the Armed Forces of Russia), especially under Igor Rodionov. Then,
geopolitics began to penetrate into all social strata. Today, this discipline
is taught in the majority of Russian universities. So, there was no Soviet or
pre-Soviet geopolitics. There is only the contemporary Eurasian school, which
took shape at the end of the 80s. Foundations
of Geopolitics was the first programmatic text of this school, although I had
published most of texts in that book earlier, and some of them were circulated
as texts in government circles. Recently, in 2012, I released two new
textbooks: Geopolitics and The Geopolitics of Russia, which
together with The War of Continents
are the results of work in this field, along four axes. 





In
your book International Relations, not
yet published in English, you set out your Theory of a Multipolar World as a
distinct IR theory. What are the basic components of the Theory of a Multipolar
World—and how is it different from classical realism?



In order to be understood
and not get into the details, I can say that the Theory of a Multipolar World
seriously and axiomatically adopts Samuel Huntington's thesis about the
plurality of civilizations. Russia has its own author, who claimed the same
thing more than a hundred years ago: Nikolay Danilevsky, and then the Eurasianists.
However, everything starts from precisely this point: civilization is not one,
but many. Western civilization's pretension to universalism is a form of the
will to domination and an authoritarian discourse. It can be taken into account
but not believed. It is nothing other than a strategy of suppression and
hegemony. The following point follows: we must move from thinking in terms of
one civilization (the racism of euro-centric versions of IR) to a pluralism of
subjects. However, unlike realists, who take as the subject of their theory
nation-states, which are themselves products of the European, bourgeois, modern
understanding of the Political, the Theory of a Multipolar World proposes to
take civilizations as subjects. Not states, but civilizations. I call them
'large politeiai', or civilizations, corresponding to Carl Schmitt's 'large
spaces'. As soon as we take these civilizations—'large politeiai'—as subjects,
we can then apply to them the full system of premises of realism: anarchy in
the international system, sovereignty, the rationality of egoistic behavior,
etc. But within these 'politeiai', by contrast, a principle more resembling
liberalism, with its pacifism and integration, operates, only with the
difference that here we are not talking about a 'planetary' or 'global' world,
but about an intra-civilizational one; not about global integration, but about
regional integration, strictly within the context of civilizational borders.
Post-positivism, in turn, helps here for the deconstruction of the
authoritarian discourse of the West, which masks its private interests by
'universal values', and also for the reconstruction of civilizational identity,
including with the help of technological means: civilizational elites,
civilizational media, civilizational economic algorithms and corporations, etc.
That is the general picture.





Your
theory of multipolarity is directed against the intellectual, political, and
social hegemony of the West. At the same time, while drawing on the tools of
neo-Marxist analysis and critical theory, it does not oppose Western hegemony
'from the left', as those approaches do, but on the basis of traditionalism (Rene
Guenon, Julius
Evola), cultural
anthropology, and Heideggerian phenomenology, or 'from the right'. Do you think
that such an approach can appeal to Anglo-American IR practitioners, or is it
designed to appeal mainly to non-Western theorists and practitioners? In short,
what can IR theorists in the West learn from the theory of multipolarity?



According to Hobson's
entirely correct analysis, the West is based on a fundamental sort of racism.
There is no difference between Lewis Morgan's evolutionistic racism
(with his model of savagery, barbarism, civilization) and Hitler's biological
racism. Today the same racism is asserted without a link to race, but on the
basis of the technological modes and degrees of modernization and progress of
societies (as always, the criterion "like in the West" is the general measure).
Western man is a complete racist down to his bones, generalizing his
ethnocentrism to megalomaniacal proportions. Something tells me that he is
impossible to change. Even radical critiques of Western hegemony are themselves
deeply infected by the racist virus of universalism, as Edward Said showed with the
example of 'orientalism', proving that the anticolonial struggle is a form of
that very colonialism and euro-centrism. So the Theory of a Multipolar World
will hardly find adherents in the Western world, unless perhaps among those
scholars who are seriously able to carry out a deconstruction of Western
identity, and such deconstruction assumes the rejection of both Right
(nationalistic) and Left (universalistic and progressivist) clichés. The racism
of the West always acquires diverse forms. Today its main form is liberalism,
and anti-liberal theories (most on the Left) are plagued by the same
universalism, while Right anti-liberalisms have been discredited. That is why I
appeal not to the first political theory (liberalism), nor the second
(communism, socialism), nor to the third (fascism, Nazism), but to something I
call the Fourth Political Theory (or 4PT), based on a
radical deconstruction of the subject of Modernity and the application of
Martin Heidegger's existential analytic method.



Traditionalists are brought
in for the profound critique of Western Modernity, for establishing the
plurality of civilizations, and for rehabilitating non-Western (pre-modern)
cultures. In Russia and Asian countries, the Theory of a Multipolar World is
grasped easily and naturally; in the West, it encounters a fully understandable
and fully expected hostility, an unwillingness to study it carefully, and
coarse slander. But there are always exceptions.





What
is the Fourth Political Theory (4PT) and how is it related to the Theory of a
Multipolar World and to your criticism of the prevailing theoretical approaches
in the field of IR?



I spoke a little about this in the
response to the previous question. The Fourth Political Theory is important for
getting away from the strict dominance of modernity in the sphere of the
Political, for the relativization of the West and its re-regionalization. The
West measures the entire history of Modernity in terms of the struggle of three
political ideologies for supremacy (liberalism, socialism, and nationalism).
But since the West does not even for a moment call into question the fact that
it thinks for all humanity, it evaluates other cultures and civilizations in
the same way, without considering that in the best case the parallels to these
three ideologies are pure simulacra, while most often there simply are no
parallels. If liberalism won the competition of the three ideologies in the
West at the end of the 20th century, that does not yet mean that
this ideology is really universal on a world scale. It isn't at all. This
episode of the Western political history of modernity may be the fate of the
West, but not the fate of the world. So other principles of the political are
needed, beyond liberalism, which claims global domination (=the third
totalitarianism), and its failed alternatives (communism and fascism), which
are historically just as Western and modern as liberalism. This explains the
necessity of introducing a Fourth Political Theory as a political frame for the
correct basis of a Theory of a Multipolar World. The Fourth Political Theory is
the direct and necessary correlate of the Theory of a Multipolar World in the
domain of political theory.





Is
IR an American social science? Is Russian IR as an academic field a
reproduction of IR as an American academic field? If not, how is IR in Russia
specifically Russian?



IR is a Western scientific discipline,
and as such it has a prescriptive, normative vector. It not only studies the
West's dominance, it also produces, secures, defends, and propagandizes it. IR
is undoubtedly an imperious authoritarian discourse of Western civilization, in
relation to itself and all other areas of the planet. Today the US is the core
of the West, so naturally in the 20th century IR became more and
more American as the US moved toward that status (it began as an English
science). It is the same with geopolitics, which migrated from London to
Washington and New York together with the function of a global naval Empire. As
with all other sciences, IR is a form of imperious violence, embodying the will
to power in the will to knowledge (as Michel Foucault explained). IR in Russia remains purely
Western, with one detail: in the USSR, IR as such was not studied. Marxism in
IR did not correspond to Soviet reality, where after Stalin a practical form of
realism (not grounded theoretically and never acknowledged) played a big
role—only external observers, like the classical realist E.H. Carr, understood
the realist essence of Stalinism in IR. So IR was altogether blocked. The first
textbooks started to appear only in the 90s and in the fashion of the day they
were all liberal. That is how it has remained until now. The peculiarity of IR
in Russia today lies in the fact that there is no longer anything Russian
there; liberalism dominates entirely, a correct account of realism is lacking,
and post-positivism is almost entirely disregarded. The result is a truncated,
aggressively liberal and extremely antiquated version of IR as a discipline. I
try to fight that. I recently released an IR textbook with balanced (I hope)
proportions, but it is too early to judge the result.





Stephen
Walt argued in a September
article in Foreign Policy that Russia 'is nowhere near as threatening as the old Soviet
Union', in part because Russia 'no longer boasts an ideology that can rally
supporters worldwide'. Do you agree with Walt's assessment?



There is something to that. Today, Russia
thinks of itself as a nation-state. Putin is a realist; nothing more. Walt is
right about that. But the Theory of a Multipolar World and the Fourth Political
Theory, as well as Eurasianism, are outlines of a much broader and large-scale
ideology, directed against Western hegemony and challenging liberalism,
globalization, and American strategic dominance. Of course, Russia as a
nation-state is no competition for the West. But as the bridgehead of the
Theory of a Multipolar World and the Fourth Political Theory, it changes its
significance. Russian policies in the post-Soviet space and Russia's courage in
forming non-Western alliances are indicators. For now, Putin is testing this
conceptual potential very gingerly. But the toughening of relations with the
West and most likely the internal crises of globalization will at some point
force a more careful and serious turn toward the creation of global alternative
alliances. Nevertheless, we already observe such unions: The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, BRICS, the Eurasian Union—and they require a new
ideology. Not one like Marxism, any universalism is excluded, but also not
simple realist maneuvers of regional hegemons. Liberalism is a global
challenge. The response to it should also be global. Does Putin understand
this? Honestly, I don't know. Sometimes it seems he does, and sometimes it
seems he doesn't.





Vladimir
Putin recently characterized the contemporary world order as follows: 'We have entered a period of differing interpretations and
deliberate silences in world politics. International law has been forced to
retreat over and over by the onslaught of legal nihilism. Objectivity and
justice have been sacrificed on the altar of political expediency. Arbitrary
interpretations and biased assessments have replaced legal norms. At the same
time, total control of the global mass media has made it possible when desired
to portray white as black and black as white'. Do you agree with this
assessment? If so, what is required as a response to this international
situation?



These are true, but rather
naïve words. Putin is just indignant that the West establishes rules in its own
interests, changes them when necessary, and interprets allegedly 'universal
norms' in its own favor. But the issue is that this is the structure of the
will to power and the very organization of logo-phallo-phono-centric discourse.
Objectivity and justice are not possible so long as speech is a monologue. The
West does not know and does not recognize the other. But this means that
everything will continue until this other wins back the right to recognition.
And that is a long road. The point of the Theory of a Multipolar World is that
there are no rules established by some one player. Rules must be established by
centers of real power. The state today is too small for that; hence the
conclusion that civilizations should be these centers. Let there be an Atlantic
objectivity and Western justice. A Eurasian objectivity and Russian justice
will counter them. And the Chinese world or Pax Sinica [world/peace: same word
in Russian] will look different than the Islamic one. Black and white are not
objective evaluations. They depend on the structure of the world order: what is
black and what is white is determined by one who has enough power to determine
it.





How
does your approach help us understand Russia's actions on the world stage
better than other IR approaches do? What are IR analyses of Russia missing that
do not operate with the conceptual apparatus of multipolarity?



Interesting question. Russia's behavior
internationally is determined today by the following factors:



First,
historical inertia, accumulating the power of precedents (the Theory of a
Multipolar World thinks that the past exists as a structure; consequently, this
factor is taken into account from many sides and in detail, while the
'tempocentrism' (Steve Hobden, John Hobson) of classical IR theories drops this
from sight. We have to pay attention to this especially taking into
consideration the fact that Russia is in many ways still a traditional society
and belongs to the 'imperial system' of IR.) There are, besides, Soviet inertia
and stable motives ('Stalinism in IR');



Second,
the projective logic of opposition to the West, stemming from the most practical,
pragmatic, and realist motivations (in the spirit of Caesarism, analyzed by
neo-Gramscians) will necessarily lead Russia (even despite the will of its
leaders) to a systemic confrontation with American hegemony and globalization,
and then the Theory of a Multipolar World will really be needed (classical IR
models, paying no attention to the Theory of a Multipolar World, drop from
sight the possible future; i.e., they rob themselves of predictive potential
because of purely ideological prejudices and self-imposed fears).



But if an opponent underestimates you,
you have more chances to land an unexpected blow. So I am not too disturbed by
the underestimation of the Theory of a Multipolar World among IR theorists.





In
the western world, the divide between academia and policy is often either
lamented ('ivory tower') or, in light of the ideal of academic independence,
deemed absent. This concerns a broader debate regarding the relations between
power, knowledge and geopolitics. How are academic-policy relations in Russia
with regards to IR and is this the ideal picture according to you?



I think that in our case both positions
have been taken to their extreme. On one hand, today's authorities in Russia do
not pay the slightest attention to scholars, dispatching them to an airless and
sterile space. On the other hand, Soviet habits became the basis for servility
and conformism, preserved in a situation when the authorities for the first
time demand nothing from intellectuals, except for one thing: that they not
meddle in socio-political processes. So the situation with science is both
comical and sorrowful. Conformist scholars follow the authorities, but the
authorities don't need this, since they do not so much go anywhere in
particular as react to facts that carry themselves out.





If
your IR theory isn't based on politically and philosophically liberal
principles, and if it criticizes those principles not from the left but from
the right, using the language of large spaces or Grossraum, is it a fascist theory of international relations? Are scholars who characterize your thought as 'neo-fascism',
like Andreas Umland and Anton Shekhovstov, partially correct? If not, why is that characterization
misleading?



Accusations of fascism are simply a
figure of speech in the coarse political propaganda peculiar to contemporary
liberalism as the third totalitarianism. Karl Popper laid the basis for this in
his book The
Open Society and its Enemies, where he reduced the critique of
liberalism from the right to fascism, Hitler, and Auschwitz, and the criticism
of liberalism from the left to Stalin and the GULAG. The reality is somewhat
more complex, but George
Soros,
who finances Umland and Shekhovstov and is an ardent follower of Popper, is
content with reduced versions of politics. If I were a fascist, I would say so.
But I am a representative of Eurasianism and the author of the Fourth Political
Theory. At the same time, I am a consistent and radical anti-racist and
opponent of the nation-state project (i.e. an anti-nationalist). Eurasianism has
no relation to fascism. And the Fourth Political Theory emphasizes that while
it is anti-liberal, it is simultaneously anti-communist and anti-fascist. I
think it isn't possible to be clearer, but the propaganda army of the 'third
totalitarianism' disagrees and no arguments will convince it. 1984 should be
sought today not where many think: not in the USSR, not in the Third Reich, but
in the Soros Fund and the 'Brave New World'. Incidentally, Huxley proved to be
more correct than Orwell. I cannot forbid others from calling me a fascist,
although I am not one, though ultimately this reflects badly not so much on me
as on the accusers themselves: fighting an imaginary threat, the accuser misses
a real one. The more stupid, mendacious, and straightforward a liberal is, the
simpler it is to fight with him.





Does
technological change in warfare and in civil government challenge the
geopolitical premises of classical divisions between spaces (Mackinder's view
or Spykman's) heartland-rimland-offshore continents)? And, more broadly
perhaps, does history have a linear or a cyclical pattern, according to you?



Technological development does not at all
abolish the principles of classical geopolitics, simply because Land and Sea
are not substances, but concepts. Land is a centripetal model of order, with a
clearly expressed and constant axis. Sea is a field, without a hard center, of
processuality, atomism, and the possibility of numerous bifurcations. In a
certain sense, air (and hence also aviation) is aeronautics. And even the word
astronaut contains in itself the root 'nautos', from the Greek word for ship.
Water, air, outer space—these are all versions of increasingly diffused Sea.
Land in this situation remains unchanged. Sea strategy is diversified; land
strategy remains on the whole constant. It is possible that this is the reason
for the victory of Land over Sea in the last decade; after all, capitalism and
technical progress are typical attributes of Sea. But taking into consideration
the fundamental character of the balance between Leviathan and Behemoth, the
proportions can switch at any moment; the soaring Titan can be thrown down into
the abyss, like Atlantis, while the reason for the victory of thalassocracy becomes the source of its
downfall. Land remains unchanged as the geographic axis of history. There is
Land and Sea even on the internet and in the virtual world: they are axes and
algorithms of thematization, association and separation, groupings of resources
and protocols. The Chinese internet is terrestrial; the Western one, nautical.





You
have translated a great number of foreign philosophical and geopolitical works
into Russian. How important is knowledge transaction for the formation of your ideas?



I recently completed the
first release of my book Noomachy,
which is entirely devoted precisely to the Logoi of various civilizations, and
hence to the circulation of ideas. I am convinced that each civilization has
its own particular Logos. To grasp it and to find parallels, analogies, and
dissonances in one's own Logos is utterly fascinating and interesting. That is
why I am sincerely interested in the most varied cultures, from North American
to Australian, Arabic to Latin American, Polynesian to Scandinavian. All the
Logoi are different and it is not possible to establish a hierarchy among them.
So it remains for us only to become familiar with them. Henry Corbin, the French
philosopher and Protestant who studied Iranian Shiism his entire life, said of
himself 'We are Shiites'. He wasn't a Shiite in the religious sense, but
without feeling himself a Shiite, he would not be able to penetrate into the
depths of the Iranian Logos. That is how I felt, working on Noomachy or translating philosophical
texts or poetry from other languages: in particular, while learning Pierce and
James, Emerson and Thoreau, Poe and Pound I experienced myself as 'we are
Americans'. And in the volume devoted to China and Japan, as 'we are
Buddhists'. That is the greatest wealth of the Logos of various cultures: both
those like ours and those entirely unlike ours. And these Logoi are at war;
hence, Noomachy, the war of the
intellect. It is not linear and not primitive. It is a great war. It creates
that which we call the 'human', the entire depth and complexity of which we
most often underestimate.





Final
question. You call yourself the 'last philosopher of empire'. What is
Eurasanism and how does it relate to the global pivot of power distributions?



Eurasianism is a developed worldview, to
which I dedicated a few books and a countless number of articles and
interviews. In principle, it lies at the basis of the Theory of a Multipolar
World and the Fourth Political Theory, combined with geopolitics, and it
resonates with Traditionalism. Eurasianism's main thought is plural
anthropology, the rejection of universalism. The meaning of Empire for me is
that there exists not one Empire, but at minimum two, and even more. In the
same way, civilization is never singular; there is always some other
civilization that determines its borders. Schmitt called this the Pluriverse
and considered it the main characteristic of the Political. The Eurasian Empire
is the political and strategic unification of Turan, a geographic axis of history
in opposition to the civilization of the Sea or the Atlanticist Empire. Today,
the USA is this Atlanticist Empire. Kenneth Waltz, in the context of neorealism
in IR, conceptualized the balance of two poles. The analysis is very accurate,
although he erred about the stability of a bipolar world and the duration of
the USSR. But on the whole he is right: there is a global balance of Empires in
the world, not nation-States, the majority of which cannot claim sovereignty,
which remains nominal (Stephen Krasner's (Theory
Talk #21) 'global hypocrisy'). For
precisely that reason, I am a philosopher of Empire, as is almost every
American intellectual, whether he knows it or not. The difference is only that
he thinks of himself as a philosopher of the only Empire, while I think of
myself as the philosopher of one of the Empires, the Eurasian one. I am more
humble and more democratic. That is the whole difference.





Alexander Dugin is a Russian philosopher,
the author of over thirty books on topics including the sociology of the
imagination, structural sociology, ethnosociology, geopolitical theory,
international relations theory, and political theory, including four books on
the German philosopher Martin Heidegger. His most recent books, only available
in Russian at the moment, are Ukraine: My
War and the multi-volume Noomachia:
Wars of the Intellect. Books translated into English include The Fourth Political Theory,
Putin vs. Putin: Vladimir Putin Viewed
From the Right, and Martin Heidegger: The Philosophy of
Another Beginning.






Related links





Who is Alexander Dugin? Interview with Theory Talks editor Michael Millerman (YouTube)
TheFourth Political Theory website (English): 
Evrazia.tv
(Russian) 
Evrazia.tv
(English) 
Geopolitics.ru
(English version)
InternationalEurasian Movement (English version)
Centerfor Conservative Studies (Russian)

Print version of this Talk (pdf) Russian version

Abstract: Transcription of Utah International shareholder's meeting to finalize the merger with General Electric. The meeting took place December 15, 1976. Speakers are Edmund Littlefield (EL), Bruce Mitchell (BM), Charles Travers (CT), and seven unknown speakers labeled by number as they appear. Also, when the audience speaks as a group, it is labeled All. This document is transcribed verbatim, with a few changes included to provide clarity. December 15, 1976 Transcript: EL: I see we are playing to a packed house and I would like to suggest that there is a whole row of seats down here in the front that we would be glad to have you come use. Well good morning ladies and gentlemen, would the meeting please come to order. Welcome to this special meeting of the shareholders of Utah International, called for the purpose of considering the proposed merger with the General Electric Company. I am Edmund W. Littlefield, Chairman of the Board and Chief Executive Officer. On my left are Alexander M. Wilson, President and Chief Operating Officer and Director, and Bruce T. Mitchell, Secretary of the company. It is my privilege to introduce to you the other members of our board of directors who are here today, Alf E. Brandon, Senior Vice President of the company; Val A. Browning, Chairman of the Board, Browning; Thomas D. Dee, Vice President of First Security Bank, Ogden, Utah; William R. Hewlett, President of Hewlett-Packard Company; J. B. Ladd, President of Ladd Petroleum Corporation, a subsidiary of the company; Arjay Miller, Dean, Graduate School of 2 Business, Stanford University; Paul L. Wattis Jr., President of Wattis Construction Company; and last and certainly by no means least, a gentleman who's served on this board for fifty-six years, Marriner S. Eccles, former President and Chairman of the Board of the company and now Honorary Chairman of the Board. [Applause] Thank you. These gentlemen, together with the two of us on the platform, who you met earlier, constitute the Board of Directors. Unfortunately, Ernest C. Arbuckle, Chairman of the Board of Wells Fargo Bank and our host for this meeting is unable to be with us today. Fred J. Borch, George Eccles and Bill Kimball are also unable to be with us. Ernie, unfortunately, is undergoing some surgery at this time. We also have with us today representatives of Arthur Anderson, our auditors, Pillsbury Madison and Suite our counsel, and Lehman Brothers and Dean Company, and our investment brokers are also present here today. I now ask the secretary to report on the notice of the meeting, the presence of a quorum, and other matters relating to this meeting. BM: Mr. Chairman, there are available the following documents: 1) A list of the stockholders of Utah International Inc. as of the close of business on October 29, 1976 being the stockholders, entitled to notice of and to vote at this special meeting. 2) An affidavit of the company's transfer agent to the effect of written notice of the special meeting was mailed to each stockholder entitled to vote more than twenty days before the date of the meeting as required by Delaware general corporation law. 3) A signed registration of all stockholders and proxy holders 3 present at the meeting. Management proxies received and other proxies who are personally present represent more than the majority of 31,540,032 shares of stock entitled to vote at the meeting, and constitute a quorum for the transaction of business. This meeting is accordingly properly called and constituted, and is empowered to proceed as a special meeting of the stockholders of Utah International Inc. EL: Thank you, the Board appoints Mr. J. B. Nelson and Mr. Swineheart of Utah International Inc. and Mr. Dennis Conco of the Crocker National Bank, inspectors of election to inspect assigned proxies and credentials presented to the meeting and to conduct a voting to receive and count the votes and to determine the results of the meeting. In the notice of the Special Meeting in the attaché proxy statement, the only item of business to be considered by the stockholders is a proposal for the adoption and approval of the agreement in plan, the reorganization and agreement of merger as amended by which Utah International Incorporated will become a wholly owned subsidiary of General Electric Company. The secretary is requested to submit the resolution which has been prepared for this purpose. BM: Mr. Chairman, the resolution is as follows: resolved that the merger of G. sub of Delaware Inc. with an end to this corporation as set forth in the agreement and plan of reorganization dated as of April 1, 1976; as amended by an amendment dated as of August 13, 1976, attached are annex one and annex two respectively, and the agreement mergers set forth as exhibit A to said annex one to the proxy statement dated October 29, 1976, and mailed to stockholders of record at the 4 close of business on October 29, 1976. Also included are the terms and conditions of the purposed agreement and plan of reorganization as amended, along with the agreement of the merger, providing among other things, for this corporation to become a wholly owned subsidiary of General Electric Company, and the mode of carrying such terms and conditions into effect; as well, the manner and basis of converting the shares of common stock of this corporation into shares of common stock of General Electric Company, as therein provided be and hereby are, approved. 1: Mr. Chairman, I'm a stockholder and I would like to move the adoption to resolution. EL: Thank you. Is there a second? 2: Second. I hereby second the motion. EL: Thank you. It has been moved and seconded that the resolution which the secretary has read be adopted. The affirmative vote of a majority of the outstanding shares of the corporation will be required to carry the motion and adopt the resolution. Before opening the matter for general discussion, I would like to make some comments. This is a special meeting of the shareholders of Utah International Incorporated. It is special in two ways, first in the statutory sense in that it is not a regular annual meeting, but calls specifically to consider and act upon the merger of Utah and General Electric. It is also special in the sentimental sense in that it is destined to be the last public held meeting of this fine company whose antecedents go back to January 1900, when its 5 predecessor was incorporated with six shareholders. When the business of the day is done, Utah International will be merged with a single shareholder. General Electric has of record some 529,000 shareholders, Utah 23,000. These are located in fifty states and in many foreign countries. The actual number of shareholders is far greater. For often the shareholder of record is a broker or trust department of a bank acting as a nominee for many, many shareholders. You received a rather weight proxy statement. If the proxy material required and printed for the Utah and General Electric shareholders meetings today were stacked one on top of the other the pile would be over three and a half miles high. If the individual pages were laid end to end these would cross the continental United States three and three-quarter times. The proxy statement contains, and it's a hundred and seventy-six pages, considerable detail of the terms of the merger, historical financial and operating information of both companies, formal statements of the merge company and other information which the Board of Directors of the respective companies and or the Securities and Exchange Commission deem pertinent and appropriate to put before the shareholders so they may arrive at an informed decision. The merger has been recommended by each Board of Directors. It has been examined on Utah's behalf by the investment banking firms of Lehman Brothers Incorporated and Dean Whitter and Company Incorporated. Each of whom has expressed the opinion that the exchange ratio is fair and equitable to the shareholders of Utah. The same information has been put before the shareholders of General Electric, who met today, this morning, in Stratford, 6 Connecticut at 9:30 AM eastern standard time and they have approved the merger. The Utah shareholders have also considered the merger, and the company is in receipt of proxies representing over 86% of the shares issued and outstanding. The proxies have been instructed how the shares are to be voted and as a consequence, the outcome of the voting on the proposals before us has already been determined and from a practical standpoint, nothing we can say or do here will in fact change that. Even though the outcome is ordained I have no intention of conducting these proceedings in a perfunctory manner. Many of us in this room have devoted most of our working lives to the furtherance of the fortunes of Utah International and we come to today's proceedings with mixed emotions. We recognize and stipulate that it is in the best interest of the Utah shareholders and its employees, that over the years we have given much of our substance into making this company what it is today. We are proud of our handy work and I believe properly so. We do not intend to let this moment pass into history, without noting these accomplishments and recording the concerns that caused us to believe that a merger between these two great companies would serve the best interests of the shareholders of each. Let's pick up the story twenty years ago when the company had 257 shareholders, some 2,400 employees and gross revenues less than 43 million dollars of which 76% was derived from performing contract construction. The stock was traded over the counter at a book value of $1.12 a share and trade from a low of $1.18 to a high of $1.51. That year the company earned 4.2 million dollars or 16 ¢ a share, and paid a dividend of 4.9 ¢ a share. With that as a 7 starting point let us examine the progress that has been recorded. Gross revenues grew, not always steadily, but over the years have climbed to over 944 million in the last fiscal year. The composition of these gross revenues has changed as the nature of the company has changed. Until we sold our heavy construction assets in 1969, construction was the major source of gross revenues. With the sale of construction assets to 1969, and the dredges in 1971, mining became and remains overwhelmingly the dominant business of the company. Gross revenues from land development have been on the decline. More recently through the acquisition of Ladd Petroleum and other companies, gross revenues from oil and gas have become a significant item. As our business grew, so have our earnings, from the 4.2 million earned in 1956, earnings have risen to 178.8 million dollars the past year and have set record highs in each of the last 12 years. In only three out of the last twenty years have earnings been lower than the preceding year. Earnings have increased from 16 ¢ in '56 to $5.67 this year and the dividend has gone from 4.9¢ to $1.15 this year. As the company grew and prospered the stock was listed on the New York Stock Exchange. As you can see the number of shareholders has increased very substantially. Inevitably, death and taxes forced the estates of some of the long time shareholders to bring shares to the market. The company sold convertible debentures to obtain funds for expansion and conversion of these debentures, and our merger with Lucky Mc, Ladd Petroleum and LVO have also contributed to the increase in the number of shareholders. There has been some modest decline in the number of shareholders since the acquisition of LVO in 1974, but 8 today we still have almost 100 times as many shareholders as we did twenty years ago. The increase in the number of employees required the conduct growing business of the company has not tracked the change in either gross revenues or net income. Construction is a labor intensive activity, while mining is capital intense. Our employment peaked in 1958 at 12,000, dropped sharply when we sold our heavy division assets, but has gradually expanded as the company's mining activities have grown rapidly. Our mineral sales backlog was insignificant twenty years ago, and even ten years ago was only about a sixth of its' size today. Nevertheless, the creation of the mineral sales backlog was and is an important aspect of Utah International's character and one that distinguishes it from most other mining companies. Very frankly, when we were embarking upon the rapid expansion of our mining business, we had neither the capital, nor the credit to finance the growth at the pace we wished to pursue without resorting to forward sales of new production to strengthen our credit. We made a virtue out of a necessity and today Utah's mineral sales backlog has grown from a modest 1.1 billion dollars in '66 to 6.1 billion dollars today. 96% of this backlog is represented by long term contracts with escalation clauses protecting against future cost changes. It was the existence of this backlog which in considerable measure excited investor interest in the shares of Utah International and caused the price of the stock to increase dramatically over the years. From a low of a $1.18 in 1956, the stock has closed at a higher price than the preceding year in sixteen out of the last twenty years, including the $65 price of the stock on October 31 the close of this 9 last fiscal year. In the early years, the stock sold close to its' book value. Again, in the early years, price earnings ratios on the stock were also modest, generally below twelve times the earnings. As the investing public came to realize the growth, earnings and the qualities of those price earnings ratios rose and remained for several years in excess of twenty times earnings, until the last few years, when investors have not been willing to accord so high a multiple for Utah shares, nor in fact for virtually shares of all other growth companies. Those who have invested in Utah shares and maintained faith in its management and its future have fared well. Earnings have grown at the compound rate of 19% for the last twenty years, 23% for the last fifteen years, 28% for the last ten years, and a startling 37% for the last five years. If you had invested a thousand dollars in the stock in 1956, you would have received in the interim dividends of $4,291, and the stock would have appreciated to $42,900. If you had made the same investments, but reinvested your dividends in Utah shares at the last price for each of the ensuing years, your $1,000 investment would have been worth $69,800 at the close of fiscal 1976. While I have not attempted to research the matter thoroughly, certainly there are few, if any, companies who have served their shareholders so well and so consistently in a period measured in five year, ten year, fifteen year or twenty year spans. Why then would a company who has so outstanding a record consider a merger even with the best of companies? The reason lies in the changing nature of the company's business and the source of its profits, present and prospective. Twenty years ago the company derived 87% of its' gross revenues from North 10 America, Later, even though we were heavily involved in contract construction outside North America, our gross revenues were well balanced for most of the time during the last twenty years. Ten years ago, only 8% of our mining revenues came from outside of North America, but this has been changing drastically in the last six years. As the next slide shows, 1976 witnessed 74.3% of the gross revenues earned outside North America and only 25.7% within North America. All of our land development and oil and gas gross revenues are earned within North America, but today only 22% our mining gross revenues are earned within North America and only 13.6% in the United States itself, far more significance, in my view, than the source of gross revenues or the sources of gross profit and other income. In the remarks that follow, I shall refer to this income account category simply as gross profits, but please consider it includes income from affiliates, joint ventures and partnerships as well as the gross profit earned by the parent company and its subsidiaries. This figure has grown from 8.7 million dollars in '56 to over 353 million dollars this past year. In the earlier years, the share provided by affiliate companies like Marcona and Cypress Pima, joint ventures and partnerships was a significant factor in the total. Reaching a high of 51% in 1967, but earnings from these sources have not been significant the last two years, dropping to a half of 1% in 1975 and actually producing the loss of 9 million dollars in 1976, the decline being primarily the result of the ill fortunes that have befallen Marcona. Mining has become increasingly the source of the company's gross profit. As you can see, ten years ago in 1966, mining contributed 31% of 11 the total of 22.7 million dollars gross profit, while in 1976 it contributed 344.7 million dollars or 97% of the gross profit and other income of 353.7 million dollars. However, it is not the concentration of gross profit and mining that so concerns us as it is the concentration of mining gross profit in a single commodity in a single country. Let's compare gross profits in '66 with those of '71 and those of '76. The well diversified business we enjoyed in '66 and indeed even in '71 has given way to a growing concentration of earnings from coal. Not only was our business increasingly concentrated in coal, but the earnings potential was increasingly concentrated outside North America. Earnings from North American sources provided 56.4% of gross profits in 1966. This has followed the 7.7% in 1975 and 14.2% in 1976 when the sharp increase in uranium increases did boost North American income. However, this trend toward increasing concentration of earnings from metallurgical coal produced in Australia is likely to continue for two probable reasons. The first indication is found in the mineral sales backlog which total 6.1 billion at the close of '76 with 71.3% of this related to future production outside of North America and 69.3% represented by metallurgical coal. The second reason this trend is likely to continue comes because of the undeveloped reserves that we have in hand. Certainly, one of the companies most promising investment prospects is the new metallurgical coal mine called Norwich Park in Australia, and we have abundant other coal reserves in the Queensland area that can and should be developed in the future using both surface and underground mining methods. Pursuit of our most promising prospect will make Utah less 12 diversified rather than more diversified and more dependent on Australia for the major share of its' gross profits and its' futures growth. I repeat that this concentration of mining was not in our view in and of itself alarming, but the composition of the mining gross profit and the concentration coking coal produced in a single country, and so primarily is a raw material for the steel industry in Japan and Europe, was too much concentration of risk for our company standing alone to bare. We cannot, and we should not, be so dependent on either a single commodity or single country no matter how solid either or both now appear. The attitude of the Australian government when the Labor Party was in power was a matter of extreme concern to us and this concern was no doubt deepened by having Marcona's assets in Peru expropriated by the government. We have great confidence in the people and political institutions of Australia and in the present government, and we are proceeding to increase our investment there because we have the coal reserves to do so and an attractive investment opportunity. However, with this abiding faith in Australia, in our view, this concentration of earning power in a single country and in a single mineral is too great a risk to be born alone, either by the shareholders of Utah or the employees of Utah whose livelihood while employed or in retirement are necessarily deeply affected by the fortunes of Utah International. This concern about the concentration of Utah's earning power was evidently shared by the investment community, which no longer was willing to assign a price earnings ratio of twenty-six to twenty-seven times earnings that prevailed in 1971, 1972 and 1973, but dropped the ration to 13.9% in 1974 and 13 to 13.3% in 1975. Thus we found ourselves faced with a paradox of having both our earnings and our dividends sharply increasing and the price of our shares flat and failing to respond. Certainly in these circumstances it seems only prudent to seek diversification of this risk. There were two broad courses that could be pursued. The first was to go on an aggressive acquisition program and seek to acquire other companies. This course of action posed considerable peril. First, the magnitude of the assignment was mind boggling, even if we were to attempt to reduce the risk to say roughly 50% and on the assumption that we could acquire other companies at ten times the earnings, we were faced with the necessity of attempting to acquire in short order, assets of around 1.5 billion dollars. Obviously, any effort to do this in the mining field would very quickly bring us under attack from the Federal Trade Commission or the Department of Justice. This in turn meant that we had to seek these investments outside the field of our expertise and in areas of business we knew little or nothing about. We were almost certain to make mistakes along the way. All in all the prospects of trying to diversify by a series of acquisitions seemed an unpromising and even perilous course to follow. The other broad path to diversification was to seek merger with a company already diversified, but the company had to be large enough to digest a 2 billion dollar bite. This narrowed the field. There are indeed companies larger than General Electric, but none so well diversified nor in my view so ably managed. 14 The risks that were of concern to Utah International standing alone were not the least unreasonable to take when the assets of General Electric and Utah were combined. General Electric is one of the largest and most diversified industrial corporations in the world. It is engaged in well over a hundred different businesses and in most of these it occupies a leading position in the market it serves. These businesses range from consumer items to capital goods, from fairly simple and well known technologies to the most advanced technologies required for aerospace and the jet age. While General Electric operates in more foreign countries than does Utah, its' business is far more oriented to the domestic market, and the merged company will be nicely balanced between domestic and foreign operations. There will be no undue concentration of merged company. Out of the merger, the Utah shareholders will in my view be exchanging the prospect of a faster rate of growth with its attendant risks in exchange for greater diversification, higher yield, and a premium on their shares as the other parties to the bargain. The General Electric shareholders will acquire assets with earning power and potential for growth that would indicate an increase in General Electric's earnings per share, entering into the natural resource business giving GE still further diversification and what I believe to be, although my views are obviously biased, the best mining organization and the best mining company in the world, each of the parties to the bargain is benefited. It is the biggest merger ever undertaken and I am confident that history will prove it to have been the best. 15 Before entertaining discussion of the motion that is before us, I would like now to introduce to you the principle officers of the company who are with us today and whose labors are responsible for the record of accomplishments that I have presented to you. First, Edwin C. Demoss, Senior Vice President Manager of Mining Division and newly named President of Lucky Mc Uranium Corporation, Ed Demoss; Keith G. Wallace, Senior Vice President Manager of Australia Division; John S. Anderson, Vice President Manager of Domestic Coal Operations: James T. Curry, Financial Vice President and Treasurer; W. Drew Leonard, Vice President of Corporate Purports and Internal Audit; Ralph J. Long Vice President Manager of Australian Operations; Charles K. McArthur, Vice President Manager of Metal Mining and newly named Manager of Mining Division; Boyd C. Paulson, Vice President Manager of Construction Services; M. Ian Ritchie, Vice President of Technical Services and newly Manager Operations Lucky Mc Uranium Corporation; Robert O. Wheaton, Vice President Manager of Exploration. Thank you. Nor would the list be complete without acknowledging that there are others in the audience that have made great contributions, but who are now retired. Let me ask those that I have spotted here to stand and be recognized: Albert L. Reeves, formerly Senior Vice President Secretary of the Director of the company, Albert; Orville Dykstra, Financial Vice President; Joseph K. Allen, Vice President; Weston Bourret, Vice President; and Charles Travers, Vice President. Thank you very much, and now the chair will entertain the discussion of the motion and will be pleased to answer such questions as we can regarding the purposed merger. Are there questions or discussions? If there is no 16 discussion of the resolution, if not the matter will… the meeting will proceed to vote upon the motion to approve the purposed merger with General Electric. 3: Mr. Chairman? EL: Yes? 3: Would you describe the status of the attitude of the federal government towards this motion? EL: What we did was to put the matter before the Department of Justice and asked in advance for their approval under the business advisory clearance procedure. While it was sometime in coming, it was forthcoming. To meet the concerns they expressed about it, Utah has agreed and has put its uranium assets in a separate subsidiary company that is now called Lucky Mc Uranium Corporation. When the merger becomes effective, the voting stock of that the company will be put in the hands of five independent voting trustees who will see to it that the company will elect the board of that company, and see to it that that company's affairs are conducted in a way that does not help GE in such things as the sale of its nuclear aspects. That company is not allowed to sell uranium to GE, but from the standpoint of the government we think we are completely in the clear. Any other questions? If not, any stockholder who is present who has not executed a proxy should raise his hand in order that the inspectors of election may give him a ballot, which he may now cast. If you have sent in your proxy you need not cast a ballot unless you wish to do so. Are there those that would like to vote in person? One here, one there, Boyd, one up here too. Boyd, 17 there's two in the back of the room, three. Will the inspectors of election proceed to collect the ballots? Those who have ballots would you raise them when they are completed so they can be picked up? Thank you. Over here Boyd. If the ballots are all collected would you please advise us of the inspectors report? Are you ready to speak to that? John, there's another one up here. You will bring them to me and I'll read the numbers, right. BM: Mr. Chairman? EL: Mr. Secretary? BM: The inspectors report that more than 27,147,464 shares of common stock of the company were voted in favor of the resolution and that not more than 200,456 shares of common stock were voted against such resolution. Accordingly, the purpose merger has been approved. When the exact number voted for and against the resolution has been ascertained, the inspectors will execute a certificate setting forth such number. EL: Thank you Mr. Secretary. We have acted on the business that was to come before the meeting. Is there any other business to come before the meeting? CT: Mr. Chairman, I would like to present a resolution at this meeting of these shareholders. My name is Charles Travers, I am a stockholder and I retired from the company. You've heard the view from the top. I think now maybe you ought to get the view from the ranks. The view from the top had to necessarily be 18 austere, maybe Mr. Chairman I can be a little more lighthearted. I started at Utah about twenty-four years ago. Mr. Littlefield hired me. I remembered the office in San Francisco as a very small office, very small and compact and you had to go in the front door, which was the only entryway, and there was a row of offices on your left as you walked in. Those were the executive offices. Mr. Littlefield's office was the first office as you came in the door and he assigned me an office down at a sharp right angle off the main corridor. I also remember as a young fellow reading Horatio Alger's book, Ragged Dick, and in that book the way it said to get ahead in business, one of the ways at least, was to get to the office early and beat the boss in if you could. Well I found that was a very difficult task at Utah. You had to go through the front door and Mr. Littlefield always kept his door open, his light on. The first morning was a Monday morning and I got in about ten minutes ahead of time. I think our starting time was 8:15, but Mr. Littlefield said hello to me as I came in the door. We went on through that week. I got my time narrowed down a little more each day. By Wednesday, I was down to five minutes to 8:00 and on Friday I got there at twenty minutes to 8:00 and Mr. Littlefield said good morning to me every time I came in the door. So that weekend I figured out that there was a better way to do this and I'd get in real early and I'd beat him to the punch. So on Monday morning, I got there twenty-five minutes past 7:00, I walked in the door and the office was dark there was no light on, the door was open and Mr. Littlefield was not there. So I went to my office and at 8:15 I came sauntering down figuring now this is where I get my punch line. He's going to see me going out the door, he's 19 there and I say hello to him this time first. I looked in, the light was on, but Mr. Littlefield wasn't there. So I walked over to his secretary and said, "Where is Mr. Littlefield?" and he said, "Oh, he went to Chicago." [laughter] He left on the seven o'clock train. With all that due diligence I figured we ought to get ahead pretty fast some way or the other. And so I waited for my first year. You had to be in the Utah profit sharing plan one year in order to get your first statement. I waited my first year and I got my first statement. I have it here with me and I'd like to tell you that the date of it is December the 15th 1954. That's exactly twenty-two years ago to this day and here is what it says, extract: "Seasons greetings. Utah Construction Company retirement plan based on profit sharing, December 15, 1954. Dear fellow employee, your account in the retirement plan based on profit sharing on October 31, 1954 stood as follows: balance on October 31, 1953, zero. Added during the year by income, zero. So October 31, 1954, zero. And then it says during 1954, the net profit earned did not reach the levels your profit sharing permits. Your company would be required to make a contribution to the plan." And then it says, "Despite the fact that it is not required to do so, your company through its management is desirous of sharing with you a portion of the profits earned during 1954. To accomplish this, the board has approved a contribution of $50,000." Then it says, "we're going to try to get the IRS approval for that, and if so we will contribute the $50,000 to your fund, but if not we'll have to pay your share in cash. If the amount is received by you in cash, you will have to pay income taxes on it. Your share of the $50,000 contribution would be $201.75." I was beginning 20 to think that Horatio Alger wasn't right after all, $201.75 for getting in all those first eighteen months at 7:30 in the morning didn't seem fair to me, but nobody quit. I didn't, management didn't. About three weeks ago, I received this news release from the company in the mail, it's dated as of December 3, 1976 and here's what it says in the first few lines: "Utah International Inc. reports record earnings for fiscal 1976, San Francisco. E. W. Littlefield, Chairman of the Board, reported today that Utah International earned $178,821,000 or $5.67 per share. This fiscal year ended October 31, 1976." We have come a long way since those days in 1954. But Utah had more than profits. It had the forward look. My view from the ranks runs something like this: Utah's profit sharing and incentive plans were way ahead of their time back in those days. Mr. Littlefield, to my knowledge, had a rare understanding of the corporations standing in the social structure, what the corporation's obligations were to society. Utah's mine lands were restored to better than what nature had them long before that became a primary concern of many people in the United States. Utah's mining operations were conducted on a basis of we'll go sell the merchandise and then we'll get the production and that reduced the risk very greatly. Even today, Utah's section on environment stands out as a very aggressive and important function that helps to finish the project properly in the eyes of the people of this country. Well, I could go on and spend many more minutes saying that, but I think it's time now for me to present my resolution and I would like to do that. Mr. 21 Chairman, I will give you a copy of the resolution so you will have it for the record and I would like to read the resolution. EL: Thank you, Charlie. CT: The resolution says resolve about the stockholders of Utah International Inc., meeting for the last time as public shareholders in San Francisco, California on this 15th day of December 1976, do hereby express their gratitude and sincere appreciation to Edmund W. Littlefield, Chairman of the Board and Chief Executive Officer; Alexander M. Wilson, President and Chief Operating Officer and the Director; Marriner S. Eccles, Honorary Chairman; and to all the officers, directors and employees of Utah International Inc. for their devoted services in behalf of the shareholders. 4: Mr. Chairman, I move the resolution. EL: Thank you, Mr. Travers. I must say Charlie, you always speak well, but you don't speak briefly. [laughter] I think that comes from attending too many meetings of Town Council in Alameda. The motion has been presented to the shareholders, is there a second? Thank you, I must say that those of us at this end of the room, I'm sure have an abiding faith and agreed with its sentiments, but since we do not control the vote. I will put it to vote. All those in favor please say aye. All: Aye 22 EL: Opposed? Thank you. Thank you very, very much. And thank you Charlie. [applause]. There's no other business, the proposed merger has been approved. I thank you. Excuse me. 5: On behalf of all of the stockholders, I wish to thank all of the officers and directors of Utah International for having worked so well for us. I also think at this time, it would be appropriate to bow our heads in silence for one minute in memory of E. O. Wattis who was founder of Utah International and also for all of those who worked and lost their lives to make the company what it is today. Amen. EL: If you would amend that to include all of the founders the chair will entertain it. On the assumption that it is so included, we will so do. Thank you. With the merger approved and not further business, I'll entertain that motion to have the meeting adjourned. 6: I'll back the motion. EL: Thank you, is there a second? 7: Second. EL: All those in favor, please say aye. All: Aye. EL: Opposed? Thank you, the meeting is adjourned. ; This is a myriad of items throughout the UC/UI collection. It includes the minutes of the stockholder's meetings with both Utah International and General Electric, correspondence, a reel-to-reel tape of the merger meeting and the official merger documents. ; 4.25 x 6.5 - 8.5 x 11 in. handwritten or typed on paper ; Reynolds Securities Inc. Transamerica Pyramid 600 Montgomery Street San Francisco, Calif. 94111 Telephone 983-8000 Members New York Stock Exchange, Inc. and other leading exchanges Main Office 120 Broadway New York, N. Y. 10005 December 13, 1976 Mr. Edmund W. Littlefield Utah International 550 California Street San Francisco, Ca. 94104 Dear Ed: I regret that I will be unable to attend the meeting Wednesday because I will be in the East for a Directors meeting. This is an occasion that I hate to miss, but I am sure that many of your other happy stockholders will be there. Sincerely, Gerry Gerald F. Brush GFB: 1c

The Situation In The Middle East Letter Dated 1 February 2018 From The Secretary-General Addressed To The President Of The Security Council (S/2018/84) ; United Nations S/PV.8174 Security Council Seventy-third year 8174th meeting Monday, 5 February 2018, 10 a.m. New York Provisional President: Mr. Alotaibi. . (Kuwait) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Llorentty Solíz China. . Mr. Wu Haitao Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Mr. Alemu France. . Mr. Delattre Kazakhstan. . Mr. Umarov Netherlands. . Mr. Van Oosterom Peru. . Mr. Meza-Cuadra Poland. . Ms. Wronecka Russian Federation. . Mr. Nebenzia Sweden . Mr. Skoog United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Mr. Allen United States of America. . Mrs. Haley Agenda The situation in the Middle East Letter dated 1 February 2018 from the Secretary-General addressed to the President of the Security Council (S/2018/84) This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-03099 (E) *1803099* S/PV.8174 The situation in the Middle East 05/02/2018 2/17 18-03099 The meeting was called to order at 10.05 a.m. Expression of thanks to the outgoing President The President (spoke in Arabic): As this is the first public meeting of the Security Council for the month of February, I should like to take this opportunity to pay tribute, on behalf of the Council, to His Excellency Ambassador Kairat Umarov, Permanent Representative of Kazakhstan, for his service as President of the Council for the month of January. I am sure I speak for all members of the Council in expressing deep appreciation to Ambassador Umarov and his team for the great diplomatic skill with which they conducted the Council's business last month. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. The situation in the Middle East Letter dated 1 February 2018 from the Secretary-General addressed to the President of the Security Council (S/2018/84) The President (spoke in Arabic): In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite Ms. Izumi Nakamitsu, High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I wish to draw the attention of Council members to document S/2018/84, which contains the text of a letter dated 1 February 2018 from the Secretary-General addressed to the President of the Security Council. I now give the floor to Ms. Nakamitsu. Ms. Nakamitsu: I would like to thank you, Mr. President, for this opportunity to brief the Security Council once again on the implementation of resolution 2118 (2013), on the elimination of the Syrian Arab Republic's chemical-weapons programme. I remain in regular contact with the Director- General of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) to discuss matters related to this issue; I spoke to him last week. In addition, I met with the Chargé d'affaires of the Permanent Mission of the Syrian Arab Republic to the United Nations this past Friday. At the time of my previous briefing, planning was under way with regard to the destruction of the remaining two stationary above-ground facilities of the 27 declared by the Syrian Arab Republic. I am informed that the OPCW, working with the United Nations Office for Project Services, is currently at the stage of finalizing a contract with a private company to carry out the destruction, which I understand could be completed within two months. There have been some developments on the issues related to Syria's initial declaration and subsequent amendments. The translation and analysis of documents that were provided to the OPCW by the Government of the Syrian Arab Republic in November have been completed. The OPCW has indicated that this information provided clarifications on some issues. However, the OPCW is continuing to follow up with the Government of Syria on the remaining gaps, inconsistencies and discrepancies. The Director- General will submit a report in that regard to the next session of the OPCW Executive Council, which will take place in March. Further to its routine inspections in Syria, samples taken by the OPCW team during its second inspection at the Syrian Scientific Studies and Research Centre are currently being analysed by two OPCW-designated laboratories. The Executive Council will be informed of the results of the inspection via a separate note from the Director-General to the next session of the Executive Council. The OPCW Fact-finding Mission continues to look into all allegations of the use of chemical weapons in Syria, the majority of which involve the use of toxic chemicals, such a chlorine, in areas not under the control of the Government. The Fact-finding Mission expects to submit a report on the allegations very soon. In addition, another Fact-finding Mission team has been looking into allegations of the use of chemical weapons brought to the attention of the OPCW by the Government of Syria. At the time of our previous briefing, a Fact-finding Mission team was in Damascus, at the invitation of the Government, to look into several of those allegations. I am informed that a report in that regard is also pending. 05/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8174 18-03099 3/17 There is still work to do before resolution 2118 (2013) can be considered to have been fully implemented, and for the international community to have shared confidence that the chemical-weapons programme of the Syrian Arab Republic has been fully eliminated. Moreover, allegations of the use of chemical weapons in Syria have continued, including just this past weekend in the town of Saraqeb. That makes abundantly clear our continuing and collective responsibility to ensure that those responsible are held to account. New reports by the Fact-finding Mission are pending. Should they conclude that there has been the use, or likely use, of chemical weapons in any of those alleged incidents, our obligation to enact a meaningful response will be further intensified. It is my hope, and the hope of the Secretary-General, that such a response will favour unity, not impunity. As always, the Office for Disarmament Affairs stands ready to provide whatever support and assistance it can. The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank Ms. Nakamitsu for her briefing. I shall now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements. Mrs. Haley (United States of America): The news out of Syria this morning is following a troubling pattern. There are reports of yet another chemical-weapon attack on Sunday. Victims of what appears to be chlorine gas are pouring into hospitals. Few things have horrified my country and the world as much as the Al-Assad regime's use of chemical weapons against its people. The Security Council has been outspoken on ending Syria's use of chemical weapons, and yet they continue. Under the Chemical Weapons Convention and resolution 2118 (2013), the Al-Assad regime's obligations are clear: it must immediately stop using all chemical weapons. It must address the gaps and inconsistencies in its Chemical Weapons Convention declaration. And it must destroy all of its remaining chemical weapons under the supervision of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). These are worthy goals. These are urgent goals. Yet we spent much of last year in the Council watching one country protect the Al-Assad regime's use of chemical weapons by refusing to hold them responsible. What do the American people see? What do people of all countries see? They see a Council that cannot agree to take action, even after the OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism, created by the Council, found that the Al-Assad regime used chemical weapons. Now we have reports that the Al-Assad regime has used chlorine gas against its people multiple times in recent weeks, including just yesterday. There is obvious evidence from dozens of victims, and therefore we proposed a draft press statement by the Security Council condemning these attacks. So far, Russia has delayed the adoption of the draft statement — a simple condemnation of Syrian children being suffocated by chlorine gas. I hope Russia takes the appropriate step to adopt the draft text, thus showing that the Council is unified in condemning chemical-weapon attacks. Accountability is a fundamental principle, but it is just the first step. Our goal must be to end the use of these evil, unjustifiable weapons. When actions have consequences — when perpetrators are identified and punished — we come closer to reaching our goal. But if we cannot even take the first step of establishing accountability for the use of chemical weapons, we have to seriously ask ourselves why we are here. The requirements for establishing accountability for the use of chemical weapons have not changed since the Council voted unanimously to create the Joint Investigative Mechanism, in 2015. They have not changed since Russia acted alone to kill the Mechanism last year. Such a mechanism must be independent and impartial. It must be free of politics. It must be controlled by experts, not politicians or diplomats. And it must be definitive. The latest Russian draft resolution does not meet any of those criteria. Russia's draft resolution completely ignores the findings of the Joint Investigative Mechanism, which was an investigation that Russia supported until the investigators found the Al-Assad regime to be responsible. That should already be enough to make us sceptical. However, there are other deep problems. For their new investigation, Russia wants to be able to cherry-pick the investigators. It wants to insert unnecessary and arbitrary investigative standards. And it wants the Security Council to be able to review all the findings of this investigation and decide what makes it into the final report. That is not an impartial mechanism; it is a way to whitewash the findings of the last investigation that Russia desperately wants to bury. No one should believe that the draft resolution is a good basis for discussion, when it is designed to undermine our core principles on chemical weapons. We cannot S/PV.8174 The situation in the Middle East 05/02/2018 4/17 18-03099 hope to end the use of chemical weapons if those who use them escape the consequences of their actions. Therefore, while we regret the need for its creation, we applaud the efforts of France to launch the International Partnership against Impunity for the Use of Chemical Weapons. That is yet another way to hold accountable the Al-Assad regime and any group that uses chemical weapons. The United States has also announced that we will contribute to the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism to Assist in the Investigation and Prosecution of Persons Responsible for the Most Serious Crimes under International Law Committed in the Syrian Arab Republic since March 2011. The United States strongly supports the Mechanism as a valuable tool to hold the Al-Assad regime accountable for its atrocities, including its repeated and ongoing use of chemical weapons. It is a true tragedy that Russia has sent us back to square one in the effort to end the use of chemical weapons in Syria. But we will not cease in our efforts to know the truth of the Al-Assad regime — and ensure that the truth is known and acted on by the international community. That is why we hosted all 15 members of the Council at the United States Holocaust Museum last week. The exhibit was called "Syria: Please Don't Forget Us". All of us saw undeniable evidence of the Al-Assad regime's atrocities and human rights violations. We cannot, and should not, forget the Syrian people. The United States will not forget them. While the Council has not yet been able to act to provide real accountability for the use of chemical weapons in Syria, the United States will not give up on the responsibility to do so. That is the sincere wish of the American people, and I know that it is shared by many on the Council. We are not motivated by score-settling, payback or power politics. We are motivated by the urgent need to end the unique and horrible suffering that chemical weapons have inflicted on innocent men, women and children in Syria. The Syrian people are counting on us. Mr. Allen (United Kingdom): I would like to thank High Representative Nakamitsu for her briefing. We are holding this meeting in the open Chamber today after reports of a series of chemical attacks in eastern Ghouta within the past month, as the Al-Assad regime continues its merciless bombing and killing of civilians. Over the weekend, there were further allegations of the use of chemical weapons in Idlib, as well as air strikes by pro-regime forces that reportedly hit three hospitals, leaving doctors scrambling to remove premature babies from their incubators in order to move them. I cannot say that they were moving them to safety, because the reality is that for the citizens of Idlib and eastern Ghouta, nowhere is safe. We are appalled by this violence and the reports of deliberate targeting of civilians and civilian infrastructure, and we call on all parties to the conflict to uphold international humanitarian law and protect civilians. The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) is already investigating reports of the use of chemical weapons in recent weeks, but establishing who is responsible for that use will be much more difficult, because Russia has vetoed the continuation of the independent, expert OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM) three times, in order to protect the Al-Assad regime. We would welcome any serious attempt to re-establish a properly independent investigative and attribution mechanism for continuing the JIM's meticulous work. Sadly, we do not yet see that in the Russian proposal. Any successor investigation must be empowered to investigate all use of chemical weapons, whoever the perpetrator may be. Yet the Russian proposal focuses only on non-State actors. We have repeatedly condemned Da'esh for its use of chemical weapons, which the JIM clearly reported. But given Al-Assad's track record of chemical-weapon use and its failure to comply with the Chemical Weapons Convention, it is imperative to ensure that any new mechanism also investigates the use of chemical weapons by the Syrian regime. A second objection is the proposal that experts would merely gather evidence, leaving the Council to decide what it meant. No other United Nations expert panel that I know of is specifically prohibited from reaching conclusions and reporting to the Council on its findings on what has happened. We are not specialists on chemical weapons around this table. We rely on independent, United Nations-selected expert panels. The entire purpose of the JIM was that an independent panel would reach conclusions on the basis of the evidence, taking the issue out of the hands of us, the Member States and Council members, because we have been unable to agree. Russia's proposal looks as if it is designed to avoid the political embarrassment of having to use its veto power to defend the indefensible when independent bodies report on what has truly happened. The underlying intent seems to be to ensure that there are no clear conclusions in future reports. 05/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8174 18-03099 5/17 Thirdly, we object to the proposal's demands that the standard of proof should be beyond reasonable doubt. That standard has not been used in any other comparable past or current United Nations investigation. It is used in relation to criminal prosecutions in courts of law, which have significantly greater investigative powers and independence than those envisaged in Russia's text. Finally, the proposal insists on site visits, despite the explicit provision in the Chemical Weapons Convention for other ways to gather relevant evidence, recognizing the difficulty of safe and timely visits. There is no scientific basis for this proposal. It is simply an attempt to hamstring future investigations and discredit the JIM. Of course, Russia made much of the lack of a site visit to Khan Shaykhun, despite the fact that the Al-Assad regime handed over to the United Nations samples from the site that contained chemical signatures unique to regime sarin, obviating the need for such a visit. It is for those reasons that the current text is unacceptable. The JIM set a high standard of impartiality and expertise. We expect that standard from any future mechanism. The Syrian regime, of course, claims not to have used chemical weapons. Yet over the years two separate reports from the JIM, under separate leadership panels, drawing on a broad range of respected independent international experts, concluded that the regime had used chlorine at least three times — in Talmenes in April 2014 and in Sarmin and Qmenas in March 2015 — and had used sarin to attack Khan Shaykhun in April 2017. We should also remember the infamous attack in eastern Ghouta in August 2013, when a separate United Nations investigation found that sarin was used to kill hundreds and injure thousands. That attack brought near-universal international condemnation, and following our concerted international pressure, Syria joined the Chemical Weapons Convention. Syria promised, as it was legally obliged to do, to destroy and abandon its chemical-weapon programme. Yet it has been unable to satisfy inspectors that it has done so. We have to ask ourselves why that is. In 2013 Russia promised to act as a guarantor for the Al-Assad regime's compliance with the Chemical Weapons Convention. Yet month after month we all sit here and hear that Al-Assad has not done so. Why does Russia not compel the Syrian regime to comply with its obligations and make it impossible for it to use chemical weapons? Tragically, for the people of Syria, the regime continues to use chemical weapons with impunity. If it is confirmed that Al-Assad has again used chemical weapons on his own people, it would not only be another entry in the catalogue of his war crimes, it would also be another attack on us all, Members of the United Nations who have worked for decades — in the words of the Chemical Weapons Convention, for the sake of all mankind — to completely exclude the possibility of the use of chemical weapons. Throughout history, our peoples have said "never again" — among others, starting with the First World War battlefields, in Ethiopia, in Manchuria and in Saddam Hussein's attacks on Iran and on Iraqi Kurds. Let us, the members of the Council, stand up for the peoples of the United Nations, determined that such abhorrent chemical weapons should never be used. Let us stand up for the people of Syria and give them a real investigation into those responsible for the use of chemical weapons — an investigation that pursues justice for the horrific crimes committed against them. Let us signal our determination to pursue accountability by all means available, even if one member of the Security Council is currently preventing us from taking action here. Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): I would first like to congratulate Kuwait through you, Mr. President, on the start of its presidency of the Security Council. You can rely on France's support in the month to come. I would also like to thank Izumi Nakamitsu for her usual very informative briefing. This is the second time we have met in less than two weeks after reports of four new cases of the use of chlorine against Syria's civilian population, some of them in Idlib province, which is a de-escalation zone. We are examining the information that is available and waiting for the conclusions of the investigative mechanism, but the reality is that resorting to toxic substances as weapons has never ended in Syria. I would like to remind the Council that the Syrian regime has already been identified as the perpetrator in four such cases, one of which involved the use of sarin, in violation of international humanitarian law and the obligations that Syria assumed when it acceded to the Chemical Weapons Convention. The challenges go beyond the Syrian issue. A century after the end of the First World War, in which mustard gas was used on a massive scale against civilians, what we are seeing is shocking. These weapons, which we had thought were a thing of the past, are once again being used methodically and systematically by the Syrian regime against its own people. Furthermore, there is a real threat of such S/PV.8174 The situation in the Middle East 05/02/2018 6/17 18-03099 weapons falling into the hands of terrorists. The threat is all the greater given the fact that the dismantling of the Syrian chemical-weapon programme remains at a deadlock. The cooperation of the Syrian regime with the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) has for months taken place in a piecemeal manner, and suspicions remain about the status of Syrian stockpiles. I would recall that OPCW expert teams have repeatedly found at Syrian sites indicators of undeclared substances, without any convincing explanation being provided by the country. Given that chemical weapons continue to be used, it seems that Syria has lied and maintained clandestine capacities. The situation is aggravating regional instability, undermining the non-proliferation regime and weakening the international security architecture, as well as jeopardizing the security of each of our States. It represents a violation of the law and flouts the most fundamental principles of humanity. The international community cannot downplay the situation and allow the perpetrators of these heinous crimes to remain unpunished. It is the responsibility of the Security Council to prevent this; it is our shared responsibility. The criminals who chose to design and use these barbaric weapons must be punished. At stake is the future of our collective security system; no one can be allowed to undermine its foundations without facing consequences. The hindrances and obstructions facing the international community's initiatives within existing bodies contribute to promoting impunity, and this we cannot accept. For that reason, France launched in Paris an open, pragmatic partnership that brings together States that reject impunity for individuals involved in chemical-weapon attacks or in the development of chemical-weapon programmes. It brings together all the States concerned about the threat of erosion of the non-proliferation regime and of strategic stability. It was designed to support all international bodies and investigative mechanisms in their efforts. This universal partnership applies to all instances of the use of such weapons throughout the world by all perpetrators, be they State or non-State actors. The partnership is open, and States that embrace these principles are invited to join. Like everyone else here, we hope that a mechanism for the identification of those responsible will be recreated as soon as possible. However, any sincere and credible effort to that end must align with the basic standards of independence, impartiality and professionalism that underpinned the Joint Investigative Mechanism, as the very reason for the establishment of such a regime is to determine the truth. Within the Council, France will be very vigilant with respect to the principles listed and will not accept a lesser mechanism. Impunity in Syria is not an option. The perpetrators of all of the crimes committed in Syria will be held accountable, sooner or later. The International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism for Syria, which we support, is a part of that process. That is the only way to ensure lasting peace in Syria, and this can come about only in the framework of an inclusive political solution in Geneva, in line with resolution 2254 (2015), which more than ever before represents our shared compass. The repeated use of chemical weapons in Syria has been proved. We cannot turn a blind eye to this, for no one can now say that they did not know. Denial or hypocrisy, or a combination of of the two, cannot be presented as a strategy. The persistent use of chemical weapons in Syria represents a violation of the universal conscience as well as the most fundamental principles of international law. It also poses a potentially lethal threat to the sustainability of the international non-proliferation regime, which is the most comprehensive and successful of all of the international non-proliferation regimes. To allow it to be undermined without any response would be to accept the erosion of the entire international regime for the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction that we have built together, stone by stone, over the course of decades and which constitutes the very backbone of the international security architecture as well as one of the paramount gains of multilateralism. On behalf of France, I call on all members of the Security Council to shift their attitudes and adjust their focus. The heavy responsibility that we all bear requires that we join together and take action. Mr. Llorenty Solíz (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): My delegation wishes to congratulate you once again, Sir, as well as the Permanent Mission of Kuwait, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for the month of February. We are also grateful for the briefing provided by the Under-Secretary-General and High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Ms. Izumi Nakamitsu. We also 05/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8174 18-03099 7/17 wish to acknowledge the letter sent by the Secretary- General (S/2018/84) concerning the periodic report of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). Bolivia believes that there can be no justification for the use of chemical weapons, regardless of circumstances and by whomsoever committed, as such use is a serious violation of international law and poses a grave threat to international peace and security. We therefore categorically condemn the use of chemical weapons or substances as weapons, as we deem this an unjustifiable and criminal act, wherever, whenever and by whomsoever committed. In that context, we express our grave concern about the ongoing reports of the use of chemical weapons in the Syrian Arab Republic, especially in eastern Ghouta. If that is confirmed, the Council should remain united in order to ensure that the perpetrators are held accountable and brought to justice, so that there is no impunity for their actions. We commend the coordination between the OPCW and the United Nations Office for Project Services in all of the arrangements aimed at making possible the destruction of the two remaining facilities as well as the preparedness of the Syrian Government to achieve this end. We call on the Government of the Syrian Arab Republic to cooperate with the OPCW on this initiative, as well as during the second inspection of the Syrian Scientific Studies and Research Centre. We encourage the Fact-finding Mission to continue its investigation so that, in accordance with its mandate, it can investigate, in the most objective, methodical and technical manner, reports of the use of chemicals weapons on Syrian territory. In that regard, we highlight the latest visit to the city of Damascus during January, and we will await the results thereof. We call on all parties involved to cooperate fully as well as to provide viable and reliable information, so that an effective investigation of all of the ongoing cases can be conducted as soon as possible. Concerned about the reports of the use of chemical weapons, we deem it essential to establish as soon as possible an independent, impartial and representative mechanism to carry out a full, reliable and conclusive investigation of the cases referred by the Fact-finding Mission that will make it possible to identify those responsible for such acts. Nevertheless, if we want to create a new, transparent accountability mechanism, we have the major challenge and the responsibility of not instrumentalizing the Security Council for political ends. In that vein, we view the Russian proposal as a new and positive opportunity to reach this goal. We therefore call on the members of the Council to commit themselves to a process of purposeful negotiation, and we echo the words of the Secretary-General in his letter transmitting the current report, calling on the Security Council to demonstrate unity on this issue, which is so vital for the international community. Finally, we reiterate that the only option for resolving the conflict in Syria and prevent more people from becoming victims is through an inclusive political transition led by and benefiting the Syrian people that respects their sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): Since this is the first public meeting of the Security Council for the month of February, I would like to congratulate the delegation of Kuwait on the commencement of its presidency and wish it great success in implementing its ambitious programme of work. I am grateful to High Representative Nakamitsu for her informative briefing. Our position on this issue remains unchanged. We strongly condemn any use of chemical weapons and advocate that such threats must be eliminated in the future. We firmly believe that there must be accountability for perpetrators of such crimes. Today I would like to concentrate on three major points. First, we support the work of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), as reflected in its fifty-second report (S/2018/84, annex). The speedy destruction, probably in two months, of the remaining chemical-weapon production facilities and resolving all outstanding issues relating to the declaration of the Syrian Arab Republic are of the utmost importance. That would help to dispel all existing doubts on many principal issues and to comprehend the real situation in the country. It is commendable that, during the inspection of Barzah and Jamrayah, all samples were sealed, packaged and shipped to OPCW's laboratory and were received there in the presence of the representatives of the Syrian Arab Republic, observing all established rules. We look forward to the follow-up to the OPCW's work, and we will also await the results S/PV.8174 The situation in the Middle East 05/02/2018 8/17 18-03099 of a thorough analysis of the documents submitted by Syria by the Declaration Assessment Team. Secondly, the continuing reports on the alleged use of chemical weapons in Syria are extremely alarming. But the most alarming fact is that the Council has not yet restored its investigative potential to properly respond to such cases. I recall the words of the Secretary-General, who pointed to the serious gap that had arisen at the end of the OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism, which leaves one with the feeling that impunity will continue without any strict monitoring. Thirdly, and lastly, considering the current developments, it is also most critical that a new mechanism be established as soon as possible. We here in the Council are not experts on chemical weapons — neither to judge or blame anyone — but must act on the basis of credible evidence provided to us by an independent, impartial and representative investigative body we can all trust. In that regard, we support the ongoing consultations on creating a new investigative instrument, in order to prevent any further use of chemical weapons and to bring perpetrators to justice. We are ready to participate actively and contribute to the earliest revival and ultimate realization of our investigative potential. Mr. Meza-Cuadra (Peru) (spoke in Spanish): We join others in congratulating your delegation, Sir, on having assumed the presidency of the Security Council for the month of February. We support you in discharging your tasks, which we are sure you will do in full. We welcome the holding of this meeting and thank Ms. Izumi Nakamitsu for her valuable briefing on this topic. Peru condemns the use of chemical weapons by any actor, in any place and under any circumstance. Their use against the civilian population in Syria is a war crime and a flagrant violation of international law, international humanitarian law and the non-proliferation regimes. In that regard, Peru believes it is essential for the international community, and in particular the Security Council, to remain resolute and united in its support for the non-proliferation regime and in ensuring that those responsible for these atrocious crimes — which are also threats to international peace and security — be held accountable. We must continue to demand that the Syrian Government fulfil its commitment to cooperate with the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) in the elimination of all of its chemical weapons. We take note of some recent progress, such as the imminent destruction of the last two declared chemical-weapon production facilities, as verified preliminarily by the OPCW last November, and the allocation of new financial resources to that end. Nevertheless, we are concerned that key points of the Syrian Government's declaration have yet to be verified, more than four years after its accession to the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction. We hope that the 19 recently translated documents that were provided to the OPCW will help rectify errors and omissions and clear up discrepancies. We reaffirm our commitment and support to the OPCW, whose Executive Council Peru is honoured to be a member of. In the face of new reports of chemical-weapon attacks in eastern Ghouta and Idlib, Peru expresses its solidarity with the victims and reiterates the urgent need to identify and bring to justice the perpetrators of such atrocities. Like a majority of Council members, we believe that accountability is essential to safeguarding the international non-proliferation regimes. Preventing this threat requires a credible deterrent. With that goal in mind, we believe it is urgent to establish an attributive mechanism with the highest standards of professionalism, objectivity, transparency and, primarily, independence in order to fill the gap left by the OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism. My delegation will continue to work constructively to create a new mechanism that addresses the legitimate concerns of all Council members and of the international community. Mr. Skoog (Sweden): I also want to congratulate you, Mr. President, on assuming the presidency of the Security Council for the month of February. I also thank Ms. Izumi Nakamitsu for her briefing today. In recent weeks there have been new, alarming reports of alleged chemical-weapon attacks in Syria. The most recent allegation was this weekend in Idlib. These reported attacks must be immediately investigated by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) Fact-finding Mission, to which we offer our full and unreserved support. We reiterate our strongest condemnation of the use of chemical weapons. It is a serious violation 05/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8174 18-03099 9/17 of international law and it constitutes a threat to international peace and security. Their use in armed conflict amounts to a war crime. Perpetrators of such crimes must be held accountable. We cannot accept impunity. That is why Sweden joined the International Partnership against Impunity for the Use of Chemical Weapons, initiated by France. As a member of the Security Council and of the OPCW Executive Council, we support all international efforts to combat the use and proliferation of chemical weapons by State and non-State actors alike anywhere in the world. We count on this initiative to complement and support our collective work in multilateral forums, as well as the existing multilateral mechanisms to achieve unity around those important goals. That also includes the Human Rights Council's Commission of Inquiry and the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism, both of which have important mandates in collecting information. I again thank High Representative Nakamitsu for her briefing today. She reminded us that work remains on the implementation of resolution 2118 (2013). The outstanding issues relating to Syria's initial declaration must be resolved without further delay. We again call upon the Syrian authorities to fully cooperate with the OPCW in that regard. As the Secretary-General has stated, the continuing allegations highlight yet again our shared obligation to identify and hold to account those responsible for the use chemical weapons on Syria. We need to heed his call, come together and act. That is why Sweden has engaged in the negotiations on establishing a new independent and impartial attributive mechanism. The Council has a responsibility to protect the international disarmament and non-proliferation regimes and for ensuring accountability. Negotiations need to be in good faith, but with the objective of establishing a truly independent, impartial and effective mechanism for accountability. Ms. Wronecka (Poland) (spoke in Arabic): I would like to take this opportunity to wish the delegation of Kuwait every success in implementing the programme of work for this month. (spoke in English) Let me thank High Representative Izumi Nakamitsu for her informative briefing. We appreciate the ongoing work of the Technical Secretariat of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) and the Fact-finding Mission. We welcome the cooperation between the secretariat and the United Nations Office for Project Services, which facilitated the destruction of the two remaining chemical-weapon production facilities. We look forward to the results of the analysis by the Declaration Assessment Team of a set of documents and declarations submitted by Syria. Chemical weapons continue to pose a threat to the people of Syria. Repeated allegations of the use of chemical weapons in Syria, including the recent ones, serve to underline the fact that there is still a challenge to international peace and security, as well as to the credibility of the Chemical Weapons Convention regime. In that context, there is a genuine need for a clear message that impunity for perpetrators is not an option. We have clearly stated in various forums that the use of chemical weapons by anyone — State and non-State actors alike — anywhere and under any circumstances must be rigorously condemned and those responsible for such acts must be held accountable. We agree that the Security Council needs to take steps in order to establish a credible, professional and independent investigative mechanism. We have therefore engaged in the discussions to find the best solution for the future mechanism. I would like to focus on three points. First, Poland has supported the work of the OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM) and continues to support the establishment of an independent and credible investigative mechanism aimed at holding accountable the perpetrators of the use of chemical weapons in Syria. However, a future mechanism will not operate in a void. The instrument must build on the Joint Investigative Mechanism. Not only should it build on the significant achievements of the JIM, but its mandate must not deviate from resolution 2235 (2015). Secondly, the mandate of the mechanism should be balanced. There is a need to identify not only the individuals, entities and groups but also the Governments responsible for any use of chemicals as weapons. Thirdly, one of the most important elements of the mandate must be to ensure that the mechanism is independent in its proceedings and conclusions and S/PV.8174 The situation in the Middle East 05/02/2018 10/17 18-03099 free from the pressure of political verification of its conclusions by the Council. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): Allow me once again to congratulate you, Mr. President, and the State of Kuwait on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for the month of February. I wish you every success and assure you of our full support. Allow me also to express my congratulations and appreciation to Ms. Izumi Nakamitsu, Under-Secretary-General and High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, and her team for the presentation of the comprehensive and detailed briefing on the current political and humanitarian situation with regard to chemical weapons in Syria. The political — and in particular the humanitarian — crisis in Syria is reaching alarming proportions. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea expresses its solidarity with the families of the countless victims, as well as with the thousands of displaced people trapped by the hostilities and the more than 13 million people who currently need humanitarian assistance as a result of the continuing conflict. I would like to take this opportunity to condemn the loss of numerous civilian lives in this conflict, and I call on all parties to comply with international law on the protection of civilians and to distinguish between military and civilian objectives and refrain from firing rocket launchers into populated areas, as is being reported in eastern Ghouta. Equatorial Guinea can only express its satisfaction at the destruction of almost all the chemical-weapon production facilities declared by the Syrian Arab Republic thanks to the technical assistance of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). However, while we welcome the cooperation between the Government of the Syrian Arab Republic and the OPCW, it is necessary to be vigilant and to continue to condemn in the strongest terms any possible use, development, acquisition or manufacture of chemical weapons in the country or transfers of such weapons to other States or non-State actors. In that regard, we vigorously condemn the recent use of toxic chemical weapons by whomsoever. The perpetrators of such horrendous acts must be brought to justice and sentenced appropriately. For seven years already, Syria has been a war scenario that crystallizes internal, regional and, even, international divisions. The primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security bestowed upon the Security Council by the Charter of the United Nations should lead the 15 member countries of this principal organ of the United Nations to overcome their differences regarding the situation in Syria and to renounce their political and strategic interests in favour of the legitimate aspirations of the Syrian people to achieve well-being and prosperity. In that regard, it is appropriate that, as Russia has already proposed, another mechanism be established to replace the OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism so that it can carry out the necessary investigations on the use of chemical weapons in Syria and thereby arrive at a result that garners consensus among the members of the Council in order to again unify our criteria for an objective examination of the situation. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): At the outset, I would like to congratulate you, Mr. President, at the beginning of your presidency of the Security Council for the month of February. I wish you every success. We also thank Ms. Nakamitsu for her briefing. We trust that, with the assistance of the United Nations Office for Project Services and the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), the two remaining above-ground Syrian chemical-weapon facilities will be promptly destroyed. The Syrian side has repeatedly demonstrated its interest in that. The pending issues related to the initial declarations should be dealt with as part of the dialogue between the OPCW and the Syrian Government. We welcome such cooperation, by which Syria, as a conscientious party to the Chemical Weapons Convention, provides the necessary assistance, complies with its obligations and facilitates access to the relevant documents. Many people have raised false issues that should now be closed and put aside. Syria's chemical-weapon capacity was destroyed under the oversight of the OPCW. However, it seems that there are some who wish to contrive to fan the flames on the issue. The Syrians have provided exhaustive explanations. However, issues are being raised and questions are being asked in a endless cycle. The Syrian side consistently reports to the international community, including the Security Council, about the detection of toxic chemical substances in areas liberated from the terrorists. There 05/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8174 18-03099 11/17 are reports from Syria about possible provocations that may be used by representatives of foreign intelligence services. All such reports must be investigated immediately by the experts of the OPCW. However, we note that, in general, tremendous efforts are necessary for The Hague to duly respond to the important message. There are numerous pretexts being put forward not to travel there and decisions are being delayed. In the light of last year's story of Khan Shaykhun and the Shayrat air base, such conduct suggests deliberate sabotage. However, the statements today have left us with the impression that it is not Syria that some delegations are interested in. The United States and the United Kingdom have used today's meeting to slander Russia, and it is quite clear why that is happening. Someone cannot tolerate the success of the Syrian National Dialogue Congress in Sochi and the prospects it offers for injecting new momentum into the political process in Syria. That requires launching a major campaign of slander against Russia in order to try, not for the first time, to cast doubt on Russia's role in the Syrian political settlement. As always, the statements of these representatives contain a grain of truth mixed with mountains of lies. Russia has never contested the use of sarin in Khan Shaykhun. But who it was used by is still a mystery, because the absurd conclusions of the OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM) have not convinced us. In the past few days there has been general uproar about alleged incidents involving the use of chlorine in some Damascus suburbs. There has already been talk of the use of sarin. Where? When? By whom? The outlines of this propaganda campaign are not new. The terrorists, through the social associations that are closely linked to them, foremost among them the notorious White Helmets, spread rumours via social networks. These are instantly picked up by the Western press, and then we get representatives speechifying in the Security Council, making unproved accusations about the so-called Syrian regime and spreading slander about Russia. I have said it before and I will say it again: has anyone thought to ask the basic question as to why the Syrian Government needs to use chemical weapons? What do we suppose that could do for it? The first thing we should do, and various speakers today, particularly the representative of Sweden, have discussed this, is to send an OPCW fact-finding mission to those areas to investigate. Where is the presumption of innocence? The speakers are blaming the so-called regime for everything in advance, before any investigation. What do they want an independent investigative mechanism for? Surely at least they know that an investigation has to precede any conclusions. But apparently they do not need one. In my opinion, it should be completely clear to everyone that that the capitals that these representatives represent in the Council have absolutely no interest in any investigation. They do not need facts or precise evidence. They need to see a political order carried out. On 23 January, Russia announced the launch in the Security Council of expert efforts to draft a resolution establishing a new investigative entity for incidents involving the use of chemical weapons to replace the defunct OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism, which was killed by the United States and its allies when they blocked the draft resolution (S/2017/968) that we proposed, together with China and Bolivia, designed to ensure that the Mechanism could be genuinely independent and professional. Not only do they not recall that episode, they have made strenuous attempts to convince the Security Council and the world community of the opposite. It has become clear that some of our partners are not prepared to consider this possibility. They want a second JIM that would continue to rubber-stamp the scientifically and technically ridiculous anti-Damascus conclusions on the basis of disinformation generously supplied by militant groups. They have long had a persistent allergy to the pressing need to pay close attention to the activities of terrorist groups, both in Syria and beyond its borders, in the context of manipulating toxic substances. In the realization that we will not allow the now entirely discredited JIM to be revived, Syria's opponents are now attempting to take alternative routes, cobbling together narrow groups of like-minded people. However, they are forgetting that in doing that they are undermining the authority of international bodies, particularly the United Nations and the OPCW, and destroying the international architecture on the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Any initiatives in the context of the use of chemical weapons that circumvent the OPCW would be illegitimate. We certainly hope that the leadership of the United Nations Secretariat and the OPCW Technical Secretariat will make a firm show of will and distance themselves from such dubious projects. S/PV.8174 The situation in the Middle East 05/02/2018 12/17 18-03099 We are ready to accept a press statement on the Syrian chemical issue, but not the one proposed by its sponsors, because in its current form its purpose is quite clearly to blame the Government of Syria for what is so far the unproved use of chemical weapons. Somehow the draft statement does not say anything about the Government of the Syrian Arab Republic, but the reference to Article 7 of the Charter of the United Nations leaves no doubt as to its essence. We cannot accept any still unconfirmed references to the use of chemical weapons without a credible investigation, nor can we accept any threats to a sovereign State for unproved actions. For some reason, eastern Ghouta has been dragged into the statement. I would like to remind the Council that last week we were prepared to accept an agreed-on draft presidential statement on the humanitarian situation in Syria. But our partners preferred to reject it. We are ready to accept a press statement, but not as it is proposed by our colleagues. We have proposed amendments to it that we are ready to circulate and agree on in that form. Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): I would like to congratulate Kuwait through you, Mr. President, on its accession to the presidency of the Security Council for the month of February, to wish it every success and assure it of Côte d'Ivoire's cooperation. I would also like to thank Ms. Izumi Nakamitsu, High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, for her excellent briefing. My delegation commends the work of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons through its Fact-finding Mission with regard to the dismantling of Syria's chemical-weapon stocks. We encourage the Syrian Government to comply with decisions regarding the destruction of its chemical arsenal. My delegation is seriously concerned about the reports in the past week once again alleging the possible use of chemical weapons in the conflict in Syria, particularly in eastern Ghouta, where 21 cases of suffocation have been reported. They represent a significant reversal in our efforts to combat impunity with regard to the use of chemical weapons in Syria. The suffering inflicted on the Syrian people is intolerable and must be ended. In that regard, my country calls for continued efforts to implement resolution 2118 (2013), which provides for the complete dismantling of the Syrian chemical-weapons arsenal. These new allegations of the use of chemical weapons once again call into question the Council's responsibility, particularly in terms of putting an end to these acts as soon as possible and of clearly identifying the perpetrators of such criminal acts. In its latest statement on the issue of chemical weapons in Syria (see S/PV.8164), my delegation warned against the Council's failure to act, which could be interpreted by those involved in the use of such weapons in Syria as a weakness of this organ and licence to act with impunity. Clearly, those who commit these despicable acts will continue to do so as long as the Council remains divided about the need to set up a consensus-based framework capable of identifying perpetrators and bringing them to justice. My delegation therefore encourages all ongoing initiatives that support the establishment of an accountability mechanism acceptable to all. In conclusion, Côte d'Ivoire reiterates its strong condemnation of the use of chemical weapons in Syria and calls upon the relevant United Nations mechanisms to shed light on the new allegations of the use of such weapons. My delegation eagerly awaits the conclusions of the report that will be submitted after the second round of inspections conducted at the Scientific Studies and Research Centre in Syria. Mr. Wu Haitao (China) (spoke in Chinese): China congratulates Kuwait on assuming the presidency of the Security Council for the current month. We also commend Kazakhstan for its accomplishments during its presidency last month. I wish to thank the High Representative Nakamitsu for her briefing. China welcomes the progress achieved in the verification and destruction of the two remaining chemical-weapon facilities within Syria's borders. We support the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) in continuing its coordination and cooperation with the Syrian Government so as to properly settle all the questions revolving around the initial declarations of chemical weapons by Syria through the OPCW platform. China expresses its deepest sympathy to the Syrian people for their suffering as the result of chemical weapons. No use of chemical weapons will be tolerated. Lately, there have been some media reports of suspected use of chlorine and other poisonous chemicals as weapons within Syria's borders, over which China wishes to register its deepest concern. It is hoped that 05/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8174 18-03099 13/17 the parties will carry out verification of the related incidents as soon as possible. When it comes to the question of chemical weapons, China's position is as clear cut as it is consistent. We stand firmly against the use of chemical weapons by any country, organization or individual for whatever purpose and under any circumstances. China supports conducting comprehensive, objective and impartial investigations into any alleged use of chemical weapons within Syrian borders so as to come up with results that withstand the test of time, square with the facts and help bring the perpetrators to justice. Establishing a new chemical-weapon investigative mechanism is critical to getting to the bottom of the chemical-weapon incidents as well as warding off any future recurrences in Syria. All Council parties should work together to that end. China supports the efforts on the part of Russia to promote the establishment of a new investigative mechanism into the use of chemical weapons in Syria. We hope that the members of the Council will continue to engage in constructive consultations so as to achieve consensus at an early date. The chemical-weapon issue in Syria is closely related to a political settlement to the Syrian situation. Major achievements have been made at the Syrian National Dialogue Congress, held recently in Sochi, which played a positive role in advancing the Syrian political process, while lending impetus to relaunching the Geneva talks. It is China's hope that relevant parties will support the Security Council and the OPCW in continuing to act as the main channel for tackling the Syrian chemical-weapon issue, adopt a constructive attitude, seek proper solutions through consultation, maintain the unity of the Council and work with the United Nations and with the relevant parties in advancing the political process in Syria. Mr. Van Oosterom (Netherlands): As this is the first time that I take the floor under the Kuwaiti presidency of the Security Council, I would like to congratulate and honour Kuwait's assumption of the presidency by trying to offer my thanks in Arabic: (spoke in Arabic) Thank you, Mr. President. (spoke in English) I would also like to thank Ms. Nakamitsu for her comprehensive and clear briefing. I will address three issues today: first, reports of the renewed use of chemical weapons in Syria; secondly, the need for accountability; and, thirdly, the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) report at hand (S/2018/84, annex). With respect to the renewed use of chemical weapons in the past weeks, the Kingdom of the Netherlands is shocked at the recent reports of chemical attacks in Syria, including this weekend and last night. We are outraged. In Douma, in eastern Ghouta, and last night in Saraqeb, in Idlib, innocent civilians, including children, have become victims once again of horrible chemical-weapon attacks. Such attacks deserve the strongest condemnation of the Security Council as violations of international law. Furthermore, recent OPCW laboratory tests show that samples of the chemical attack on Ghouta in August 2013 correspond to the chemical-weapons arsenal declared by the Syrian regime in 2014 and the Khan Shaykun attack in 2017. This confirms once again that the Al-Assad regime uses chemical weapons against its own population. We pay tribute to the work of the White Helmets, who have saved more a 100,000 civilians from the rubble of the Syrian war. The use of chemical weapons should never go unpunished. Impunity erodes the important prohibition against the use of chemical weapons. It is inconceivable that impunity now reigns, which brings me to my second point, namely, the need for accountability. As others have said, we had a well-functioning and professional mechanism to ensure accountability for the use of chemical weapons in Syria, the Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM). The JIM repeatedly determined the use of chemical weapons by the Syrian regime and by Da'esh. It had a strong mandate to investigate and identify perpetrators independently from the politics of the Security Council. And it did so accordingly, but the renewal of its mandate fell victim to the repeated use of the veto. However, that does not mean that we now need to settle for less. The Kingdom of the Netherlands is prepared to work together on any proposal that strengthens accountability and the international rule of law. But let me emphasize that a weak accountability mechanism is not an option. For us, the fundamental characteristics of any accountability mechanism are the principles of impartiality, independence, comprehensiveness and effectiveness. S/PV.8174 The situation in the Middle East 05/02/2018 14/17 18-03099 In order to uphold those principles, a mechanism should at least meet the following requirements. First, it should operate independently from the Security Council, including when it comes to the attribution of guilt. It should be impartial. The separation of powers is necessary to prevent undue politicization. Secondly, the mechanism should be effective; it should independently decide how it will conduct its investigations, including when it comes to analysing facts and assessing the quality of evidence. Lastly, it should be comprehensive and investigate and identify perpetrators among all parties to the armed conflict — both State and non-State actors. The draft resolution that is currently being discussed has not yet met those important principles. That brings me to my third point, namely, the fifty-second OPCW report (S/2018/84, annex), which the High Representative presented very clearly in her briefing. The report points out that, unfortunately, too little progress has been made by the Syrian authorities in addressing the outstanding questions that the OPCW posed about the declaration of the Syrian authorities. It is essential that the Syrian authorities cooperate seriously with the OPCW. The Kingdom of the Netherlands supports the continuation of the work of OPCW Fact-finding Mission. We call on all States to ensure that the Fact-finding Mission can continue its work independently. In conclusion, we stand ready to adopt the draft press statement, as circulated before. We are convinced that the Security Council cannot allow the continued use of chemical weapons to go unpunished. Impunity is a curse; accountability is a must. The Council has to act. As long as the Council is blocked from achieving accountability by the use of the veto, we will also continue our efforts outside the Council. We therefore strongly support other accountability initiatives for Syria, such as the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism for the Syrian Arab Republic and the Human Rights Council's Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic. We also support the International Partnership against Impunity for the Use of Chemical Weapons, which was just highlighted by our French colleague. However, let me repeat what I have said in the Chamber before, the Council should refer the situation in Syria, especially the mass atrocities committed in the conflict, to the International Criminal Court in The Hague. Mr. Alemu (Ethiopia): We are very pleased to see you, Mr. President, assuming responsibility for the presidency. I wish to thank High Representative Izumi Nakamitsu for her briefing, which, as always, we found to be balanced, and therefore useful. We are in need of that kind of approach. Frankly speaking, we need that very desperately. During times such as this, when we seem to be so deeply divided, the role of United Nations officials like her becomes all the more critical. We thank her. We remain deeply concerned by the continued reports on the use of chemical weapons in Syria. We strongly condemn the use of chemical weapons by any actor, State and non-State alike, in Syria or anywhere else. As we have stated repeatedly, the use of chemical weapons is totally unjustifiable under any circumstances. It constitutes a threat to international peace and security and undermines the international non-proliferation architecture. We cannot agree more with what the Secretary-General stated in the concluding paragraph of his letter of 1 February: "The fact of these continuing allegations again highlights the shared obligation to identify and hold to account those responsible for the use of chemical weapons." That is why the unity of the Council is absolutely important. Without it, the Council's ability to respond to grave threats to international peace and security, such as the use of chemicals as weapons, will be seriously hampered. In that regard, what High Representative Nakamitsu said a while ago is most relevant: "unity, not impunity". Let me say that we regret that the Council was not able to renew the mandate of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism. If we are not able to address this institutional gap by drawing lessons from last year and forge the necessary unity and compromise, we will be sending the wrong message and encouraging impunity. The fact that chemical-weapon attacks have continued as recently as yesterday worries us very much. That is why it is so critical that we seek an independent way of establishing accountability. We appreciate the initiative taken by the Russian Federation to propose a draft resolution on the establishment of a new mechanism, which has been the basis for discussion in recent days. This is a conversation that we welcome. As we continue to discuss this very important matter, our consultations should be constructive and forward-looking. Of course, 05/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8174 18-03099 15/17 we are not naive; we have no illusions about how matters are becoming more and more complicated by the day. However, we still hope that the Council will restore its unity to reach common ground and create an independent, impartial and professional mechanism that will be able to identify those responsible for the use of chemical weapons in Syria, based on robust evidence. We welcome that the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) has continued to assist the Syrian Government in destroying the remaining stationary above-ground facilities. As the High Representative stated, we hope the facilities will be totally eliminated in the coming month. We have just heard a very encouraging statement from the High Representative. We note that the OPCW has translated and finalized its analysis of the 19 documents submitted by the Syrian Government. While we look forward to the final report, we encourage continued cooperation and meaningful communication between the Syrian Government and the OPCW that leads to tangible results to address the outstanding issues. We also note that its Fact-finding Mission has continued its investigation related to allegations of the use of chemical weapons in Syria. We look forward to its reports. Let me conclude by again reiterating, at the risk of sounding naive, how the unity of the Council is vital to ensuring accountability and deterring and stopping the use of chemical weapons in Syria and elsewhere. We only hope that the challenge we face in this area is not a reflection of the growing lack of trust that characterizes international relations today, making joint action in most critical areas more complicated than it should be. The President (spoke in Arabic): I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of Kuwait. At the outset, I would like to thank the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Ms. Izumi Nakamitsu, for the briefing she gave at the beginning of this meeting. We had hoped that the Security Council's unanimous adoption of resolution 2118 (2013), in September 2013 following the first incident involving the use of chemical weapons in Syria, would have resolved this matter, since the Council had demonstrated unity and determination in confronting that crime with a view to ensuring that it not be repeated and that its perpetrators be held accountable. Consequently, we regret the substantial regression in addressing the chemical-weapon issue in Syria, which is a result of the divisions among Council members after the Council was unable to extend the mandate of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism in Syria, which we feel carried out its tasks in a very professional, impartial and independent manner. We express our deep concern about the allegations of the continued use of chemical weapons in Syria, most recently during the attack in Douma, in eastern Ghouta, last week and during the attack that took place in Saraqeb, in Idlib, yesterday. This is the third such attack during the past few weeks, which means that the perpetrators of those crimes will go unpunished and that there is no guarantee that they, or anyone else, who commits such crimes in the future will be held accountable, after we lost the Joint Investigative Mechanism. The position of the State of Kuwait is a principled and steadfast one that strongly condemns any use of chemical weapons, wherever, whenever and by whomsoever, as this is considered a grave violation of international law. We reiterate the need to hold accountable those responsible for such use, be they individuals, entities, non-State groups or Governments. In that context, we condemn the use of heavy and destructive weapons as well as the targeting civilians and residential areas killing dozens of innocent victims. These weapons target health facilities and civilian locations in eastern Ghouta, Idlib and other areas. We therefore support the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism for Syria in its quest to gather evidence and investigate the crimes committed against civilians in order to hold the perpetrators accountable. The State of Kuwait will support any alternative or mechanism that enjoys the consensus of all members of the Security Council and ensures the independence, neutrality and professionalism of any new future mechanism. In that regard, we reaffirm that the primary responsibility of any mechanism must be to determine the identity of those using chemical weapons in Syria, provided that the Security Council would then play its role and hold the perpetrators accountable, in implementation of the principle of ending impunity and of resolution 2118 (2013), which undoubtedly stipulates the imperative need for, and importance of, holding accountable those responsible for the use of chemical S/PV.8174 The situation in the Middle East 05/02/2018 16/17 18-03099 weapons in Syria. We also look forward to receiving the report that will soon be submitted by the Fact-finding Mission, as mentioned by Ms. Nakamitsu in her earlier briefing on the most recent incidents, as well as her reports on the use of chlorine gas in Saraqib. In conclusion, we reiterate our full readiness to take part in any efforts that are aimed at reaching consensus among Security Council members and at holding accountable the perpetrators of such internationally prohibited crimes. We assert that a political solution in Syria is the only way to arrive at a comprehensive settlement of the crisis, in accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions, especially resolution 2254 (2015) and the 2012 Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex). I now resume my functions as President of the Council. The representative of the United Kingdom has asked for the floor to make a further statement. Mr. Allen (United Kingdom): I disagree with a lot of what my Russian colleague said, but I will not stretch my colleagues' patience. But I do feel compelled briefly to respond to several of the points that he made. The first point is to say that this is not political for us. Preventing the use of these abhorrent weapons should transcend political disagreements. We do not oppose Russia's important role in Syria at all. We noted the outcomes of Sochi, and we look forward to the proposal for a constitutional committee returning to the next round of Geneva talks, with the full participation of Russia and the Syrian authorities, as was laid out in resolution 2254 (2015). The second point I would simply make is that the notion that it was anyone other than Russia that ended the Joint Investigative Mechanism is absurd. The voting records of the Council are clear and are available to all. Russia vetoed three different proposals for the extension of the Mechanism, the last of which simply extended it for a short period and requested the Secretary-General to make recommendations, but even that was unacceptable. Finally, on a note of agreement, I just want, like my Dutch colleague, to praise the incredible work of the White Helmets, who risk their own lives on a daily basis to save thousands of Syrians civilians. The President (spoke in Arabic): I now give the floor to the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic. Mr. Mounzer (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): My country condemns and rejects in the strongest possible terms any use of chemical weapons or of any other weapon of mass destruction, as this constitutes a crime against humanity and an unethical and unjustifiable act, under any circumstances. The real target of such weapons is the Syrian people, who remain the primary victims of the crimes committed by armed terrorist groups, which have not hesitated to use chemical weapons against them. I reaffirm before the Security Council that my country has sought, and continues to seek, to identify the real perpetrators responsible for the use of chemical weapons in my country, Syria. Based on those steadfast principles, my Government joined the Chemical Weapons Convention and has honoured all of its commitments thereunder. My country achieved an unprecedented and definitive feat in the history of the Organization by ending the Syrian chemical-weapons programme in record time. That was corroborated in the report of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism to the Council in June 2014. My country is the party most desirous of uncovering the truth. We have always supported, and will continue to support, in principle any initiative by the Council whose aim is to establish the truth, identify those who are really trading in the blood of the Syrian people and using toxic chemical substances against Syrian civilians, including armed terrorist groups, as well as levelling false accusations against the Syrian Government. In that regard, on behalf of the Government of my country, I once again reiterate our condemnation of all American and Western allegations accusing us of committing chemical-weapon attacks in our country. I reaffirm that those accusations are groundless and cheap lies. International public opinion and the majority of United Nations Members now know that this is but standard procedure for the United States and its allies in the Council each and every time they learn that the armed terrorist groups that they finance, arm and support on the ground in Syria are at an impasse and losing ground to the advancing Syrian army and its allies. The latter are today waging a war, on behalf of the entire world, against terrorism, which, unfortunately, is being supported by certain Governments that have no interest 05/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8174 18-03099 17/17 in ensuring international peace and security and are solely seeking to advance their own political agendas. My Government reaffirms once again that the United States, the United Kingdom and France are fully responsible for the paralysis of international investigative mechanisms concerning the use of toxic chemical substances, as the Governments of those States are seeking to shield the armed terrorist groups that they support. We recall before all present here that it is Syria that originally called for an investigation into instances of the use of toxic gas by armed terrorist groups. False accusations against my Government of using toxic chemical substances are attempts to cover up its efforts to reveal to the world that certain armed terrorist groups and their sponsors have continued to perpetrate crimes against innocent civilians through the use, more than once, of toxic substances. The Syrian Government has provided the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) and the OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM) with evidence that proves that such groups possess banned toxic substances. We have repeatedly called for the carrying out of investigations to corroborate such evidence. However, our calls have been ignored. All of my colleagues here recall that the United States and its allies destroyed the JIM. Through their practices here in the Council, they put an end to the Mechanism. They brought pressure to bear on its Chair and its members by pressuring them to refuse to visit Khan Shaykhun. Rather than conduct a field visit to collect real evidence, they merely sought to level accusations and offered up evidence trumped up by Western countries to undermine Syria, to support terrorist groups and to cover up their responsibility for this incident. That occurred after the United States and its partners rejected the call by the Russian Federation to stop the politicization of the work of the JIM and to rectify its methodology by refraining from using false evidence and, instead, limiting itself to scientific and legally sound and reasonable proof. My country continues to honour all of its commitments — the ones we assumed when we joined the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction. We shall persevere in our fight against terrorism — a war that we will wage despite any political or media blackmail or any exploitation of the blood of innocent civilians in Syria. The Permanent Mission of the Syrian Arab Republic will today circulate a letter of the National Committee for the Implementation of the Chemical Weapons Convention, in response to the United States allegations vis-à-vis the work of the JIM and the Fact-finding Mission of the OPCW. The letter proves with scientific and legal evidence that the accusations against my country are false and that Syria has never used such chemicals, and will we ever use them, because we do not possess them. Let us recall that those who level such false accusations against Syria are the Governments of the same States with a dark history of using such internationally prohibited weapons against millions of innocent people — in Viet Nam, Cambodia, Algeria and the list goes on. Finally, on behalf of my Government, I would like to extend our gratitude to the Russian Federation and to friendly countries in the Council, countries that seek to establish truth based on their awareness about the pernicious aims behind the false accusations. They have demonstrated their commitment to the supremacy of the principles of international law and the Charter of the United Nations, as well as their conviction that such abnormal practices undermine the credibility of international actions and institutions and jeopardize international peace and security. The meeting rose at 11.45 a.m.

Mit der Verabschiedung der Agenda 2030 wurden im Jahr 2015 siebzehn Ziele für eine nachhaltige Entwicklung, die sogenannten Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), festgelegt. Da die SDGs auf alle Ebenen der Regierung anwendbar sind, bilden diese Ziele auch für Kommunen einen wichtigen Rahmen zur Orientierung. Eine nachhaltige Entwicklung gewinnt somit auch auf kommunaler Ebene zunehmend an Bedeutung. Dies zeigt sich unter anderem anhand des Engagements, das in vielen Kommunen zu erkennen ist. Durch die SDGs haben auch Kommunen einen strategischen Orientierungsrahmen und können konkrete Ziele und Maßnahmen leichter festlegen. Nachhaltigkeit kann somit vor Ort wirkungsvoller in die Realität umgesetzt werden.Effektiver Klimaschutz und Nachhaltigkeitsmanagement auf kommunaler Ebene ist essenziell. Neben dem notwendigen Beitrag zur nationalen und internationalen nachhaltigen Entwicklung können Kommunen klare Vorteile aus einer Nachhaltigkeitsstrategie ziehen: Beispielsweise können Gebäude energieeffizienter gebaut und genutzt und das Verkehrssystem kann effizienter und umweltfreundlicher gestaltet werden und gleichzeitig die CO2-Belastung und Verkehrsdichte im urbanen Raum reduzieren. Was zum Klimaschutz beiträgt, kann demnach gleichzeitig die Attraktivität von Kommunen steigern. Des Weiteren schützen sich Kommunen so vor Wetterextremen und können sich an den Klimawandel anpassen.Nach wie vor bestehen Unterschiede. Während einige Kommunen bereits seit mehreren Jahrzehnten an einer möglichst nachhaltigen Stadtentwicklung arbeiten und bereits viele Erfahrungen sammeln und Erkenntnisse gewinnen konnten, haben andere Städte vergleichsweise spät damit begonnen. Weiterhin schlagen Kommunen teils sehr unterschiedliche Wege ein, um die festgelegten Nachhaltigkeitsziele zu verwirklichen. Dies kann beispielsweise an den örtlichen Gegebenheiten oder an unterschiedlichen Ziel- und Schwerpunktsetzungen liegen. Übergeordnet stellen sich die Fragen, wieso gerade auf kommunaler Ebene viel für den Klimaschutz und Nachhaltigkeit getan werden muss und seit wann dies konkrete Formen annimmt.Ziel dieser Ausarbeitung ist es, zwei europäische Großstädte bezüglich ihrer bisherigen Nachhaltigkeitsentwicklung zu untersuchen. Die Schwerpunktsetzung liegt dabei sowohl beim Bereich Mobilität als auch bei ausgewählten Maßnahmen im Bereich einer nachhaltigen Stadtplanung. Weitere Aspekte werden bei Bedarf hinzugezogen. Ein Vergleich zwischen beiden Städten soll anschließend erfolgen. Bei diesem Vergleich müssen die Besonderheiten der jeweiligen Stadt berücksichtigt werden. Auch wenn nicht alle Parameter berücksichtigt werden können und ein direkter Vergleich möglicherweise nicht in allen Bereichen zielführend ist, können dadurch Erkenntnisse, beispielsweise bezüglich des Fortschritts der jeweiligen Stadt, gewonnen werden.Bei den zu untersuchenden Kommunen handelt es sich um Kopenhagen und München. Beide Städte weisen unterschiedliche Ausgangslagen, Besonderheiten und geografische Gegebenheiten auf, was darauf schließen lässt, dass divergente Befunde auftreten. Dies macht einen Vergleich interessanter und aufschlussreicher als beispielsweise einen Vergleich auf nationaler Ebene. Es handelt sich um internationale Städte innerhalb der Europäischen Union. Weiterhin sind beide Städte Großstädte, die ihre jeweilige Region prägen. Trotz der verschiedenen Gegebenheiten werden dabei exemplarisch ähnliche Bereiche beleuchtet. Dies soll die Vergleichbarkeit gewährleisten. Neben der Mobilität werden die Bereiche der Energieversorgung und Extremwetter- beziehungsweise Klimaanpassung beleuchtet.Bevor die Kommunen untersucht werden, werden im Vorgriff die für diese Ausarbeitung notwendigen Grundlagen thematisiert. Hier werden zentrale Elemente untersucht, zum Beispiel, wie Nachhaltigkeit definiert wird, welche Rolle eine nachhaltige Stadt spielt, was eine nachhaltige Stadt ausmacht und wie der urbane Raum überhaupt zentral für internationale Klimaschutz- und Nachhaltigkeitsbestrebungen werden konnte. Da es sich hierbei um zentrale Aspekte handelt, die es auf dem Weg zu einer nachhaltigen Stadtentwicklung zu verstehen gilt, fällt dieser Teil verhältnismäßig umfangreich aus.GrundlagenIn diesem Kapitel werden relevante Grundlagen betrachtet. Dazu gehört neben Grundbegriffen und Faktoren, die sich auf nachhaltige Mobilität und Stadtplanung beziehen, ein kurzer Überblick, der beschreibt, wie das Thema Nachhaltigkeit historisch betrachtet für die kommunale Ebene relevant wurde. Darüber hinaus muss der Begriff Nachhaltigkeit vorab definiert werden, womit nachfolgend begonnen wird.Begriff NachhaltigkeitDer Begriff Nachhaltigkeit existiert seit mehr als drei Jahrhunderten und wurde ursprünglich in der Forstwirtschaft verwendet. Nachhaltigkeit stammt aus einem Bereich, in dem ressourcenschonendendes Wirtschaften äußerst relevant ist. Bezeichnend für das damalige Verständnis von Nachhaltigkeit ist die Vorgabe, innerhalb eines Jahres nicht mehr Holz zu fällen, als in derselben Zeitspanne nachwachsen kann (vgl. Weinsziehr/Verhoog/Bruckner 2014, S. 3). Die Forstwirtschaft arbeitete demzufolge dann nachhaltig, wenn der Verbrauch der Ressourcen und somit die Abholzung die Menge des nachwachsenden Holzes nicht übersteigt. Die heutige Auffassung von Nachhaltigkeit ist mit diesem Ursprungsgedanken eng verknüpft. Dies zeigt sich auch anhand der folgenden Definition:"Nachhaltigkeit oder nachhaltige Entwicklung bedeutet, die Bedürfnisse der Gegenwart so zu befriedigen, dass die Möglichkeiten zukünftiger Generationen nicht eingeschränkt werden" (vgl. Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung 2023c, o.S.).In der heutigen Zeit bezieht sich der Begriff Nachhaltigkeit jedoch auf alle Wirtschaftsbereiche und beinhaltet einen weiteren Aspekt, die sogenannte "Triple Bottom Line" (TBL), welche drei Dimensionen einer nachhaltigen Entwicklung benennt (vgl. Weinsziehr/Verhoog/Bruckner 2014, S. 3f.): Die wirtschaftliche Effizienz, die soziale Gerechtigkeit und die ökologische Tragfähigkeit müssen gleichberechtigt betrachtet werden, und möglichst alle politischen Entscheidungen sollten Nachhaltigkeit als Grundlage beinhalten (vgl. Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung 2023c, o.S.).Der Begriff Nachhaltigkeit wird heute teilweise inflationär verwendet (vgl. Aden 2012, S. 15). Im weiteren Verlauf dieser Arbeit spielt vor allem das Verständnis einer nachhaltigen Entwicklung eine Rolle, was wie folgt definiert werden kann:"Politik und menschliches Verhalten sollen sich an der langfristigen Erhaltung der Lebensgrundlagen orientieren" (ebd., S. 15).Nachhaltige Stadt: Eine ArbeitsdefinitionEs gilt, eine adäquate Arbeitsdefinition von Nachhaltigkeit im Sinne einer nachhaltigen Stadtentwicklung zu formulieren. Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es, vor allem den Bereich Mobilität innerhalb von München und Kopenhagen zu beleuchten. Nachhaltigkeit im weiteren Verlauf bezieht sich somit vermehrt auf eine ressourcenschonende und emissionsarme Verkehrsplanung. Neben der Verkehrsplanung sind jedoch weitere Elemente interessant. Eine in der Gesamtheit nachhaltige Stadt lässt sich wie folgt definieren:" […] ein gut ausgebautes Netz des Öffentlichen Personennahverkehrs, eine regelmäßige Müllentsorgung sowie architektonische Innovationen, die es der städtischen Bevölkerung erlauben, einen nachhaltigen Lebensstil zu pflegen" (Bildung für nachhaltige Entwicklung 2023, o.S.).Ein nachhaltiger Lebensstil wiederum bedeutet, dass Menschen durch ihren eigenen Lebensstil und den Verbrauch ihrer Ressourcen nachfolgenden Generationen dieselben Möglichkeiten bieten (vgl. Aachener Stiftung Kathy Beys 2015, o.S.). Eine nachhaltige Stadt ist gleichzeitig eine für ihre Bewohner:innen ansprechende Stadt, die eine saubere Umwelt, ein intaktes Verkehrssystem, erschwingliche Energie und ein gutes gesellschaftliches Miteinander gewährleistet (vgl. Dütz 2017, S. 15).Eine nachhaltige Stadtentwicklung kann somit eine Vielzahl verschiedener Themenbereiche beinhalten (vgl. Firmhofer 2018, S. 10). Aufgeteilt in zwei Oberbereiche muss sich eine Stadt bezogen auf die städtische Infrastruktur und auf das städtische Leben verändern. Die städtische Infrastruktur beinhaltet zum Beispiel das Transportwesen sowie die Energie- und Wasserversorgung. Das städtische Leben enthält unter anderem wohnliche, arbeitstechnische, soziale und kulturelle Elemente (vgl. ebd., S. 10). Der Begriff Stadtentwicklung selbst bezeichnet"die Steuerung der Gesamtentwicklung von Städten und Gemeinden und erfordert eine integrierte und zukunftsgerichtete Herangehensweise, die durch Stadtplanung […] umgesetzt wird" (Koch/Krellenberg 2021, S. 19).Folgende Handlungsfelder sind besonders relevant für eine nachhaltige Stadtentwicklung: Die Dekarbonisierung, die Förderung möglichst umweltfreundlicher Mobilität, das Ziel einer baulich und räumlich kompakten sowie sozial durchmischten Stadt, die Klimawandelanpassung und die Bekämpfung von Armut (vgl. ebd., S. 22).Diese Eingrenzung dient als Fokus dieser Ausarbeitung. Das Augenmerk liegt neben der städtischen Verkehrsinfrastruktur auf weiteren ausgewählten Aspekten, beispielsweise auf der Energieversorgung und baulichen Maßnahmen. Diese Aspekte werden hinsichtlich der Frage betrachtet, ob und in welchem Maße die städtische Bevölkerung dadurch einen nachhaltigen Lebensstil erreichen kann. Somit ist ebenso das städtische Leben relevant.Entwicklung nachhaltiger KlimaschutzzieleUm zu verstehen, wie sich ein Nachhaltigkeitskonzept auf kommunaler Ebene entwickeln konnte, wird ein historischer Überblick gegeben, der die Entwicklung nachhaltiger Klimaschutzziele von der globalen bis hin zur kommunalen Ebene zusammenfasst. Dabei werden vor allem relevante Eckpunkte benannt.Im Jahr 1997 wurde das Kyoto-Protokoll beschlossen und trat acht Jahre später in Kraft. Durch diese Vereinbarung verpflichteten sich die meisten Industriestaaten inklusive der damaligen EU-Mitgliedsstaaten dazu, die Emissionen von bestimmten Treibhausgasen innerhalb von vier Jahren um mindestens fünf Prozent, verglichen mit dem Jahr 1990, zu senken (vgl. Eppler 2023, o.S.).Im Jahr 2000 verständigten sich die Vereinten Nationen (UN) auf die Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) (vgl. Koch/Krellenberg 2021, S. 6). Durch diese Erklärung verpflichteten sich die Staats- und Regierungschefs der jeweiligen Staaten neben der Bekämpfung von Armut, Hunger und Krankheiten auch gegen Umweltzerstörung vorzugehen. Um die Fortschritte messbar zu machen, wurden Zielvorgaben für das Jahr 2015 formuliert (vgl. Weltgesundheitsorganisation 2018, o.S.). Der Fokus lag auf der supranationalen, also auf der überstaatlichen Ebene. Eine nachhaltige Stadtentwicklung stand nicht im Fokus, war durch einige Zielformulierungen dennoch indirekt betroffen (vgl. Koch/Krellenberg 2021, S. 6).Im Jahr 2009 fand die Weltklimakonferenz in Kopenhagen statt. Das Ziel, die Erderwärmung auf weniger als zwei Grad Celsius im Vergleich zum vorindustriellen Niveau zu begrenzen, wurde als Absichtsziel erklärt, jedoch fehlten verpflichtende Regelungen (vgl. Schellnhuber u. a. 2010, S. 5). Der festgelegte Wert von zwei Grad Celsius kommt durch die Wissenschaft zustande. Diese geht davon aus, dass dieser Wert nicht überschritten werden darf, um drastische Konsequenzen zu vermeiden (vgl. Buhofer 2018, S. 83).Mit dem Pariser Klimaabkommen wurde das Zwei-Grad-Celsius-Ziel festgelegt (vgl. Edenhofer/Jakob 2017, S. 39). Dieses Mal handelt es sich um ein völkerrechtlich bindendes Abkommen, welches das Kyoto-Protokoll ablöste und zur Erreichung der Eckpunkte verstärkt die kommunale Ebene miteinbezieht (vgl. Landeszentrale für politische Bildung Baden-Württemberg 2023, o.S.). Weitere Ziele des Pariser Klimaabkommens, das Ende 2016 in Kraft trat, sind die Senkung von Emissionen und die Klimawandelanpassung (vgl. Watjer 2023, o.S.). Nationale Klimaschutzkonzepte sind in der Regel als Folge des Pariser Klimaabkommens entstanden (vgl. ebd. 2023, o.S.). Die Vereinten Nationen brachten im Jahr 2015 die Agenda 2030 auf den Weg, die klare Ziele für eine nachhaltige Entwicklung benennt (vgl. Koch/Krellenberg 2021, S. 7).Agenda 2030 und die Sustainable Development Goals"Transforming our world" (Koch/Krellenberg 2021, S. 6) - diese Formulierung verdeutlicht die ambitionierten Ziele, die mit der Agenda 2030 durch die Ziele für nachhaltige Entwicklung, die Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) festgelegt wurden. Die Agenda 2030 ist für alle Mitgliedsstaaten der Vereinten Nationen gültig. Kern der Agenda ist das Ziel einer nachhaltigen globalen Entwicklung auf allen dazugehörigen Ebenen, was durch die 17 Ziele erreicht werden soll (vgl. Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung 2023a, o.S.). Diese Ziele ergänzen sich gegenseitig, haben den gleichen Stellenwert und beinhalten jeweils zwischen acht und zwölf Unterziele (vgl. Koch/Krellenberg 2021, S. 9). Auch wenn die Agenda 2030 von allen UN-Mitgliedsstaaten beschlossen wurde, ist diese rechtlich nicht bindend, was ebenfalls für die SDGs gilt (vgl. ebd. 2021, S. 12).Im Vergleich zu den MDG-Zielen sind die SDG-Zielsetzungen umfangreich formuliert und mit SDG-Ziel elf wird erstmals die regionale und lokale Ebene in den Blickpunkt genommen. Dieses Ziel betrachtet ausdrücklich die Entwicklung von Städten und Gemeinden mit dem Anspruch, diese neben einer nachhaltigen Gestaltung sicherer, inklusiver und widerstandsfähig zu gestalten (vgl. Koch/Krellenberg 2021, S. 7f.).Nachfolgend werden die wichtigsten Unterziele dargestellt. Neben der Sicherung von bezahlbarem Wohnraum soll das Verkehrssystem nachhaltig, sicher, zugänglich und bezahlbar ausgebaut werden (vgl. Vereinte Nationen 2023b, S. 24). Siedlungspläne sollen auf eine nachhaltige Entwicklung ausgerichtet werden (vgl. ebd., S. 24). Ziel hierbei ist es, die Verstädterung bis 2030 nachhaltiger und inklusiver zu organisieren. Ebenfalls bis 2030 soll die Zahl der durch Klimakatastrophen bedingten Todesfälle und Betroffenen deutlich gesenkt werden (vgl. Koch/Krellenberg 2021, S. 10). Von Städten ausgehende schädliche Umweltauswirkungen sollen verringert, die Luftqualität verbessert und Grünflächen als öffentliche Räume geschaffen und inklusiv, also für alle Menschen, zugänglich gemacht werden (vgl. Vereinte Nationen 2023b, S. 24).Weitere SDGs lassen sich nur durch städtische Maßnahmen verwirklichen und sind daher eng mit der urbanen Entwicklung verbunden. Ein Beispiel ist SDG 7, das auf nachhaltige beziehungsweise erneuerbare Energien fokussiert ist und nicht entkoppelt von der zukünftigen Energieversorgung in den Städten betrachtet werden kann (vgl. Koch/Krellenberg 2021, S. 11).Durch die Festlegung dieser Ziele ist Nachhaltigkeit ein zentraler Aspekt der Städteplanung und -entwicklung. Städte stehen somit spätestens seit der Agenda 2030 auch formell vor großen Herausforderungen und Transformationsprozessen. Die Zuspitzung von Umweltkatastrophen und Extremwetterereignissen zeigt, dass Städte darüber hinaus dazu gezwungen sind, Klimaanpassungsmaßnahmen und eine nachhaltige Stadtentwicklung zügig umzusetzen.Klimaschutz in der Europäischen Union, in Deutschland und in DänemarkWas haben diese internationalen Abkommen bewirkt? Da München und Kopenhagen im Fokus dieser Ausarbeitung stehen, müssen diese Städte betreffende Beschlüsse bezüglich der gesetzten Ziele einer nachhaltigen Stadtentwicklung auf weiteren Ebenen betrachtet werden. Trotz der Ähnlichkeit der festgelegten Klimaschutzprogramme in der EU, in Dänemark und in Deutschland, werden diese separat zusammengefasst. Im Jahr 2007 betrug der Anteil der EU an globalen CO2-Emissionen ein Sechstel und der Anteil der Treibhausgasemissionen der Industrieländer ein Fünftel (vgl. Dröge 2007, S. 2). Dies untermauert den Handlungsbedarf.Das Klimaschutzprogramm der aktuellen Fassung des deutschen Klimaschutzgesetzes hat an den ehrgeizigen Zielen nichts geändert. Nach wie vor soll Deutschland bis 2045 treibhausgasneutral sein und den Ausstoß von Treibhausgasen bereits bis 2030 um 65 Prozent gesenkt haben (vgl. Presse- und Informationsamt der Bundesregierung 2023, o.S.).Dänemark hat eine Klimastrategie vorgelegt und sich das Ziel gesetzt, eine Vorreiterrolle einzunehmen. Bis 2030 will Dänemark seine Treibhausgasemissionen um 70 Prozent senken. Klimaneutralität soll bis 2050 erreicht sein (vgl. Außenministerium Dänemark 2020, S. 27). Ebenso will Dänemark dazu beitragen, die globalen Anstrengungen voranzutreiben. Hierfür soll mit anderen Ländern und mit nichtstaatlichen Akteur:innen zusammengearbeitet werden (vgl. Außenministerium Dänemark 2020, S. 6).Auf EU-Ebene sind die Zielsetzungen ähnlich, was sich durch den "Green Deal" der EU zeigt. Demzufolge sollen die Netto-Treibhausgasemissionen bis 2030 um 55 Prozent reduziert werden, bis 2050 soll Treibhausgasneutralität herrschen (vgl. Europäische Kommission 2023, o.S.). Ziel ist es, durch diesen europäischen "Grünen Deal" der erste klimaneutrale Kontinent zu werden und dementsprechend die Verpflichtungen umzusetzen, die sich aus dem Pariser Klimaabkommen ergeben (vgl. Europarat 2023, o.S.). Folglich sind die Ziele von Deutschland und Dänemark bezüglich der Erreichung und der Höhe der Einsparungen teilweise höher angesetzt, als auf EU-Ebene beschlossen.Nachhaltige StadtentwicklungEs stellt sich die Frage, aus welchen Gründen gerade der urbane Raum eine zentrale Größe für Nachhaltigkeitsziele einnimmt. Aktuelle Berichte, Daten und Prognosen können dabei helfen, diese Frage zu beantworten.Relevanz einer nachhaltigen StadtentwicklungDer jüngste SDG-Fortschrittsbericht wurde im Mai 2023 veröffentlicht. Die Vereinten Nationen kommen darin zu dem Ergebnis, dass über die Hälfte der Weltbevölkerung momentan in städtischen Gebieten lebt. Dieser Anteil könnte bis 2050 auf etwa 70 Prozent steigen (vgl. Vereinte Nationen 2023a, S. 34). Verglichen mit dem Jahr 2020 wird die urbane Bevölkerung in Mitteleuropa und somit auch in Deutschland und Dänemark im Jahr 2050 um acht Prozent steigen (vgl. Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung 2023b, S. 4).Im Vergleich zu anderen Kontinenten stellt dies einen geringen Anstieg dar. So wird die städtische Bevölkerung in Nordafrika im gleichen Referenzzeitraum voraussichtlich um 79 Prozent steigen (vgl. ebd. 2023b, S. 4). Zwei Aspekte dürfen jedoch nicht unbeachtet bleiben: Zum einem ist es eine globale Herausforderung, diesem Anstieg gerecht zu werden. Die Auswirkungen werden für viele mittelbar und unmittelbar spürbar sein. Weiterhin stehen bei einem Bevölkerungsanstieg von acht Prozent auch dicht besiedelte mitteleuropäische Städte vor einer Vielzahl an Aufgaben, was sich auch für Städte wie München und Kopenhagen bemerkbar machen wird. Beispielsweise lebten bereits im Jahr 2017 drei von vier Menschen in Deutschland innerhalb von Städten (vgl. Dütz 2017, S. 14). Dementsprechend sind auch europäische Städte zentral, was die Implementierung der Klimaschutzziele angeht (vgl. ebd., S. 13).Städte verbrauchen mit knapp 80 Prozent bereits heute einen Großteil der weltweiten Energie und Ressourcen, beispielsweise durch die großen Abfallmengen, das Heizen und den Schadstoßausstoß der vielen Fahrzeuge (vgl. Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung 2023d, o.S.). Gleichzeitig sind Städte für bis zu 76 Prozent der CO2-Emissionen weltweit verantwortlich (vgl. Climate Service Center Germany 2015, S. 1). Städte gehören somit zu den Hauptverursachern des Klimawandels, was durch folgende Worte deutlich wird:"Der Klimanotstand ist auch ein Notstand der Stadt" (Chatterton 2019, S. 275).Durch den prognostizierten Bevölkerungsanstieg wird die Relevanz von Städten bezogen auf die Realisierung von Klimaschutzzielen weiter steigen. Nicht zuletzt, da Städte bereits heute für den Großteil der CO2-Emissionen und des Energieverbrauchs verantwortlich sind. Städte nehmen eine zentrale Rolle in der Verwirklichung einer nachhaltigen Zukunft ein. Gleichzeitig sind gerade Städte durch den Klimawandel in erhöhtem Maße gefährdet (vgl. Climate Service Center Germany 2015, S. 1f.). Auch aus Gründen des Selbstschutzes sind Städte daher gezwungen, Strategien und Maßnahmen zur Klimaanpassung zu entwickeln. Nur so kann der urbane Raum dem Klimanotstand gerecht werden. Entwicklung einer nachhaltigen und klimaneutralen Stadt"Wie lässt sich die Entwicklung der Städte so steuern, dass diese den notwendigen Beitrag zu einer globalen nachhaltigen Entwicklung leisten können?" (Koch & Krellenberg 2021, S. 2).Diese zentrale Frage stellt sich in diesem Kapitel. Konkret wird der Frage nachgegangen, wie eine Stadtentwicklung aussehen muss, um notwendige Nachhaltigkeitsziele hinreichend zu erfüllen und den Erfordernissen einer nachhaltigen Stadt gerecht zu werden.Der aktuelle SDG-Fortschrittsbericht bilanziert die Hälfte der Zeit seit Inkrafttreten der SDG-Ziele. Die Halbzeitbilanz der Agenda 2030 liest sich bezogen auf die Fortschritte einer städtischen Nachhaltigkeitsentwicklung insgesamt ernüchternd: Lediglich die Hälfte der städtischen Bevölkerung hatte im Jahr 2022 annehmbaren Zugang zu öffentlichen Verkehrsmitteln, auch die Luftverschmutzung und der Mangel an Freiflächen sind anhaltende Probleme in Städten (vgl. Vereinte Nationen 2023a, S. 34).Gleichzeitig hält der Bericht fest, dass in Ländern mit hohem Einkommen viel für die Bekämpfung der Luftverschmutzung getan wurde, was dennoch nicht ausreichend ist. Darüber hinaus wird angemerkt, dass es sich bei der Luftverschmutzung um kein rein städtisches Problem handelt (vgl. ebd., S. 35). Allerdings muss sich gerade der Autoverkehr in der Stadt ändern. Paul Chatterton spielt dabei auf ein neues Mobilitätsparadigma an und fordert eine autofreie Stadt, da nur dies dem Klima wirklich gerecht werden und soziale Ungleichheit reduzieren kann (vgl. Chatterton 2019, S. 278).Ebenso muss der Aspekt berücksichtigt werden, dass Menschen in Großstädten häufig verschiedene Verkehrsmittel nutzen, um an ihr Ziel zu kommen (vgl. Kallenbach 2021, S. 33). Selbst wenn klimafreundliche Mobilität zur Verfügung steht, wird diese somit nicht ausschließlich genutzt. Hieran anknüpfend stellt sich die Frage, wie sich dies ändern lässt. Hierfür besteht bereits eine Vielzahl an Lösungsvorschlägen, unter anderem die Abkehr von der Vorstellung einer autogerechten Stadt, die effizientere Nutzung der vorhandenen Infrastruktur, die Verbesserung des Öffentlichen Personennahverkehrs (ÖPNV) zur Schaffung einer wirklichen Alternative oder eine kilometerabhängige Gebühr für die Nutzung von Straßen (vgl. Edenhofer/Jakob 2017, S. 101f. ).Ein Großteil des Energiebedarfs in Städten kommt durch die Verbrennung fossiler Brennstoffe, den Transport und die Heizung beziehungsweise Kühlung von Gebäuden zustande (vgl. Climate Service Center Germany 2015, S. 2). Sollen die Einsparziele gelingen, so ist eine Verkehrswende unumgänglich (vgl. Jakob 2023, S. 1). Gleichzeitig stehen durch den Klimawandel auch städtische Verkehrssysteme vor enormen Herausforderungen. Gerade in urbanen Gebieten hängen viele Infrastrukturnetze, die zum Funktionieren des städtischen Systems beitragen, mit dem Verkehrssystem zusammen (vgl. Climate Service Center Germany 2015, S. 6).Dabei bestehen mehrere Möglichkeiten, städtische Verkehrsnetze zu verbessern und gleichzeitig zukunftsfähig und nachhaltig zu gestalten: Die Fokussierung auf Fußgänger und nicht-motorisierten Verkehr sowie auf den ÖPNV kann einige Vorteile, wie zum Beispiel eine Reduzierung von Emissionen und wirtschaftlichen Wohlstand, bieten (vgl. ebd. 2015, S. 6). Die Verbesserung des öffentlichen Nahverkehrs und anderer emissionsarmer Infrastrukturen kann darüber hinaus zu Energieeinsparungen, Zeitersparnis und einer besseren Luftqualität beitragen (vgl. ebd., S. 6). Die Zukunftsgestaltung der städtischen Verkehrsinfrastruktur spielt daher in mehrfacher Hinsicht eine zentrale Rolle. Neben dem Verkehrsbereich sind weitere Sektoren, unter anderem das Abfallsystem und der Umgang mit Gebäuden entscheidend (vgl. ebd. 2015, S. 2).Der Energiesektor ist enorm wichtig, da hier das größte Potential für eine Reduzierung von Emissionen liegt. Parallel mit einer steigenden Energienachfrage, beispielsweise in Strom oder Brennstoffen, werden Treibhausgasemissionen ansteigen. Gerade Städte sind dazu gezwungen, den Energiebedarf zu senken, die Energieerzeugung sowie den -verbrauch effizienter zu gestalten, auf erneuerbare Energiequellen umzusteigen und gleichzeitig eine sichere Versorgung zu gewährleisten (vgl. Climate Service Center Germany 2015, S. 6).Im weiteren Verlauf werden nun die Städte Kopenhagen und München in Bezug auf ihre Anstrengungen untersucht. Fokus dabei bleibt der Bereich Verkehr und Mobilität. Ebenso wird exemplarisch der Bereich der Extremwetteranpassung sowie, für den Bereich der Energieversorgung, die kommunale Wärmeplanung untersucht.KopenhagenKopenhagen ist Sitz des dänischen Königshauses (vgl. Heidenreich 2019, o.S.). Die Stadt liegt auf der Insel Seeland (vgl. Britannica 2023, o.S.) und ist an der Meerenge Öresund gelegen, welche die Ost- und die Nordsee miteinander verbindet (vgl. Heidenreich 2019, o.S.). Gegründet wurde die Stadt im frühen zehnten Jahrhundert, seit 1445 ist Kopenhagen Dänemarks Hauptstadt (vgl. Britannica 2023, o.S.). Die Einwohnerzahl Kopenhagens ist in den letzten zehn Jahren um knapp 100.000 Einwohner:innen gewachsen Mit aktuell etwa 653.000 Einwohner:innen ist Kopenhagen die größte Stadt Dänemarks (vgl. Dyvik 2023, o.S.). Sie hat eine Fläche von ungefähr 88 Quadratkilometern, ist damit vergleichsweise klein und liegt 24 Meter über dem Meeresspiegel (vgl. Kallenbach 2021, S. 34).Grundlegende Informationen und BesonderheitenDie Stadt Kopenhagen hat eine bewegte Geschichte. Beispielsweise wurde die Stadt im Laufe der Jahrhunderte mehrmals von Großfeuern zerstört, war sehr umkämpft und im Zweiten Weltkrieg von deutschen Soldaten besetzt (vgl. Findeisen/Husum 2008, S. 146ff.). Damals blieb die Stadt jedoch überwiegend unbeschädigt, was sich auch heute im Stadtbild bemerkbar macht. Ein Beispiel hierfür ist Schloss Rosenborg (vgl. Heidenreich 2019, o.S.). Im Jahr 1996 wurde die Stadt zur Kulturhauptstadt ernannt (vgl. Findeisen/Husum 2008, S. 149).Das Klima in Kopenhagen ist mild und gemäßigt. Die durchschnittliche Jahrestemperatur beträgt 8,9 Grad Celsius (vgl. climate-data.org 2023, o.S.). In Kopenhagen fällt insgesamt viel Regen. Selbst in den trockenen Monaten ist die Niederschlagsmenge erheblich (vgl. ebd. 2023, o.S.). Aufgrund der Lage am Meer können Sturmfluten zu Überschwemmungen mit gravierenden Auswirkungen führen. Dieser Gefahr und der sich daraus ergebenden Notwendigkeit zu handeln, ist sich auch die Stadtverwaltung Kopenhagens bewusst (vgl. Stadtverwaltung Kopenhagen 2023, o.S.).Verkehr und MobilitätBetrachtet man die Verkehrsplanung Kopenhagens, so muss zwingend auf die Fahrradinfrastruktur eingegangen werden. Der Autoverkehr sowie der ÖPNV dürfen dennoch nicht außer Acht gelassen werden. Ziel dieser Betrachtung ist es, Aufschlüsse über die Beweggründe und konkreten Vorgehensweisen der Verkehrsplanung und -infrastruktur in Kopenhagen zu erhalten. Dabei soll eine Bestandsaufnahme der aktuellen Situation erfolgen.Regelmäßig liegt Kopenhagen auf dem ersten Platz der weltweit besten Fahrradstädte und dennoch wurden im Jahr 2021 knapp ein Drittel aller Fahrten mit dem Auto bewältigt (vgl. Kallenbach 2021, S. 5). In den 1950er und 1960er Jahren war die Verkehrsplanung auf das Auto ausgerichtet, was zu einer deutlichen Verringerung der Radfahrenden in den darauffolgenden Jahrzehnten führte. Während 1949 an der Nørrebrogade, einer zentralen Hauptstraße in Kopenhagen, an einem Tag durchschnittlich mehr als 62.000 Radfahrende gezählt wurden, waren es im Jahr 1978 nur etwa 8.000 (vgl. ebd. 2021, S. 5f.).In den 1970er Jahren kam es zu umfangreichen Fahrradprotesten und Forderungen nach mehr Fahrradwegen. Trotz der damals bereits vorhandenen Relevanz war der Umweltaspekt jedoch nicht ausschlaggebend. Vielmehr stand die Verkehrssicherheit für die Radfahrenden im Fokus der Fahrradproteste (vgl. ebd., S. 30f.). Im Jahr 2019 gab die deutliche Mehrheit aller Fahradfahrenden in Kopenhagen an, aufgrund der Zeitersparnis gegenüber anderen Verkehrsmitteln (46 Prozent) und aus praktischen Aspekten (55 Prozent) mit dem Fahrrad zu fahren. Ein deutlich geringerer Anteil von 16 Prozent gab Umweltschutzaspekte als Beweggrund an (vgl. ebd., S. 31). Ein weiterer Faktor war die Ölkrise in den 1970er Jahren, welche die Notwendigkeit alternativer Verkehrsmittel untermauerte und in der Folge die Anzahl der Fahrradfahrenden in Kopenhagen stark anstiegen ließ (vgl. Kallenbach 2021, S. 35).Trotz dieser Faktoren sind gerade die nicht-diskursiven, also die bereits vorhandenen Faktoren wesentlich für den Weg Kopenhagens zur Fahrradmetropole und für die Umsetzung entsprechender Maßnahmen. Zum einem sind es geographisch vorteilhafte Gegebenheiten, die Kopenhagen vorteilhaft für den Fahrradverkehr machen, was durch die geringe Größe und die flache Lage der Stadt sichtbar wird (vgl. Kallenbach 2021, S. 34). Dadurch bedingt ist auch die Geschichte Kopenhagens, in welcher der Radverkehr einen relevanten Teil einnimmt (vgl. ebd. 2021, S. 36). Der Sicherheitsaspekt beim Fahrradfahren ist sehr relevant. In Kopenhagen setzte man dementsprechend bereits früh auf vom Autoverkehr separierte Fahrradwege, was parallel zu einem Anstieg der Fahrradfahrenden führte (vgl. Søholt 2014, S. 1f.).Ein weiterer Faktor ist die ununterbrochene politische Richtung hinsichtlich der Mobilität in Kopenhagen, die durch Sozialdemokrat:innen und linke Parteien seit den 1970er Jahren besteht. Diese Kontinuität wirkte sich ebenso auf Investitionen für den Fahrradverkehr und die Fahrradinfrastruktur aus (vgl. Kallenbach 2021, S. 36f.). Zusammengesetzt aus solchen Faktoren konnte sich in Kopenhagen eine Kultur des Fahrradfahrens herausbilden. Neben den Umweltschutzaspekten ist Kopenhagen dadurch attraktiver für Menschen, aber auch für Unternehmen geworden (vgl. Søholt 2014, S. 1).Auch negative Effekte können auftreten. Beispielsweise kommt es vermehrt zu Staus auf den stark befahrenen Fahrradwegen. Die Stadt reagiert darauf mit dem Ausbau der Fahrradspuren und dementsprechend der Verkleinerung von Fahrbahnen für Autos (vgl. Søholt 2014, S. 2). Auch das Sperren von Straßen für den Autoverkehr wird in Erwägung gezogen. Ziel dabei ist es, mehr Platz für die Radfahrenden und den ÖPNV zu schaffen (vgl. ebd., S. 2). Kopenhagen versucht weiterhin umweltfreundliche Kraftstoffe und den Anteil von Elektroautos, auch unter den Taxen der Stadt, voranzutreiben (vgl. Stadt Kopenhagen 2020, S. 41).Der Klimaschutzplan der Stadt benennt den Bereich der Mobilität als eine von vier zentralen Säulen (vgl. Stadt Kopenhagen 2020, S. 13). Im Bericht aus dem Jahr 2020 wird festgestellt, dass CO2-Emissionen nach wie vor deutlich reduziert werden müssen. So sind trotz der Bemühungen und einiger Erfolge die Kohlenstoffemissionen im PKW-Bereich zwischen 2012 und 2018 um zehn Prozent gestiegen (vgl. ebd. 2020, S. 39f.). Parallel mit dem Bevölkerungsanstieg ist die Zahl der Autobesitzer:innen gestiegen. Dennoch sind die Pro-Kopf Emissionen im Straßenverkehr von 2010 bis 2018 um 16 Prozent gesunken (vgl. ebd. 2020, S. 41).Kopenhagen eröffnete im Herbst 2019 den "Cityring" und baut diesen nach und nach aus. Der damit verbundene Ausbau der U-Bahn soll die verschiedenen Stadteile an den öffentlichen Nahverkehr anbinden und effiziente öffentliche Verkehrsmittel gewährleisten (vgl. Stadt Kopenhagen 2019, S. 26). Langfristig soll der Ausbau immer weiter vorangetrieben werden, um auch während der Rushhour eine attraktive Alternative zum Autoverkehr darzustellen (vgl. ebd., S. 26).Die Stadt Kopenhagen zeigt, wie Mobilität in einer nachhaltigen Stadt der Zukunft aussehen kann. Im gleichen Zug müssen dabei jedoch die vorteilhaften Gegebenheiten berücksichtigt werden, beispielsweise die flache Lage und die geringe Größe der Stadt. Aus diesem Grund muss in größeren und hügligeren Städten beispielsweise der ÖPNV als Alternative gedacht werden und mit ähnlicher Entschlossenheit verbessert werden.Dennoch gibt es Faktoren aus Kopenhagen, die eine grüne Mobilität begünstigen und theoretisch in jeder Stadt umsetzbar sind. Ein Beispiel ist die politische Kontinuität bezogen auf die Förderung des Fahrradverkehrs. Umwelt- und Klimaschutz muss nicht zwingend die ausschlaggebende Motivation für den Beginn einer Verkehrswende sein. Trotz aller positiven Aspekte und der Vorreiterrolle der Fahrradstadt Kopenhagen wurden auch im Jahr 2021 noch einige Fahrten mit dem Auto zurückgelegt.Die dauerhafte Förderung der Alternative Fahrrad konnte das enorme Wachstum des Autoverkehrs jedoch eindämmen. Es liegt auf der Hand, dass durch die Verkleinerung beziehungsweise Sperrung von Fahrbahnen und Straßen für den Autoverkehr auch strittige Debatten entstehen können. Die Stadt Kopenhagen verfolgt jedoch den klaren Plan, das Rad und den ÖPNV als Mobilitätsmittel der Wahl weiter voranzutreiben. Bereits zur Mitte des vergangenen Jahrzehnts nutzen 45 Prozent der Einwohner:innen Kopenhagens das Fahrrad für den Schul- beziehungsweise Arbeitsweg (vgl. Diehn 2015, o.S.). Dennoch halten aktuelle Ergebnisse fest, dass die Anstrengungen bei weitem nicht genügen.Weitere Maßnahmen und HerausforderungenZiel dieses Kapitels ist es, weitere Maßnahmen in Kopenhagen zu untersuchen. Aufgrund des Umfangs handelt es sich dabei jedoch um Beispiele, die kompakt dargestellt werden. Dabei werden Beispiele aus dem Bereich der Extremwetteranpassung und der kommunalen Wärmeplanung untersucht. Mit der Stadt München wird ähnlich vorgegangen, die Kategorien werden gleich gewählt. Ziel dabei ist festzustellen, welche Anstrengungen in der jeweiligen Kommune unternommen werden, um Nachhaltigkeitsziele voranzubringen.Durch die örtlichen Gegebenheiten muss Kopenhagen Extremwetterereignisse bewältigen, die sich durch den Klimawandel verstärken. So gab es in der dänischen Hauptstadt allein zwischen 2010 und 2015 sechs Starkregenereignisse, die Straßen und Gebäudekeller überfluteten und für einen enormen finanziellen Schaden sorgten (vgl. Kruse 2016, S. 669). Dementsprechend ist vor allem die Anpassung der Stadt an solche Starkregenereignisse ein wichtiger Bestandteil, der im Klimaanpassungsplan festgehalten ist.Um das Überflutungsrisiko zu verringern und dieser Herausforderung gerecht zu werden, arbeitet die Stadt an der Verwirklichung fünf zentraler Aspekte. Dazu zählen Maßnahmen, die einen Beitrag zur Verringerung des Überflutungsrisikos leisten können, zum Beispiel eine qualitative und quantitative Erhöhung des städtischen Grünflächenbereichs (vgl. ebd. 2016, S. 669f.).Ein konkretes Beispiel ist der Kopenhagener Ortsteil Skt. Kjelds Kvarter, der nach und nach in einen klimagerechten Stadtraum der Zukunft umgewandelt werden soll. Zum einem soll sich die Natur in diesem Quartier weiter ausbreiten, gleichzeitig wird die Regulierung von Regenwasser verbessert (vgl. Technik- und Umweltverwaltung Kopenhagen 2023, o.S.). Konkret dienen die Grünflächen als Versickerungsbecken, wodurch das Wasser unabhängig von der Kanalisation zum Hafenbecken geleitet wird. Hierfür wurde auch die Straßenführung angepasst (vgl. Kruse 2016, S. 270). Neben der Risikoreduzierung durch Extremwetterereignisse wird die Stadt durch solche Projekte nachhaltiger. Zugunsten von Grünflächen wird die Verkehrsinfrastruktur verändert und der Natur wird mehr Raum innerhalb der Stadt gegeben.Die Gefährdung der Stadt durch Extremwetterereignisse soll durch weitere Maßnahamen reduziert werden. Dazu zählen beispielsweise die Bereitstellung von Pumpen und die Ausrüstung von Kellern, um gegen Überschwemmungen vorbereitet zu sein. Gleichzeitig macht der Klimaanpassungsplan deutlich, dass die Entwicklung eines grünen Wachstums gewünscht ist und parallel zur Klimaanpassung vollzogen wird (vgl. Stadtverwaltung Kopenhagen 2011, S. 5). So sollen Grün- und Freiflächen verbessert und ergänzt werden. Dort wo gebaut wird, ist dies entsprechend zu berücksichtigen (vgl. ebd. 2011, S. 12).Neben dem Schutz vor Extremwetterereignissen sollen diese grünen Maßnahmen dazu führen, den Energieverbrauch der Stadt zu senken, die Luftqualität zu verbessern und die Lärmbelästigung zu bekämpfen. Durch die Schaffung von Freiflächen kann beispielsweise die Temperatur gemäßigt und für Luftzirkulation gesorgt werden (vgl. ebd. 2011, S. 12).Kopenhagen benennt in seinem aktuellen Klimaschutzplan neben der Mobilität drei weitere Bereiche: Den Energieverbrauch, die Energieproduktion und Initiativen der Stadtverwaltung (vgl. Stadt Kopenhagen 2020, S. 13). Laut eigenen Worten will sich Kopenhagen, neben der Konzentration auf den öffentlichen Verkehr, auf den Energieausstoß, die kohlenstoffneutrale Fernwärme und Maßnahmen zur Verringerung von Kohlenstoffemissionen fokussieren (vgl. Stadt Kopenhagen 2019, S. 25).2014 wurde Kopenhagen von einem unabhängigen und internationalen Expertenteam zur Umwelthauptstadt ernannt. Es gibt eine Reihe von Kriterien, die hierfür erfüllt sein müssen. Neben dem Nahverkehr wird die Luftqualität, der Anteil sowie die Qualität des grünen Stadtgebietes und der Umgang mit dem Klimawandel berücksichtigt (vgl. Diehn 2015, o.S.).Dementsprechend wurden früh weitere Anstrengungen unternommen. Gerade das weit ausgebaute Fernwärmenetz Kopenhagens muss hierbei erwähnt werden. Dieses versorgt den Großteil der Gebäude und trägt damit maßgeblich zur Einsparung von C02-Emissionen in Kopenhagen bei (vgl. Burckhardt/Tappe/Rehrmann 2022, o.S.). Gleichzeitig bieten sich auch Vorteile für die dortigen Bewohner:innen: Die Preise werden staatlich kontrolliert und die Infrastruktur der Fernwärme ermöglicht einen einfachen und für Verbraucher:innen kostengünstigen Umstieg auf erneuerbare Energien, was ermöglicht, dass Kopenhagens Fernwärme bereits zu 80 Prozent aus erneuerbaren Energien erzeugt wird (vgl. ebd. 2022, o.S.).Das Fernwärmenetz der Stadt hat unter anderem mehrere Müllverbrennungsanlagen und Blockheizkraftwerke, die von verschiedenen Versorgungsunternehmen betrieben werden (vgl. Harrestrup/Svendsen 2014, S. 296). Dies gewährleistet die Nutzung von Abwärme als Heizquelle. Eine dieser Müllverbrennungsanliegen liegt nah am Zentrum Kopenhagens und trägt den Namen Amager Bakke. Das Dach der Müllverbrennungsanlage dient der Bevölkerung gleichzeitig als Skigebiet und steht somit sinnbildlich für die Innovation und entsprechende Nachhaltigkeitsbestrebungen innerhalb der Stadt (vgl. Kafsack 2023, o.S.).Um im Bereich Energie die gesetzten Ziele zu erreichen, setzt Kopenhagen auf eine Vielzahl weiterer Maßnahmen. Dazu zählt neben der Fernwärme der Einsatz erneuerbarer Energietechnologien und die entsprechende Förderung von Heizungspumpen, Erdwärme, Sonnenkollektoren und Windkraftanlagen. Auch Biomasse als Übergangstechnologie wird von der Stadt befürwortet (vgl. Stadt Kopenhagen 2019, S. 54).Kopenhagen wird häufig als grüne Stadt bezeichnet. Viele Maßnahmen der Stadt wurden bereits vor langer Zeit getroffen. Die Pläne der Stadt Kopenhagen sind weit vorangeschritten, äußerst detailliert und durchdacht. Um sich zukünftig besser vor Extremwetterereignissen schützen zu können, arbeitet die Stadt an verschiedenen Lösungen und setzt beispielsweise auf den Ausbau und die Entlastung der Kanalisation. Dass hierbei ebenfalls freie Grünflächen entstehen, ist nicht nur ein nützlicher Nebeneffekt, sondern gewolltes Ziel.Im Bereich der Energieversorgung muss vor allem die Fernwärme genannt werden. Diese wurde in Kopenhagen bereits sehr früh ausgebaut und versorgt dementsprechend fast alle Gebäude. Somit ist dies der wohl wichtigste Bereich der Energieversorgung und gleichzeitig das Hauptaugenmerk des Kopenhagener Klimaplans. Dennoch gibt es auch hier Verbesserungs- und Optimierungspotential. Auch Kritikpunkte sind berechtigt. Beispielsweise ist der Einsatz von Biomasse fraglich. Einen weiteren Rückschlag musste Kopenhagen kürzlich einstecken: Die Stadt gab bekannt, dass sie das Ziel der Klimaneutralität bis 2025 deutlich verfehlen wird (vgl. Wolff 2022, o.S.).MünchenMünchen wurde im Jahr 1158 erstmals urkundlich erwähnt und liegt am Fluss Isar, der im Stadtgebiet eine Länge von 13,7 Kilometern einnimmt (vgl. Stadt München 2023, o.S.). Die Stadt ist bereits seit Beginn des 16. Jahrhunderts die bayrische Landeshauptstadt (vgl. Stahleder 2023, o.S.). Heute hat München mehr als 1,5 Millionen Einwohner und kann damit einen deutlichen Bevölkerungsanstieg verbuchen (vgl. Statistisches Amt München 2023, o.S.). Verglichen mit dem Jahr 2004 stieg die Anzahl der Einwohner:innen um 300.000 Menschen (vgl. Münchner Stadtmuseum 2004, S. 155). München liegt etwa 519 Meter über dem Meeresspiegel und hat eine Fläche von mehr als 310 Quadratkilometern, wodurch die Stadt flächenmäßig zu den größten Städten Deutschlands gehört (vgl. Stadt München 2023, o.S.).Grundlegende Informationen und BesonderheitenAnlass der Gründung Münchens war ein Konflikt zwischen Herzog Heinrich dem Löwen und Bischof Otto I. von Freising (vgl. Scholz 2004, S. 20). Das Bevölkerungswachstum stieg rasch an, was bereits zur Mitte des 13. Jahrhunderts eine deutliche Vergrößerung der Stadt nötig machte (vgl. Scholz 2004, S. 22). Die Isar wurde in München bereits vor mehreren Jahrhunderten als Transportmittel für Waren genutzt und prägte daher die Entwicklung der Stadt maßgeblich (vgl. Scholz 2004, S. 31f.).Im Jahr 1795 begann eine neue Entwicklung. Die bisher genutzten Festigungsanlagen wurden aufgegeben und die dynamische, unbegrenzte Weiterentwicklung der Stadt konnte gelingen (vgl. Lehmbruch 2004, S. 38). Im Laufe der Jahrhunderte kam es zu mehreren Eingemeindungen (vgl. Münchner Stadtmuseum 2004, S. 155). Während des Zweiten Weltkriegs wurden 90 Prozent der historischen Altstadt Münchens zerstört und die Stadt verlor bis zum Ende des Krieges mehr als die Hälfte seiner Einwohner:innen (vgl. Stahleder 2023, o.S.).Münchens Grünanlagen nehmen etwa 13,4 Prozent der gesamten Stadtfläche ein. Den größten zusammenhängenden Teil bildet dabei der Englische Garten mit einer Größe von 374,13 Hektar (vgl. Stadt München 2023, o.S.). Die Jahresmitteltemperatur in München liegt im Durchschnitt bei 8,7 Grad Celsius und der Niederschlag beträgt circa 834 Millimeter im Jahr (vgl. Deutscher Wetterdienst 2023, o.S.). In jüngster Zeit hat München mit einigen Extremwetterereignissen zu kämpfen gehabt, unter anderem mit Starkregen (vgl. Handel 2023, o.S.) und Rekord-Hitzewellen (vgl. Harter 2023, o.S.). Verkehr und MobilitätMünchen arbeitet seit vielen Jahren an seiner Verkehrsstrategie. Der ursprüngliche Verkehrsentwicklungsplan wurde bereits im Jahr 2006 veröffentlicht. Im Sommer 2021 wurde ein neuer Entwurf bezüglich der zukünftigen Mobilitätsplanung beschlossen. Der Stadtrat setzte sich dabei ambitionierte Ziele: Der Verkehr im Stadtgebiet sollte demnach innerhalb von vier Jahren zu mindestens 80 Prozent durch abgasfreie Fahrzeuge beziehungsweise den ÖPNV oder den Fuß- und Radverkehr realisiert werden. Weiterhin soll der Verkehr in München bis 2035 vollständig klimaneutral sein (vgl. Landeshauptstadt München 2023c, o.S.). Der neue Mobilitätsplan der Stadt soll den zukünftigen Herausforderungen gerecht werden. Dazu zählt unter anderem die steigende Bevölkerungszahl und der somit zunehmende Mobilitätsbedarf sowie der Umwelt- und Gesundheitsschutz (vgl. Landeshauptstadt München 2023b, o.S.).Der motorisierte Individualverkehr nimmt in der bayrischen Landeshauptstadt nach wie vor einen hohen Stellenwert ein und wurde 2017 von rund 24 Prozent der Münchner:innen in Anspruch genommen. Die Anzahl der täglich bewältigten Personenkilometer nahm ebenfalls zu, was durch den Anstieg der Bevölkerung und die Zunahme der täglichen Strecken erklärt wird (vgl. Landeshauptstadt München 2022, S. 107f.).Der ÖPNV wurde im Jahr 2017 von 24 Prozent der Münchner:innen genutzt, was verglichen mit dem Jahr 2008 ein leichter Anstieg ist. Verglichen mit dem Jahr 2008 wird das Fahrrad mit 18 Prozent von weniger Münchner:innen genutzt (vgl. ebd. 2022, S. 107f.). Die Stadt kommt in ihrem Nachhaltigkeitsbericht zu dem Ergebnis, dass die Entwicklung in Richtung ÖPNV und des Radverkehrs geht. Durch das starke Wachstum der Stadt und des Umlands kommt es jedoch zu einem Anstieg des Verkehrs insgesamt, was die eigentlich positive Entwicklung aufhebt (vgl. ebd. 2022, S. 107f.). Die Stadt München beschäftigt sich seit einiger Zeit mit sogenannten Radschnellverbindungen."Radschnellverbindungen sind hochwertige Verbindungen im Radverkehrsnetz (von Kommunen oder Stadt­Umland­Regionen), die wichtige Zielbereiche (zum Beispiel Stadtteilzentren, Wohn­ und Arbeitsplatzschwerpunkte, (Hoch­)Schulen) mit hohen Potenzialen über größere Entfernungen verknüpfen und durchgängig ein sicheres und attraktives Befahren mit hohen Reisegeschwindigkeiten […] ermöglichen" (Landeshauptstadt München 2022, S. 109).Solche Strecken haben somit das Potential, einen nicht zu unterschätzenden Beitrag hin zur grünen Mobilität zu leisten. Radschnellwege können nicht nur für die Freizeit, sondern auch von Berufspendler:innen genutzt werden und sind daher eine Alternative zum Auto. Die Landeshauptstadt München hat bereits mehrere Machbarkeitsstudien in Auftrag gegeben. Die Ergebnisse belegen, dass viele dieser Strecken, beispielsweise die Strecke zwischen der Innenstadt Münchens und Starnberg, technisch machbar und wirtschaftlich gewinnbringend sind (vgl. Landeshauptstadt München/Landratsamt München/Landratsamt Starnberg 2020, S. 29).Die lange Planung der Radschnellwege ist seit diesem Jahr in einer neuen Phase. Im Juni 2023 wurde mit dem Bau der ersten von insgesamt fünf Strecken begonnen, welche die Stadt München mit Unterschleißheim und Garching verbinden soll (vgl. Heudorfer 2023, o.S.). Gleichzeitig müssen die enorm hohen Kosten für den Bau solcher Strecken berücksichtigt werden. Dies ist der Grund, weshalb beispielsweise die Strecke zwischen München und Starnberg nicht realisiert wird (vgl. ebd. 2023, o.S.).München plant die Reduzierung des Autoverkehrs in seiner Altstadt. So soll mehr Platz für Fußgänger:innen, Radfahrende und den ÖPNV geschaffen werden. Die Stadt nennt eine Reihe an Maßnahmen, die das Ziel einer autofreien Altstadt realisieren sollen. Dazu zählen unter anderem das Errichten und die Erweiterung von Fußgängerzonen, die Neuregelung des Parkens, was auch das Erhöhen der Parkgebühren beinhaltet, die Verbesserung des Liefer- und Ladeverkehrs sowie das Erbauen eines breiten Radrings in der Altstadt (vgl. Landeshauptstadt München 2023a, o.S.).Ein Pilotprojekt diesbezüglich befindet sich in der zentral gelegenen Kolumbusstraße. Die Straße wurde für Fahrzeuge gesperrt und mit Rollrasen, Sitzmöglichkeiten und Hochbeeten ausgestattet (vgl. Stäbler 2023, o.S.). Das Projekt hat jedoch nicht nur Befürworter:innen. Der Verlust von knapp 40 Parkplätzen sowie der Lärm durch spielende Kinder wird kritisiert (vgl. ebd. 2023, o.S.).Der ÖPNV hat in München einen hohen Stellenwert. Bereits im Jahr 2010 lag München im Vergleich unter den besten deutschen Städten. Berücksichtigt wurde damals unter anderem die Fahrtdauer, die Informationslage und die Preise (vgl. Wagner 2010, o.S.). Eine ADAC-Studie zeigt, dass München im Jahr 2021 die teuerste Einzelfahrkarte unter 21 deutschen Großstädten mit mehr als 300.000 Einwohner:innen hatte. Die Münchner Monatskarte sowie die Wochenkarte hingegen war mit Abstand am günstigsten. Die Monatskarte kostete im Vergleich zu Hamburg knapp die Hälfte (vgl. ADAC 2021, o.S.). Dieser Aspekt muss hinsichtlich der Einführung des Deutschlandtickets und der damit verbundenen Preisentwicklung des ÖPNV neu bewertet werden, ist jedoch aufgrund der damals fehlenden Alternative des Deutschlandtickets nicht zu vernachlässigen.Langfristig plant München eine Bahnstrecke, die Stadt und Umland miteinander verbindet und das bereits vorhandene Schienennetz ergänzt. Dieses Projekt ist zuletzt aus finanziellen Gründen gescheitert, soll jedoch durch spezielle Buslinien kompensiert und nach Möglichkeit neu geprüft werden (vgl. Landeshauptstadt München 2023d, o.S.). Um die Kapazität des ÖPNV in München und Umland zu erhöhen, werden im Rahmen eines Programms verschiedene Maßnahmen umgesetzt. Dazu zählt unter anderem die Anbindung an den Flughafen und der Ausbau der Schieneninfrastruktur im Nordosten Münchens (vgl. Landeshauptstadt München 2023d, o.S.).Auch das U-Bahn- und Tramnetz soll durch die Münchner Verkehrsgesellschaft (MVG) ausgebaut werden. Vorgesehen ist die Verlängerung beziehungsweise der Neubau verschiedener Strecken (vgl. ebd. 2023d, o.S.). Gleichzeitig wird auf die Problematik verwiesen, dass die Kapazitätsgrenze des Schienenverkehrs in München und der Region bereits erreicht ist (vgl. ebd., o.S.).Die bayrische Landeshauptstadt setzt sich selbst ambitionierte Ziele, was den Verkehr und die Mobilität betreffen. Bereits seit vielen Jahren wurde mit entsprechenden Planungen begonnen. Auf der Webseite der Landeshauptstadt finden sich viele Informationen und Vorhaben bezüglich der Verkehrsplanung. Der Ausbau des Fahrradverkehrs, vor allem die Planungen von Radschnellstrecken sind vielsprechend. Die Machbarkeitsstudien belegen das große Potential. Da jedoch erst vor einigen Monaten mit dem Bau der ersten Strecke begonnen wurde, muss München hier in relativ kurzer Zeit viel erreichen.Gleichzeitig kann somit nicht abschließend festgestellt werden, wie groß das Potential der Radschnellverbindungen in der Praxis ist. Der Zuwachs der Stadt München und des Umlands stellt die Landeshauptstadt vor Herausforderungen in doppelter Hinsicht. Obwohl der Anteil der Radfahrenden und der ÖPNV-Fahrenden deutlich zugenommen hat, steigt der Verkehr insgesamt. Gleichzeitig stellt die Stadt fest, dass der ÖPNV an der Kapazitätsgrenze ist. Dennoch müssen die positiven Aspekte betrachtet werden. Hierzu zählt unter anderem das Potential des Münchner ÖPNV und der verschiedenen Projekte. Auch wenn es von der Planung bis zur Umsetzung viele Jahre dauert, ist München sicherlich vielen Städten, vor allem im deutschen Städtevergleich, voraus, da die Planungen früh begonnen haben.Weitere Maßnahmen und HerausforderungenHier werden nun weitere Maßnahmen untersucht. Dabei wird, wie bei Kopenhagen, in exemplarischer Weise auf den Bereich der Extremwetter- beziehungsweise Klimawandelanpassung und den Bereich der kommunalen Wärmeplanung eingegangen. Gleichzeitig werden Herausforderungen, Chancen und Schwierigkeiten beleuchtet, die sich daraus ergeben.Die bayrische Landeshauptstadt hat im Jahr 2019 den Klimanotstand ausgerufen. Damit verbunden ist das Ziel der Klimaneutralität bis 2035 (vgl. Landeshauptstadt München 2023e, o.S.). Das Klima in der Stadt München weist aufgrund der dichten Bebauung spezifische Besonderheiten auf. Dazu zählt der sogenannte "Wärmeinseleffekt", der dazu führt, dass ein Temperaturunterschied im Vergleich zum Münchner Umland besteht (vgl. Landeshauptstadt München u. a. 2016, S. 8).Im Stadtgebiet ist es deshalb im Durchschnitt zwei bis drei Grad wärmer, wobei der Temperaturunterschied in der Nacht deutlich höher ausfällt: Im Vergleich zum Münchner Umland ist es nachts im Stadtgebiet Münchens bis zu zehn Grad wärmer, was durch den Klimawandel und den damit verbundenen Anstieg der Durchschnittstemperatur noch deutlich ansteigen wird (vgl. ebd. 2016, S. 8).Dementsprechend sieht das Klimaanpassungskonzept verschiedene Maßnahmen vor. Dazu zählt zum Beispiel der Ausbau der Dachbegrünung und Photovoltaikanlagen auf Gebäuden, die Verbesserung des Wärmeschutzes in der Gebäudeplanung und Förderprogramme für Klimaanpassungsmaßnahmen auf privaten Grundstücken (vgl. ebd. 2016, S. 40). In München gründeten sich einige Bewegungen, die sich für mehr Nachhaltigkeit einsetzen. Die Münchner Initiative Nachhaltigkeit (MIN) ist ein Beispiel dafür und setzt sich aus mehrheitlich zivilgesellschaftlichen Organisationen zusammen. Die Ziele der MIN orientieren sich an den SDGs (vgl. Münchner Initiative Nachhaltigkeit 2023, o.S.).Der Münchner Nachhaltigkeitsbericht liefert interessante Aufschlüsse. Der Anteil der erneuerbaren Energien im Gebiet der Stadtwerke München lag 2019 bei insgesamt 6,4 Prozent. Den größten Anteil hat dabei die Wasserkraft, gefolgt von Solar (vgl. Landeshauptstadt München 2022, S. 85). Ökostrom soll in den eigenen Stadtwerken langfristig betrachtet in ausreichender Menge erzeugt werden, um damit die Stadt München selbst versorgen zu können.Daraus ergibt sich für den Leiter der Stadtwerke die politische Aufgabe, die Energiewende voranzubringen (vgl. Hutter 2019, o.S.). Gerade die lokale Erzeugung von Ökostrom kann sich in einer dicht bebauten Stadt als schwierig herausstellen. Hier stellt sich die Frage, wie viel Potential München und das direkte Umland hat. Dabei kann es sich zum Beispiel um den Auf- und Ausbau umliegender Windräder oder Biomassekraftwerke handeln (vgl. ebd., o.S.).München setzt auf Tiefengeothermie und kann einen Anstieg in der Erzeugung und den Anteil der Tiefengeothermie am Fernwärmeverbrauch verbuchen. Jedoch lag der Anteil der Geothermie am Fernwärmeverbrauch im Jahr 2019 lediglich bei 3,8 Prozent (vgl. Landeshauptstadt München 2022, S. 86f.). Aktuell wird in München das größte Geothermiekraftwerk Europas erbaut. Somit ist davon auszugehen, dass der Anteil der Geothermie innerhalb der Fernwärmeversorgung in München weiter zunimmt und diese in der Konsequenz Schritt für Schritt nachhaltiger und regenerativ gestalten (vgl. Schneider 2022, o.S.). In München befinden sich momentan sechs Geothermieanlagen. Durch die Erweiterungen soll das Fernwärmenetz den Wärmebedarf Münchens bis 2040 klimaneutral abdecken (vgl. Stadtwerke München 2023a, o.S.).Die Methode der Kraft-Wärme-Kopplung (KWK), also die gleichzeitige Gewinnung von mechanischer Energie und nutzbarer Wärme (vgl. Umweltbundesamt 2022, o.S.), wird von den Stadtwerken München genutzt und dient als eine Art Zwischenlösung, die intensiver genutzt wird, bis der Ausbau der Geothermieanlagen abgeschlossen ist (vgl. Stadtwerke München 2023b, o.S.). Die durch die Stromerzeugung der KWK-Methode gewonnene Abwärme wird in das Fernwärmenetz der Stadt München eingespeist. Die so erzeugte Fernwärme kann dementsprechend schon heute in einem beträchtlichen Maß umweltschonend bereitgestellt werden und ersetzt laut den Stadtwerken München bereits etwa 400 Millionen Liter Heizöl und spart pro Jahr eine Millionen Tonnen CO2 ein (vgl. ebd. 2023b, o.S.).Die Stromerzeugung selbst funktioniert mit Brennstoffen. Neben erneuerbaren Energien können dabei auch fossile Energieträger zum Einsatz kommen. Die Stadtwerke München selbst setzen sich das langfristige Ziel, fossile Brennstoffe abzulösen (vgl. ebd. 2023b, o.S.). Das Heizkraftwerk Süd der Stadtwerke München arbeitet beispielsweise mit der KWK-Methode. Die Stromerzeugung wird durch Erdgas gewährleistet (vgl. Stadtwerke München 2022, o.S.). Somit wird ein fossiler Brennstoff verwendet.Im deutschen Städtevergleich gilt München oft als Vorreiter, was Nachhaltigkeitsbemühungen betrifft. München hat 2019 den Klimanotstand ausgerufen und sich das Ziel gesetzt, bis 2035 klimaneutral zu werden. Das Ausrufen des Klimanotstands hat eher symbolischen Charakter. Dennoch wird die Dringlichkeit der Sache damit auch auf kommunaler Ebene betont.Bezüglich der Anpassung an Extremwetterereignisse finden sich viele Informationen der Stadt München. Dabei werden auch viele Maßnahmen genannt, die nach und nach umgesetzt werden sollen. Die Stadt ist sich der Relevanz des Themas bewusst. Durch das veränderte Stadtklima wird deutlich, wie wichtig die Anpassung an Extremwetterereignisse ist, um das Leben in der Stadt auch zukünftig zu sichern.Im Fall von München sind die Maßnahmen gegen Hitze besonders relevant. Hier hat München bereits Pilotprojekte und verschiedene Fördermaßnahmen in die Wege geleitet. Im Bereich der Energieversorgung muss vor allem die Tiefengeothermie benannt werden. München setzt verstärkt darauf und erkennt das große Potential. Gleichzeitig müssen die hohen Kosten und der damit verbundene Aufwand berücksichtigt werden.Aktuell kommen auch KWK-Werke zum Einsatz. Dies ermöglicht die umweltschonende Bereitstellung von Fernwärme. Der Einsatz mehrerer Geothermieanlagen kann dieses Potential jedoch beträchtlich steigern. Erdgas wird zur Erzeugung von Strom in München auch aktuell eingesetzt. Langfristig wollen die Stadtwerke jedoch ohne den Einsatz fossiler Brennstoffe arbeiten. Die Fernwärme Münchens ist weit ausgebaut und bietet hohes Potential. Dennoch zeigen erst die nächsten Jahre, wie nachhaltig und flächendeckend das Fernwärmenetz konkret ausgebaut werden kann.ErkenntnisseDie Einwohnerzahl Kopenhagens ist in den letzten Jahren gestiegen. Auch zukünftig muss die Stadt mit einem Bevölkerungswachstum rechnen. In München ist ebenso von einem Bevölkerungsanstieg auszugehen, was auch in den letzten Jahren der Fall war. Der Anstieg der Bevölkerung in Zahlen ist deutlich höher, was sich durch die größere Fläche der bayrischen Landeshauptstadt zumindest teilweise relativieren lässt. Im direkten Vergleich ist München mehr als drei Mal so groß wie Kopenhagen.Kopenhagen gilt als eine der besten Fahrradstädte weltweit. Dies führt neben den positiven Aspekten auch zu vollen Fahrradwegen. Die Stadt reagiert mit der Verbreiterung von Fahrradwegen und der Sperrung beziehungsweise Verkleinerung von Autofahrbahnen und ganzen Straßen. München geht diesbezüglich nicht so konsequent vor, hat jedoch ein vergleichbares Pilotprojekt gestartet, welches eine zentrale Straße zeitweise für den Autoverkehr gesperrt hat.Das Fahrrad als Verkehrsmittel konnte sich in Kopenhagen bereits früh etablieren. Ein zentraler Faktor, der für das Fahrrad in Kopenhagen spricht, ist unter anderem die Zeitersparnis. Eine Reihe nicht-diskursiver Faktoren spielen eine wichtige Rolle für die bedeutsame Rolle des Fahrrads in der dänischen Hauptstadt. Neben der flachen Lage und der geringen Größe zählt dazu auch der politische Wille und die Bereitschaft, das Fahrrad als Verkehrsmittel kontinuierlich zu fördern.In München wurde die Relevanz des Fahrrads ebenfalls erkannt. München kann im Vergleich jedoch auf keine derart ausgeprägte Fahrradkultur zurückblicken. Dennoch stellt sich heraus, dass das Fahrrad in München nicht unterschätzt wird. Die aktuellen Planungen und erste bauliche Maßnahmen der Radschnellverbindungen belegen, dass die Stadt den Radverkehr als Alternative zum Auto etablieren möchte.Dabei sollen, wie es in Kopenhagen bereits der Fall ist, nicht nur Freizeitradler:innen, sondern auch Berufspendler:innen angesprochen werden. Das Münchner Umland soll in den Bau der Radschnellverbindungen zu weiten Teilen integriert werden. Theoretisch könnte München auf diese Weise trotz der deutlich weiteren Distanzen die optimale Infrastruktur für das Fahrrad als grüne Alternative etablieren.Der Autoverkehr spielt in Kopenhagen nach wie vor eine Rolle. Trotz einiger Maßnahmen müssen die CO2-Emissionen weiter reduziert werden. Die Emissionen im PKW-Bereich sind bis vor fünf Jahren noch angestiegen. Auch in München ist der Autoverkehr relevant und wurde im Jahr 2017 von fast einem Viertel der Münchner:innen genutzt. Von der Stadt München werden verschiedene Maßnahmen benannt, die zu einer autofreien Altstadt führen sollen. Dabei soll ähnlich wie in Kopenhagen vorgegangen werden, unter anderem mit der Erweiterung von Fußgängerzonen. Kopenhagen scheint diesbezüglich jedoch weiter fortgeschritten zu sein. Bei der Verkleinerung von Fahrbahnen im Bereich des Autoverkehrs handelt es sich dort um dauerhafte Maßnahmen. In München beschränkt sich dies bislang auf Pilotprojekte und Vorhaben.Beide Städte haben ein gut ausgebautes ÖPNV-Netz. In München ist sich die Stadt der Tatsache bewusst, dass die aktuelle ÖPNV-Infrastruktur an seiner Kapazitätsgrenze angekommen ist. Aus diesem Grund plant München den Ausbau und setzt bereits einige Großprojekte, unter anderem die Erweiterung der Schieneninfrastruktur, in verschiedenen Stadteilen, um. Vor allem das Tramnetz hat sicherlich das Potential, für Münchner:innen eine dauerhafte Alternative zum Auto zu sein. Da das Hauptproblem augenscheinlich die Kapazitätsgrenze des bestehenden Schienennetzes ist, kommt es auf den zügigen und konsequenten Ausbau in den nächsten Jahren an.Kopenhagen hat im Vergleich bereits im Jahr 2019 eine Stadtlinie eröffnet, die immer weiter ausgebaut wird. Kopenhagen will die Attraktivität des ÖPNVs auch während der Rushhour gewährleisten. Dies lässt darauf schließen, dass einer der Hauptfaktoren auch hier die aktuelle Auslastung der vorhandenen öffentlichen Verkehrsmittel ist. In diesem Bereich haben beide Städte somit ähnliche Herausforderungen zu bewältigen. Beide Städte sind aktiv und scheinen den ÖPNV als dauerhaftes Verkehrsmittel fördern zu wollen.Kopenhagen liegt direkt am Meer und 24 Meter über dem Meeresspiegel. Ähnlich wie München sieht sich Kopenhagen mit Extremwetterereignissen konfrontiert. In Kopenhagen regnet es sehr häufig und durch die Lage am Meer und die geringe Höhe über dem Meeresspiegel sind Sturmfluten und Überschwemmungen keine Seltenheit. München hat ebenso mit Starkregen zu kämpfen, wobei Hitzewellen hier auch nicht zu unterschätzen sind. Beide Städte stellen verschiedene Maßnahmen vor, die zur Vermeidung negativer Folgen führen sollen. In der Umsetzung hat Kopenhagen bereits Erstaunliches erreicht, um sich vor Starkregen zu schützen. Beide Städte nehmen die durch den Klimawandel entstehenden Extremwetterereignisse und deren mögliche Folgen ernst und arbeiten an spezifischen Lösungen.Die Energieversorgung ist in beiden Städten ein zentraler Aspekt. Beide Städte nehmen hier in gewisser Weise Vorreiterrollen ein. Sowohl Kopenhagen als auch München fördern den Einsatz erneuerbarer Technologien in verschiedener Hinsicht. Das Fernwärmenetz in Kopenhagen ist bereits sehr gut ausgebaut. Gleichzeitig kann die Fernwärme Kopenhagens bereits zu 80 Prozent aus erneuerbaren Energien gewonnen werden. Die dänische Hauptstadt hat hier einige Vorzeigeprojekte, unter anderem die Müllverbrennungsanlage Amager Bakke.Die Stadt München setzt vermehrt auf Tiefengeothermie und treibt den Ausbau voran. Dies soll die Fernwärme nach und nach nachhaltiger machen. Bis 2040 soll das Fernwärmenetz in München somit klimaneutral arbeiten können. Die KWK-Methode wird in München eingesetzt und spart nennenswerte Mengen an CO2 ein. Fossile Brennstoffe kommen hier aber nach wie vor zum Einsatz. Dennoch hat auch München ein ausgefeiltes Konzept und ist vor allem im deutschen Vergleich weit vorangeschritten und hat bereits früh nach alternativen Wegen gesucht. Daher sind die Fortschritte Münchens in der Wärmeversorgung beachtlich. Im direkten Vergleich kann Kopenhagen jedoch mit noch mehr Innovation und aktuell größeren Fortschritten punkten.FazitEs wurde untersucht, wie eine nachhaltige Stadt gestaltet werden kann. Eine aktuelle Bestandsaufnahme zeigt, dass die Entwicklungen in Städten sehr unterschiedlich sind. Die Abkehr von der Vorstellung einer autogerechten Stadt scheint sinnvoll. Bereits vorhandene ÖPNV-Strukturen und weitere Alternativen zum motorisierten Individualverkehr müssen effizienter genutzt oder geschaffen werden. Der Energiesektor ist besonders relevant, da hier die größten Möglichkeiten hinsichtlich einer Reduzierung von Emissionen bestehen. Städte sollten daher Maßnahmen etablieren, um den Energiebedarf zu senken und auf regenerative Energien umsteigen zu können. In dieser Arbeit wurde bezogen auf den Bereich der Energie die kommunale Wärmeplanung berücksichtigt.Untersucht wurden die Bereiche des Verkehrs und der Mobilität, der Extremwetteranpassung und der kommunalen Wärmeplanung. München und Kopenhagen haben in den untersuchten Bereichen bereits eine Vielzahl an Maßnahmen und Vorhaben vorgestellt und initiiert. Dabei stellt sich heraus, dass die spezifischen Gegebenheiten in Städten stets berücksichtigt werden müssen. Diese unterschiedlichen Gegebenheiten führen dazu, dass ein Städtevergleich nicht in jedem Aspekt einer nachhaltigen Stadtentwicklung zielführend ist. München zeigt jedoch am Beispiel der geplanten Radschnellverbindungen, dass es auch Lösungen für suboptimale Gegebenheiten gibt, in diesem Fall für größere Distanzen beim Radverkehr.Beide Städte sind fortgeschritten, was den Bereich der nachhaltigen Mobilität betrifft. Hier stellt vor allem der erwartete Bevölkerungsanstieg eine Herausforderung dar, da dies zur weiteren Be- beziehungsweise Überlastung der bestehenden Verkehrsinfrastruktur und zur Zunahme des Verkehrs generell führen wird. Dementsprechend finden sich in beiden Städten Projekte, die auch teils in der Umsetzung und bezogen auf die Zukunft der nachhaltigen Mobilität vielversprechend sind. Hier bleiben jedoch die konkreten Fortschritte in den nächsten Jahren abzuwarten, was eine erneute Untersuchung zu einem späteren Zeitpunkt interessant macht. Die Vision beziehungsweise Utopie einer autofreien Stadt scheint für Kopenhagen einen Schritt näher zu sein. München zeigt jedoch, dass zumindest eine autofreie Altstadt in naher Zukunft nicht undenkbar ist.Die Anpassung an die Folgen des Klimawandels ist für beide Städte relevant. Kopenhagen hat hier eine Reihe innovativer Projekte bereits umgesetzt. München stellt viele Maßnahmen vor, die im Detail jedoch noch weiter vorangetrieben werden müssen.Bezogen auf die kommunale Wärmeplanung gehen beide Städte verschiedene Wege und haben bestimmte Visionen. Einen Beitrag zur Energiewende wollen beide Städte und deren ansässige Stadtwerke leisten. Die Fernwärme ist sowohl in Kopenhagen als auch in München der zentrale Faktor. Kopenhagen ist bezogen auf den Anteil erneuerbarer Energien und den Ausbau des Fernwärmenetzes weiter fortgeschritten als München. Ebenso bestehen in Kopenhagen innovative Ideen zur nachhaltigen Erzeugung von Fernwärme und zur Einbettung verschiedener Anlagen in die Kopenhagener Stadt und das Umland. München setzt auf die Nutzung von Geothermie, was zu einer sehr guten CO-2-Bilanz beitragen kann.In den untersuchten Bereichen weisen beide Städte Fortschritte auf. Kopenhagen hat zeitlich betrachtet deutlich früher mit dem Ausbau einer nachhaltigen Stadtentwicklung begonnen. Dementsprechend sind einige Pläne ausgereifter und es finden sich hinsichtlich der untersuchten Bereiche mehr konkrete Umsetzungen. München könnte hier jedoch in den nächsten Jahren ähnlich weit voranschreiten, was unter anderem hinsichtlich des Maßnahmenkatalogs deutlich wird. Auch aus diesem Grund wäre die Betrachtung zu einem späteren Zeitpunkt interessant und würde weitere Aufschlüsse liefern.Durch die Untersuchung der Verkehrsinfrastruktur und der kommunalen Wärmeplanung beider Städte wurden Schlüsselaspekte einer nachhaltigen Stadtentwicklung berücksichtigt. Dennoch muss betont werden, dass bei weitem nicht alle Aspekte einer nachhaltigen Stadt berücksichtigt und untersucht werden konnten. Dies würde den Rahmen dieser Arbeit sprengen. Eine Untersuchung in weiteren Bereichen würde daher eine sinnvolle Ergänzung darstellen.LiteraturverzeichnisAachener Stiftung Kathy Beys (2015): Nachhaltiger Lebensstil (Aachener Stiftung Kathy Beys vom 16.12.2015) < https://www.nachhaltigkeit.info/artikel/nachhaltiger_lebensstil_1978.htm > (11.11.2023).ADAC (2021). 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Issue 13.2 of the Review for Religious, 1954. ; Review for Religious MARCH 15, 1954 Foreign Missions for Communities Charles H. Helmsing -Voca÷ional Ideal . Joseph P. Fisher Life Conformed to Mary . Louis J. Puh~ External Grace and Religious . ~John J. Stochl Annunciation Thoughts . . ~ . Paul Dent Are You a Jellyfish? . Bruno M. Hagspiel ' Controversy on Obedience . Richard W. Rousseau Benediction . Pete~" Goodman Secular Institutes . Francis N. Korth Questions and Answers News and Views Book Reviews VOLUMe. XIII NUMBER 2 RI VII W FOR RI::LIGIOUS VOLUME XIII MARCH, 1954 NUMBER 2 CONTENTS A FOREIGN MISSION FOR EVERY AMERICAN COMMUNITY?m Most Reverend Charles H. Helmsing, S.T.D. 57 NEWS AND VIEWS . 61 VOCATIONAL IDEAL--Joseph P. Fisher, S.J . 64 OUR CONTRIBUTORS . 68 LIFE CONFORMED TO THE IMAGE OF MARY-~ Louis J. Puhl, S.J . 69 BACK NUMBERS WANTED . 72 EXTERNAL GRACE AND THE' RELIGIOUS LIFE-- John J. Stochl, S.J . 73 ANNUNCIATION THOUGHTS--Paul Dent, S.J . 77 ARE YOU A JELLYFiSH?mBruno M. Hagspiel, S.V.D . 79 A RECENT CONTROVERSY ON OBEDIENCE-- Richard W. Rousseau, S.J . 87 BENEDICTION--Brother Peter Goodman, C.S.C . 93 BOOK REVIEWS . 95 BOOK NOTICES . 97 BOOK ANNOUNCEMENTS . 97 ABOUT SECULAR INSTITUTES--Fra.r, eis N. Korth, S.J . 105 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS-- 7. Percentage of Income to Mother House . 109 8. What Is Meant by a First Councilor? . 109 9. Power of Superior General in Novitiate . ll0 10. Gift Money for Mass Stipends . ll0 II. May MiStress of Novices be Provincial Councilor.;' . ll0 12. Veil before Blessed Sacrament . Ill 13. Visits Required for Gaining Indulgences . Ill 14. Visitation at Mother House . Ill 15. Information on Chapter of Faults . ll2 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, March, 1954, Vol. XIII, No. 2. Published bi-monthly : January, March, May, July, September, and November at the College Press, 606 Harrison Street, Topeka, Kansas, by St. Mary's College, St. Marys, Kansas, with ecclesiastical approbatiori. Entered as second class matter January 15. 1942, at the Post Office, under, the act of March 3, 1879. Editorial Board: Augustine G. Ellard, S.J., Adam C. Ellis, S.J., Gerald Kelly, S.J., Francis N. Korth, S.J. Copyright. 1954, by Adam C. Ellis, S.J. Permission is hereby granted for quota-tions of reasonable length, provided due credit be given this review and the author. Subscription price:" 3 dollars a year: 50 c~nts a copy. Printed in U. S. A. before writincj to us, please consult notice on inside back cover. A Foreign Mission t:or F:very American Community? Most Reverend Charles H. Helmsing, S.T.D. THESE reflections stem from an unheralded visit of a native Fili-pino bishop. Weary and disappointed, he told of his unfruit-ful visits to eight mother houses. Responsible for more than a million Catholics, he has a total of sixty-seven priests to care for them. He has only five Catholic schools taught by religious and a total of forty-eight sisters. He came to me with a missionary priest and a zealous local pastor. ¯ It was the latterwho launched the dis-cussions leading to these paragraphs. The writer had interrupted Matins for the new year of grace: "Regern uentururn Dorninurn uenite adorernus"--"Come let us adore the Lgrd, the King who is to come." It is his prayerful hope that when these reflections are rdeditated upon by harassed general and provincial superiors, they may mean the coming of the King of kings to. many souls in the field afar. Most religious communities are familiar with the Missionary Plan of Cooperation, known in the family of Mission Directors as M.P.C.1 Briefly, M.P.C. means that the parish gives prayers and alms and the visiting missionary gives missionary knowledge, mo-tivation, and zeal. In other words, the missionary receives material and spiritual assistance, and the parish receives an increase of apos- IThe Missionary Plan of Cooperation is a method of soliciting funds for specific mission-sending societies or missions. On application to the Diocesan Director of the Society for the Propagation of the Faith, a society with personnel in the missions or a missionary bishop is assigned a group of parishes in the diocese. Then, on dates agreed upon with the local pastors, the mission procurator or bishop preaches at all the Sunday Masses, indoctrinates the faithful in reference to his particular mission, its activities, progress, and needs, and finally makes a financial appeal. This appeal for funds is in addition to the membership offerings of the faithful and the Mission Sunday offerings to the general fund of the Society for the Propa-gation of the Faith. Under the Plan, the Director of the Pontifical Society as-signs a missionary to every parish of the diocese annually. This missionary, by recounting the particulars of his own work, arouses an interest in all mission work. Thus, while the Society for the Propagation of the Faith helps mission-sending societies over and above the general funds that are apportioned by the Holy Father, the missionary who participates in the Plan cooperates by engendering in the faith-ful a spirit of Catholicity and apostolicity. Without a doubt, the Plan accounts, at least in part, for the tremendous growth in mission interest and mission support during the past decade. Diocesan Directors have one big regret: that they have not more parishes to assign. 57 CHARLES H. HELMSING tolicity. While this Missionary Plan of Cooperation is relatively new and still far from.perfect in operation, by contrast with the old method of soliciting mission aid it represents vast returns from little effort--mutually, I mean, for the begging missionary and for our Catholic parishes. In the old days before the Plan, even when alms were substantial, very often the neediest missions were not the re-cipients. Good parishes were satisfied with giving a mere pittance, and the whimsical giving was frequently based on the natu'ral mutual likes or dislikes of pastors and visiting missionaries. Worse still, through specious reasoning about their own needs, ~heir debt, etc., most parishes refused to give at all. Now under the Missionary Plan of Cooperation all parishes give and all receive some benefits of increased apostolicity. Best of all, the whole procedure is orderly and under obedience to the bishop of the dioceke and the religious superior of the soliciting community. There is the merit and bles-sing of obedience as well as of charity. Every Director of The Society for the Propagation of the Faith in the United States has witnessed the disappointment of visiting foreign bishops wffen they return from religious houses where they have solicited personnel. Usually, they have been dismissed with a polite but firm refusal: "We cannot take care of ou~r present obliga-tons; how can we think of opening a foreign mission?" Indeed, it is rare for any community seriously to consider the possibility of undertaking foreign mission work. Consequently, the thought arises: could not the generals and provincials of our religious communities of priests, brothers, and sisters collaborate in giving a regular supp.ly of personnel to the world-wide missions of the Church? Under such a plan every community could anticipate its turn to establish a foreign mission by budgeting its personnel and' resources. ,Just as mission-sending societies apply to participate in the Missionary Plan of Cooperation for the sake of funds, so missionary bishops could apply for partici-pation in this receiving of religious and priestly workers. The practical' collaboration of major religious superiors in such a project is, of course, not without its difficulties. Initially, in each diocese the Director of The Society for the Propagation of the Faith with the approval of his ordinary might urge every community in the diocese2 to have a mission overseas. For diocesan communities, 2provided, of course, that neither its constitutions nor the specific purposes of the institute exclude foreign mission work. 58 ¯ March, 1954 A FOREIGN MISSION ? the bishop himself would be the proper person to plant the idea: for interdiocesan communities, the urging of the Director would be merely a pious wish which he can hope will be relayed to the mother house. As a second step, the Diocesan Director might suggest that any community desirous of collaborating should consult the Mission Secretariat or missionary communities of its acquaintance to ascer-tain where American religious are badly needed, and in general to clarify its thinking relative to undertaking foreign mission work. Ultimately, with a definite idea of assuming a new apostolate, the community will apply to the Apostolic Delegation in Washing-ton or directly to Rome. It will be amazed how enthusiastically its offer will be received and how overjoyed some missionary bishop will be. It should be noted at this point that every American commun-ity that opened a foreign mission has been immediately blessed with an unexpected supply of vocations. Every experienced Mission Di-rector throughout the nation can vouch for this. Experience further shows that very often native vocations immediately supplement the meager mission personnel so that the harassed-mother house need send very few trained religious in the future. Pope Pius XI insisted on the formation of native communities, aware as he was of the ne-cessity of "like being apostles to like." However, the international character of most of our religious communities pr6vides a rule adapt-able to all nations under all conditions. In a few years' time, a native province can be set up with the native religious more stable by the fact that they are .brothers and sisters of a world-wide com-munity. By way of example the writer recalls with joy how one provincial of a teaching community, sorely pressed by requests of bishops and pastors; gave of her best sisters to establish a mission in Japan. The next class of postulants d0ubl.ed that of the previous year (and the increase has been maintained) : a new spirit of mis-sionary zeal permeates the entire community; and best of all, there are already six native professed in the Japanese mission, with nov- . ices and postulants giving promise of a future Japanese Province. While these beflections would apply to any mission field throughout the world (we cannot forget that-.there are still 1,I0i3,- 000,000 pagans), they seem to have an urgency for practi6ally all countries of Latin America, and especially for Hawaii and the Phil-ippines. Indeed, Hawaii is not a foreign mission, since.it is part of 59 CHARLES H. I"~LMSING our great nation; and the Philippines, while independent, are cer-tainly a sister republic. It is startling to think, for instance, that since 1898 ,only three American communities of women have'estab-lished themselves in the Philippines, while the Philippines have adopted American customs and even our language for all official matters. It is terrifying to think that since 1898 approximately 16 per cent of the Philippines have been lost to the Church. The pastor who accompanied the begging bishop on his unher-alded visit suggests a practical plan to meet unexpected objections here at home. He said, "Suppose I would obtain a lay teacher and persuade five other pastors to hire a lay teacher in addition to those they have at present in order that six sisters might be released for a foreign mission. Would you back up this proposition?" I said that I certainly would, and I am convinced that the attitude of this good pastor is that of many of our pastors throughou~ the United States. I am prompted to suggest a fervent meditation on the parable of the rich man and Lazarus. Only those in authority over our reli-gious communities are in a position to make the decision. We in the United States are blessed beyond measure. Great as our needs are for priests and religious, certainly our sending out of a half-dozen or even a dozen religious from each of our provincial houses could be termed scarcely more than giving the crumbs that fall from our table. Without a doubt, our shortage of vocations is due to the fact that we are not pruning our vines in order to transplant the shoots that will be the beginning of new vines in the other and more impoverished corners, of the vineyard of the Lord. True it is that we have special communities especially dedicated to mission work, and they are "doing a wonderful job." But they cannot cope with the p,roblem alone. The problem with very many communities is identical with that touching our laity. ¯ The Mis-sionary Plan of Cooperation is one means, together with member-ship. in iThe.:S.od~ty.fqr the Propagat.ign. of .the Faith, that has proved effective in rousing our.la.ity to apostolic zeal.We ay.e. con-fide~ t that .a sim.i!~" organized.effort to bring more communities.into active missionary work. will re-enkindle in more of our religious a true apostolic spirit and a truly Catholic interest in everything that touches in any way the growth and vitality of the Mystical Body of Christ. 60 News Views Marian-Year Proiecf To his inspiring article on missionary zeal Bishop Helmsing ap-pended the following note that should be of special interest: "This article was written just before receipt of the Directives of the Sacred Congregation of ~Religious that during the Marian Year each reli-gious family undertake some special work of charity and zeal. Since the Sovereign Pontiff has characterized the missions as the greatest charity in the world, it is our hope that the foregoing paragraphs may help superiors decide on their contribution for the Marian Year." A Good Superior? In To Gouern is to Loue Father Ronsin offers young superiors the consoling thoughtthat to assist them in their office they have at their disposal not only the merits and prayers but also the accumu-lated experience of the superiors who have gone before them. These words may contain a bit of poetic exaggeration, yet they suggest another project that might have great practical value. During their terms of office most superiors must learn from their own personal experience, certain things that are very helpful in gov-erning a religious community. These lessons may concern some-thing apparently new--something not in the books, as they say-- or they may concern experiences that throw new light on something already known. If all those who are or have been religious superiors were to meet and to pool all these helpful personal experiences, the result would truly be an accumulated experience of immense value to present and future superiors. It is hardly.feasible to try to arrange a meeting at whic,h superi-ors could pool .these helpful experiences. But, with proper coopera-tion, it would be feasible to gather these experier~ces together in the form of writing. .Suppose each religious who is or was a superior would write down in an informal way the helpful lessons he or she has lea'rned during his or her term of office and would send the re-suits to us. We could.compile these experiences into a set of sug: gestions for superio.rs, that might be very practi.cal. Some superiors' might have very. little to write; others might have much. The amount would make no difference. The main thing that we should like to do is to create some interest in what seems to be a useful project. 61 NEWS AND VIEWS Review for Religious We might add that subjects are not excluded from this invita-tion. In fact, they are explicitly included. The subjects' experience of what it means to be governed well is every bit ~s valuable to superiors as their own experiende of what seems to make for good government. This project merits consideration and cooperation. But it should be emphasized that we are asking for constructive suggestions and not for negative criticism. Moreover. we should like suggestions based on actual experience of their helpfulness. Finally, we should prefer that any material sent to us would be signed, unless of course the nature of the communication would demand that it be anony-mous. At any rate,' whether the communications are signed or un-signed, we would comr~ile the material in such a way that those who contribute the suggestions are not recognized. American Founders' Series We seem to be in a "project" mood. Here is another. In the United States and Canada there are many native religious insti-tutes- institutes, that is, that were founded in these countries. The lives of the men and women who founded these various institutes would make interesting reading. In fact, during the last decade or two many book-length biographies of such founders have appeared. Obviously, however, we are interested in articles, not books. We should like very much to publish a series of articles containing the biographical sketches of these founders. Articles in the REVIEW are necessarily limited in length; but we could use biographical sketches up to five or six thousand words. In such sketches we should like to have not merely the main facts of the founder's life but especially an attempt to present the character of the founder and the spirit with which he tried to animate his institute. In such a series there would be danger of a certain sameness; but this danger could be kept to a minimum if the biographers would make a special effort to give the distinctive characteristics of the founder and the distinctive features of the institute he founded. Although we are thinking primarily of institutes that originated in Canada or the United States, we do not wish to exclude other in-stitutes from this project. Some of the older orders and congrega-tions, though founded in other countries, were extended to the "New World" by men and women who were, so to speak, second founders. Biographical sketches of these religious pioneers should also be included ,in our series. 62 March, 19~ Suggestions made in these pages are not usually accorded an overwhelming response; and we do not expect to find our mailbox suddenly crowded with founders' biographies. Nevertheless, lest the unexpected should happen and we should receive more than one sketch of the same founder, it seems advisable that any superior gen-eral who might be interested in this project would designate some-one to write the founder's biography. This is not essential, but it might make for efficiency. For Contributors The thought of possible articles necessarily reminds us of manu-scripts. Unfortunately we do not have a fully prepared style man-ual. But we can offer some suggestions to possible contributors that might solve problems for them and relieve us of an unnecessary bur-den. 1) Every manuscript submitted to us should be neatly typed, double spaced, with at least an inch of margin on each side of the page. lit is difficult to make editorial notations on a crowded page. 2) Quotations should also be double spaced. We mention this particularly because; in many of the manuscripts sent to us, long quotations are always single spaced. We know not how this custom originated; but we do know from experience that it can be an edi-tor's nightmare. 3) Rules for capitalization are difficult to formulate and more difficult to apply; and this is especially true iri a journal devoted to religious topics. We have found that consistency in this matter is an almost impossible goal. Perhaps in some future issue we may publish a list of words to serve as a model. For the present, how-ever, we offer contributors this one practical suggestion: be uerg re-serued in the use ot: capitals. 4) On points of style, spelling, capitalization, and so forth, we usually follow Webster's Collegiate Dictionary and A Manual of Stqle (University of Chicago Press). We would appreciate it if contributors would do likewise. Painting of Our Lady We are informed that a new painting of the Immaculate Heart of Mary has been .completed in time for the Marian Year. The painting is a companion picture to the Ibarraran Sacred Heart ,Jesus which has been used. in a national non-profit picture-distribu- ¯. (Continued on Page 86~.' ¯ 63 Vocat:ional Ideal Joseph P. Fisher, S.J. OFTEN enough to older religious the spiritual life looks simple enough but to beginners and ev, en those advancing it seems frequently anything but simple. They are frequently on the lookout for some formula or other which will make the spiritual life easily and comprehensively grasped. It is not uncommon that one approach after another is tried and found wanting. And it is not unheard of that some remain confused f6r years in regard to the theory of the spiritual Iife and some even wonder whether the diffi-culty can be resolved:. All this uncertainty, of course, affects to some extent the living of the spiritual life. Anything, therefore, that can help in the problem will be welcome. I shall propose a few thoughts suggested by Father :Lindworsky's Ps~tchologg of Asceticism. To start with an illustration. Sister Bona wants to purchase a pair of shoes for tired feet. She goes to the shoestore to be fitted and right away she is handed a pair of shoes and told they ought to fit her. She tries them on and finds them far too small. Curious as to why the salesman was under the impression they would fit, she questions him. He replies that he had measured the feet of hun-dreds of sisters. He then figured out the average size of the sisters' feet and had shoes made to that size. But he acknowledges that thus far not once has he found that the average shoe fitted any particular sister. Thus it is to some ext~nt with patte'rns of the spiritual life pre-sented in many books. No one kind of religious is had in mind. The pattern is apparently meant to fit an active religious, a contem-plative religious, a young religious, an old religious, religious men, religiouswomen, lay religious, clerical religious, each and every reli-gmus. It must be acknowledged that in a certain sense this method of procedure is excusable and at times even necessary. And those~who have a sufficiency of knowledge, and experience can easily make proper adaptations; for the large principles of the spiritual life re-main the same for all. But some try very hard to fit themselves with-out adjustment into this, so to speak, average pattern and find them- :selves spiritually very uncomfortable. It may be said, then, that there are two approaches to the spir-itual life indicated above--what may be called the "abstract" ap- VOCATIONAL IDEAL proach and whatmay be Called the "concrete" approach. The "ab-stract" approach comes about very logically~ Theology teaches us that when our first parents fell in the garden of Eden, besides losing sanctifying grace and certain gifts not due to their nature, they be-came subject to various concupiscences. Hence there arose a warfare in their nature, their lower passions often rebelling against reason. And, although in tbernsel~)es the mind and will of men were not vitiated, nevertheless, because of the condition in which these facul-ties operated,' the mind was, in effect, darkened and the will weak-ened. Hence it can be said that the original integrity in man was broken and the harmony consequent upon the integrity was dis-turbed. Therefore a man was subject to many vices--a whole cata-log of them, beginning with the seven capital sins and descending to the slightest act of unreason. If man was to approach the former high state of his nature, he would have to root out these vices and struggle back up the long ladder of the virtues. Even after Christ redeemed man and restored grace, there still remained the necessity of struggling against the vices and putting on the virtues. The old man of sin had to be destroyed and the new man of grace had to be brought, with labor, into being. And so catalogs of vices and lists of virtues were drawn up and the aspirant to holiness was encouraged to work away at them. The idea was, of course, to build up a new man in Christ by the death of all the vices and the flourishing of all the virtues. Not much attention was paid to just what vices a par-ticular individual should eradicate (although some did speak of a predominant passion) or what virtues he should put on. Since for perfection he had to be without all the vices and in possession of all the virtues, he bad to struggle manfully with the complete lists. Such is what one might call the "abstract" view of the spiritual life. The "concrete" approach may be presented this way. What is man's part in his sanctification? To do God's will. And what is the will of God for any religious? To live out his own vocation as perfectly as possible. This sounds most obvious and exceedingly simple. Like many obvious and simple truths, however, this one is overlooked. I am sure that many spiritual directors have found re-ligious, and sincere religious, who are trying to live the vocation of other religious and not their own. They read of or hear of some "way" of the spiritual life and decide that that is the way God has called them t6, "considering.hardly at all how it fits in with the plan , of their o'wn particular religious calling. Agood many religious are JOSEPH P. FISHER Reoieto for Religious and have been captivated by the idea of being a "Victim soul." This is a fine ideal if properly adjusted to one's own vocation. But any-thing in the ideal which makes impossible or difficult the. living of their own vocation has to be modified. They should be "victims" according to their own vocational-ideal. An active religious reads about contemplation and decides he is going to live as a contem-plative. /ks long as th,e ideal fits in with his own vocation, fine; but, if it is at variance with the spirit of his own order or congrega-tion, it is suspect. As long as he believes his vocation is to the active order, his way of life must fit the vocational-ideal of his order. The endeavor to live out his own vocation as perfectly as pos-sible puts every religious under the obligation of understanding the spirit of his order. It is obvious that various orders and congrega-tions have different ends in mind and hence correspondingly differ-ent means. A Poor Clare is not called upon to work on the mis-sions like the Maryknoll Sisters: the Sisters of Charity are not called upon to recite the Divine Office like the Carmelites: Christian Broth-ers are not expected to work in hospitals as the Alexian Brothers are; ,lesuits are not expected to observe the seclusion and silence of Car-thusians. So each religious must endeavor to form a clear ideal of what his particular way of life asks of him. He must study and pray over his constitutions and the rules of his order; he must read and reflect on the life: of his founder: he must imbibe the spirit that animated those who have lived their lives with signal fidelity in the same calling--he must, in brief, form a "vocational-ideal" based on objective evidence revealing what should be the spirit of his life. Then the holiness of the particular religious will depend on the way he puts this vocational-ideal to work in his life. He must put on all that his vocational-ideal requires of him and cut away what stands in the way of' the living-out of the ideal. This puts before each religious very definite work to do. And most religious would undoubtedly find plenty to work on within the limits of their voca-tional- ideal without having to spend precious time and effort trying to master and put into their lives an ideal based on an abstract treat-ment of the spiritual life or, what may be worse, an ideal based on a form of life foreign to their own. The advantages of such an approach, the concrete approach, are clear. First of all it presents the religious with a definite, detailed expression of God's will---every man's means of holiness. It, ac-cordingly, .puts emphasis in the spiritual life on something solid, 66 March, 1954 VOCATIONAL IDEAL something open to no illusions. Again it presents a simple and yet comprehensive plan of man's part (as opposed to God's part) in the spiritual life for any particular religious. This makes for integral living-~a// a religious does is sanctifying, for (in the supposition) it fits in with his vocation which for him is God's will. Consequent upon such living, there should.be peace and calm, for a religious knows that he is doing the best he can do on earth--God's will. He can have hope of arriving at holiness, for he knows that God gives him the graces required to live his vocation. Several conclusions would seem to follow from the above. First of all when a religious reads a spiritual book that is not expressly pointed to his vocation or, as sometimes happens, is actually pointed away from it, he ought to make proper adjustments in accordance with his own vocational-ideal. There are many very fine spiritual books which have to be so adjusted. Even a classical work like the The Following o[ Christ bas statements which certainly do not ap-ply literally to all religious. For example, this statement may have literal application in the case of contemplatives but hardly in the case of active religious whose work is among men: "As oftenas I have been amongst men, said one, I have returned less a man." And a second conclusion would be this. Religious institutes would do well to provide their religious with commentaries and even medita-tions on their rules. Likewise it would be useful to have lives writ-ten of founders and illustrious members of the congregation. Above all the efforts of superiors and instructors should be devoted to bringing the religious to a really practical love of their own precise vocation. It is all well and good to admire the ideals of religious of other orders, but one has to live and sanctify oneself according to the ideals of one's own order. Since a religious owes the loyalty of love to his own religious family, he is in duty bound to come to know his family and cherish it as he does .no other. It follows from all this that the ideal form of mortification for all religious is the effort of will required to live their vocation pe?- fectly, that is, to put on all that their vocation requires and cut off what hinders the full living of it. It may seem at first glance as if there is not much mortification in this; but let a religious earnestly examine himself on how be conducts himself from early rising through all the exercises and work of the day till he goes to bed tired at night, and he will find plenty of scope for the effort of will that means mortification. And the strong points of this kind of morti- 67 JOSEPH P. FISHER fication are these: it is definitely willed by God and so there can be no delusion in it; and secondly it makes for a habit of mortification, continual mortification. Religious all know the necessity of morti-fication but many feel they are remiss in its practice. Even those who perform scattered acts are rarely satisfied. They feel the need of a more continual spirit of mortification. However, they realize that there is a limit to the little incidental acts they can perform. But there is no limit to the mortification involved in the plan suggested above. And, since it is all connected with the proper living of their freely chosen vocation, it appears desirable and possible. When the , penitents of John the Baptist wanted to know what they were to do to manifest fruits of ,repentance in their lives, they received these an-swers in accord with their various vocations. "And the crowds asked him, saying, 'What then are we to do?' And he answered and said to them, 'Let him who has two tunics share with him who has none; and let him who has food do likewise.' And there came pub-licans also to be baptized, and they said to him, 'Master, what are we to do?' But he said to them. 'Exact no more than what has been appointed you.' And the soldiers also asked him, saying, 'And we-- what are we to do?' And he said to them, 'Plunder no one, neither accuse anyone falsely~ and be content with your pay.' " (Luke 3: 10-14.) The spirit of this answer certainly applies to religious to-day. "Walk in a manner worthy of the calling with which you were called" (Ephesians 4: 1). OUR CONTRIBUTORS MOST REVEREND CHARLES H. HELMSING is Auxiliary Bishop of St. Louis. JOSEPH P. FISHER is master of novices at Florissant, Missouri. LOUIS J. PUHL is spiritual director at the! Josephinum, Worthington, Ohio. JOHN J. STOCHL is making his theological studies at. St. Mary's College, St. Marys, Kansas. PAUL DENT is a former missionary in Patna, India, and is now teaching Hindi at West Baden College, West Baden Springs, Indiana. BRUNO M. HAGSPIEL has had long experience in writing, lecturing, and giving retreats, and is now at Sacred Heart Mission Seminary, Girard, Pennsylvania. RICHARD W. ROUSSEAU is making his theological studies at the College of St. Albert, Louvain, Belgium. PETER GOODMAN is on the faculty of St. Joseph of Holy Cross, Juniorate of the Broth-ers of the Holy Cross, at Valatie, New York. FRANCIS N. KORTH is on the fac-ulty at St. Mary's College, St. 'Marys, Kansas. 68 Lit:e Cont:ormed to !:he Image ot: Mary Louis J. Puhl, S.J. OUR Holy Father Pius XII in the encyclical consecrating this year,to the Immaculate Mother tells us that she rejoices to see her likenes~s in her children. He asks all Christians to conform their lives to the image of the Blessed Virgin. Fortunately for us, we have a portrait of the Immaculate Heart of Mary that pictures for us her holiness and perfection. It has been drawn under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit by no less skillful hand than that of our Blessed Mother herself. This she has given us in the hymn of thanks and praise she left in the Magnificat. It is a summary of the spirituality of our Blessed Mother, and a model given us by God to aid us to carry out the wish expressed by the Holy Father in his request to conform our live~ to her image. The circumstances that gave rise to this hymn of thanks will help us to appreciate its meaning. The angel of God had come to Mary and asked her consent to be the mother of the Savior. When the humble Virgin understood how she was to serve God, she joy-fully embraced His will with those words we repeat each day in the Angelus, "Behold the handmaid of the Lord! Be it done unto me according to Thy v~ord." This act of surrender to God may be called the motto of Mary's life. It gives the key to her whole spir-ituality. Having learned in her conversation with 'the angel that her aged cousin would soon be the mother of the precursor, the humble Vir-gin hastened to be of service to her in need. The Mother of God, the living temple of God, did not think it beneath her dignity to do menial service for her kinswoman. ~ She understood well that the essence of perfection is charity. When she came to the home of her cousin and greeted her with the familiar Jewish greeting, "Peace be to you," Ehzabeth, inspired by the Holy Spirit, in great joy saluted her with the very words the angel had used, "Blessed art thou among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb." Mary, seeing that the great mystery of the Incarnation had been revealed by God to her cousin, broke forth into a song of praise of the Redeemer. The very first verse of this hymn strikes at the most fundamental principle of the spiritual life. "My soul doth magnify the Lord," 69 LOUIS .I. PUHL Review [or Religious Mary sings. What is the ultimate destiny of man that must guide all the actions of his life? The glory of God. If I do not live up to this purpose of my life, I do not lead a rational human life. So Mary, teaching us to lead a truly Christian life, glorifies God for the wonders He .has wrought in her, and for the great mystery of the Incarnation and Redemption. But God has so arranged in His infinite goodness and power that what we do for His glory is for our happiness. We were made for joy in Him in time ,and eternity. Hence the second verse of this hymn, "My spirit hath rejoiced in God my Savior." Man without Christ is a hopeless, helpless debtor. Nothing remains for him but to be cast into prison till the last farthing is paid. But since he can-not pay his debt without a Savior, he must remain there forever. There is no happiness possible without Christ. Hence, if I seek my happiness in any other, I am doomed to failure. The foolish world has sought peace in power, in pleasure, in wealth, and has ended in slavery. My happiness and joy is in Christ alone. He came to teach the way to peace and happiness and la'id down His life to secure the means to it. Unless with Mary my joy is in Christ my Savior, I can have no true joy :in time or eternity. Next, our Blessed Mother teaches us the great means to praise God and to find happiness in God. "He hath regarded the humility of His handmaid, for behold from henceforth all generations shall call me blessed." In practice, perfection must always consist in walking in the will of God, in being the humble handmaid, the servant of God. Wherever God's will is made known, in the Com-mandments, in the duties of our state, in the wish of our superiors, in the inspirations of the Holy Spirit, man the servant of God by nature is bound to obey. This humble service by Mary, she tells us, is the secret of the wonderful graces God gave her. Because she was the humble servant, God regarded her and blessed her. So abundant were these favors that came from her service that she prophesies that henceforth all generations shall call her blessed. In its way, the same will be true of us if we serve. God and His angels and saints will rejoice and call us blessed even in this life if we serve. And the day will come in eternity when Christ Himself, as He tells us, will gird Himself and minister to us ~at the table of the Lamb'. All of God's saints and the Mother of God herself will call us bles-sed through all eternity. Then follows a way to magnify the Lord and rejoice in God our 70 March, 1954 LIFE C~NFORMED TO MARY Savior. Mary begins to praise God for the present order of God's providence, for the great work of the Incarnation and the Redemp-tion. It is the work of the omnipotence of God, "He that is mighty hath done great things to me." Indeed, only an infinitely powerful God could ca.rry out the design of His wisdom and mercy to save man by clothing Himself in our human nature, coming into the world as the child of a virgin, and finally laying down His life for our salvation. Secondly, she calls the work of the Incarnation and the Redemp-tion a work of the holiness of God, "And holy is His name." God came to teach us the way of holiness, to share His own nature with us and so sanctify us, to free us from sin and clothe us in justice such as he Himself has. Finally Mary proclaims the Redemption as the great work of the mercy of God. "His mercy is from generation unto generation to them that fear Him." Wherever there is that humble reverential fear of the servant for his Lord. of the child for his Father, Mary tells us, there will be the boundless mercy of God.If we reverently serve, she teaches, we are secure in God's mercy. In the next verses we are let into the great secret of Mary's suc-cess in her spiritual life. How did she become the model of all sanc-tity? The secret is humility. How often we read and are told that the foundation of all virtue is humility. From the first to the last verse of this hymn this truth is suggested in some way. Humility simply means that I know my place and live accordingly. I know who God is, the infinite Good to whom I owe all; and I know who I am, the servant who has received all from God and must go to Him for all I need. God must reject the proud, Scripture tells us. Mary eloquently proclaims this truth and the necessity of humility. "He hath shewed might in His arm. He hath scattered the proud, in the conceit of their heart. He hath put down the mighty from their seat, and hath exalted the humble." If we wish to conform to the image of Mary, we must strive for humility. The second secret of her success pointed out by Mary is an ardent "desire for perfection. "He hath filled the hungry with good things and the rich he has sent empty away." Who ever heard of any per-son attaining a difficult goal without willing it? No one acquires a strange language without wanting to do so. We cannot learn to play the piano or succeed even in a game such as golf without wanting to learn. We do not wake up some fair morning and find 71 LOUIS J. PUHL ourselves masters of Greek against our will. Hence, the insistence in spiritual writers on an earnest desire for perfection. Our Lord Him-self has said, "Blessed are they who hunger and thirst after justice for they shall have their fill." If we really wish to perfect our lives, there must be a real hunger for justice. If there is, there will follow the blessing of God and all the means necessary to attain holiness. Hence, Mary says, "He hath received Israel His servant, being mind-ful of His mercy." Notice. again, it is the humble servant that re-ceives the help. TEe last verse gives a third secret of Mary's success, her great faith and trust in God. God is faithful to His promises, "'as He spoke to Abraham and his seed forever." It was this complete trust in God's fidelity in Mary that was praised by Elizabeth, "Blessed art thou because thou bast believed, because those things shall be ac-~ complished that were, spoken to thee by the Lord." Faith in God's word who has promised to help us in every need and complete trust in His omnipotent love and mercy are necessary for success on the way to God. There are many mysteries in life we cannot under-stand. We must keep our faith firm in the words of Christ and go on in boundless trust. "God is faithful who hastcalled us to the society of His Son." He can accomplish His ends by humble means. The humble Virgin, raised to the dignity of Mother of God and praised by all generations, is an eternal example of this truth. Such is the portrait of the Mother of God left us by the inspira-tion of the H01y Spirit. She lived for the glory of God, she found her joy in Christ her Savior, she was the humble servant. Her life was a,hymn of praise of the omnipotence, holiness, and mercy of her Redeemer. The fouffdations of her holiness were a deep humil-ity, a hunger and thirst for justice, and an unshakable faith and trust in God. If I am to conform my life tO the image of Mary as God asks us to do through the words of the Holy Father, I must make it according to the model God has given us in Mary. BACK NUMBERS WANTED We have urgent requests for back numbers that are needed to complete sets. You can be of great service to other religious if you happen to have duplicates of any of these numbers and' are willing to part with them. If you have such dupli-cates, kindly notify us. The requested numbers are: Complete volumes I (1942): II (1943); and III (1944). Single copies: January. 1942; May, 1942: July, 1943 (2 copies): November, 1943; September, 1945; March. 1946: and Sep-tember, 1946. 72 Ext:ernal Grace and t:he Religious Lil:e John J. Stocbl, S.J. 44 | F THOU didst know the gift of God," Christ told the Samari- ! tan woman at Jacob's well, " . . thou perhaps wouldst have asked of him." The poor sinful woman, thinking that Our Lord was speaking of ordinary drinking water, did not understand; and so the divine shepherd had to explain that the water He had to give was "a fountain of water springing up unto life everlasting." This "gift of God" that Our Lord spoke about is grace, which God bestows on men and which was merited for men by the suf-fering and death of Jesus Christ. And truly, if we did fully under-stand this gift of God, we would know the science of sancFity a.nd the secrets of the saints. It is the heart of the supernatural life. Sanctifying grace, that divine life which is infused into the soul at baptism and which is increased or restored with the reception of the other sacraments and the performance of good works, is the greatest of all created gifts to man; so great is it that it actually makes us children of God and sharers in the divine life. Actual graces are transitory supernatural helps, holy thoughts and desires, that God continually sends us, especially when we are spiritually troubled. Their purpose is to inspire us to lead'tbe supernatural life and to give us supernatural strength when we most need it. The thought of our own weakness would be a terrifying one were it not for the fact that we have God's own assurance that His grace is sufficient for us. For this reason we can say with confidence at the beginning each ,day the prayer in the office of Prime: "Lord God Almighty, who hast brought us to the beginning of this day, defend us: throughout its course by Thy power, that we may not this day fall into any sin, but that our words and thoughts and deeds may be directed to the fulfilment of what is right in Thy sight." The band of God stretched out in our support is manifested not only through these interna~ supernatural helps which He gives us to avoid sin and perform works of eternal merit, but also in countless external helps we find all bout us. Thus we can see in the creatures about us a third kind of grace, 73 JOHN J. STOCHL ° Reoieto for Religious external grace, which theologians and spiritual writers frequently acknowledge wit~ only a passing nod as they hurry on to deeper and more important problems of sanctifying or actual grace. External graces are not absolutely necessary for salvation and are not even sufficient in themselves for the performance of a salutary act. Because of this they are often neglected in spiritual conferences and instruc-tions. They rouse the soul to merely human resolves, and hence are not sufficient of themselves to win the divine reward of eternal life. They are only the preparation for internal graces which are sufficie.nt for salvation. Yet external graces are real gifts of God, special gifts that help us to holiness. And for religious who habitually live in the state of sanctifying grace and whose whole effort is aimed at in-creasing that divine 'Iife in the soul, no means to sanctity is 'to be ignored. God places various creatures around us to help us reach the goal for which we were made. These creatures are external graces and should be used as God intended, namely, as helps in working out our own salvation and sanctification, St. Francis of Assisi found that the sun, the birds, and the animals made him love God more. For St. Francis Borgia, the death of his queen and the sight of her decaying body was an external grace that started him on the path to sainthood. And St. Ignatius says in his book of the Spiritual Exer-cises that "all other things on the face of the earth were created for man's sake, and in order to aid him in the prosecution of the end for which be was created." Any influence coming from creatures outside the soul and helping us to salvation is an external grace. Such external influences arouse thoughts of good deeds and excite holy resolutions. The sermon of a priest frequently stirs up in a sinner the first thoughts of repentance; the example of a strong Catholic in the armed service has often been a source of strengtb to weaker Catholics living with him. And on at least one occasion, the music, singing, incense, and ceremony of a Benediction servic~e has led a non-Catholic to inquire into the trutbs~.of the Faith. Some external graces of their very nature draw men to a better life. The life of Christ, the Blessed Virgin, or certain saints, the Bible, and the Church itself are bound to have a good effect on all who experience them. Other outside influences will appeal only to certain people or under certain circumstances. Music, for example, or books, good example, friends, recreation, or the radio can all lead 74 March. 19:54 ¯ ~ EXTERNAL GRACE us to God. In fact anything can be an external grace--even pain, sorrow, suffering, and sin-s-if we put it to the use that God intended. As Father Matthews says in his little book, With the Help of Thy Grace: "Every creature can make us think of God the Creator and so lead us to glo,rify.the Creator in His works. But such glorification would be only natural and God wants us to do supernatural deeds in order thereby to win heaven. So just when the external grace makes us know and love God naturally, actual grace enters our soul and helps us to know and love God supernaturally." It can and frequently does happen that all three kinds of grace come to us at the same time. The sister, for example, who° makes her weekly .confession, receives an increase of sanctifying grace by the very fact that she receives the sacrament. She also knows that by receiving the sacrament she is assured of a sufficiency of actual graces during the coming week to make her good resolutions and purpose of amendment effective. But over and above this, the difficulty of the actual telling of her faults and of the saying of the penance, and the shame felt in having to mention the same little sin of criticizing, for the fifth week in a row are all external helps to avoid sin in the future. God does not force His grace on anyone; nor does He act against the natures which He created. Rather, He deals with each creature in accord with its nature. And since, as philosophy teaches us, there is nothing in the intellect which was not first in the senses, God usually enlightens the intellect or strengthens the will through the use of the sense.faculties or emotions. Exterior graces act directly on the senses and only indirectly reach the spiritual faculties. They are either the occasions of inner graces, or else accompany interior helps. They do not of themselves strengthen the will, as Tanquerey says, but they produce in us favorable impressions, which by quickening the mind and rousing the will, prepare the soul for the reception of supernatural life. But since they are connected with true inward promptings, which move the soul to amendment and advancement in the supernatural life, they are of extreme importance. And we may be sure that when we make use of the many external graces God gives us the more important interior graces will be present. Religious life of its very nature assures us of couiatless such ex-ternal graces. The fact that religious live in communities where everyone is working for the spread of Christ's Kingdom is in itself a JOHN J. STOCHL Review for Religious great grace. Moreover, the religious is separated from many sources of temptation to which~ most Other Catholics and even the diocesan clergy are constantly exposed. For the most part we are cut off from all the pushing struggle for worldly success and the esteem of men, from bad companions, harmful reading, temporal worries, from practi.cally all persons, places, and things that are generally occasions of serious sin. The daily order of a religious house assures all of sufficient time for prayer and reflection, ample spiritual direction, and easy access to books for spiritual reading. All we have-to do is to recognize these graces and make use of them. They can be found all about us, in our Rule, the religious habit, the daily order, the little pinches of poverty, and the petty irritation that frequently accompanies reli-gious obedience. The presence of the Blessed Sacrament in our house, the beauty of the liturgy, wholesome books and study are also external graces. And though these latter are available to many of the faithful, still religious have more frequent opportunity to make use of them. ~Perhaps the greatest external grace that religious have .is the con-stant companionship of others who are striving to advance in the way of perfection. Who has not felt impelled to kneel a little straighter and put more effort into his prayer when he saw his neighbor in chapel pray with external reverence?' Or what over-worked teaching sister, is not inclined to give herself even more gen-erously when she sees others facing problems greater than hers? The unfailing generosity of one or other member of the community tends to make all the members of the community more generous with their time and their talents. Even the little twinge of human respect we feel over the violation of a rule in the presence of others can-- though it sounds strange to say it--be used as an external grate to prevent further violations. And every monastery, convent, or seminary has its number of those who by their unfailing cheerful-ness or exact observance of the rules draw others closer to perfection. There is absolutely nothing in religious life that cannot be used to draw us to greater love of God. As St'. Paul says in his Epistle to the Romans, "We know that to them that love God, all things work together unto good, to such as, according to his purpose, are called to be saints" (Romahs 8:28). And surely, if any are called to be -saints it is those who have voluntarily followed Christ's counsels, who have "left house, or brothers, or sisters, or father, or mother, 76 March, 1954 ANNUNCIATION THOUGHTS or wife, or children, or lands for my name's sake" (Matthew 19: 29). ~ God comes to us through a thousand and one doors, and the' marvel of it all is the ingenuify He uses to touch our thoughts and draw our wills to higher things. God is not only present in crea-tures, according to St. Ignatius, "in the elements giving them being, in the plants giving them growth, in animals giving them feeling, and in men giving them understanding," but He actually "works and labors for me in all created things on the face of the earth, that is. He behaves as one that labors." Annunciation Thought:s Paul Dent, S.d. MARY'S plans were upset when the angel told her she would become the mother of a child, she who had planned a life of virginity vowed to God! But she gave instant consent to God's plans when she knew they were God's plans, and her own were realized in a way more glorious and holy than she could have imag-ined- and the world was redeemed, too. I must ever be ready to imitate Mary in regard to my plans. Souls will be. saved if I in-stantly and perseveringly consent to God's plans. They are infinitely holier than any plans of which I myself can think. (Luke 1:26 f.) From God to a town in Galilee (the mostboor-ish section of the Holy Land) named Nazareth (the proverbially despised section of that boorish section) to a virgin (not to a mother of a family, a person of merit and importance) betrothed to a man (whence all her importance, such as it was, in the eyes ot~ that little world--not from herself, but from him) named doseph (Joseph? Which one of the several Josephs? Joseph, the carpenter. Oh, that fellow! I thought you meant the Joseph, the one in that big house) of thehouse of David (a ruined house now, and of no account any more) and the virgin's name was Marg (a common sort of name, not distingu~ like Irene or B~renice). Thus God chooses what the world thinks little of, God chooses one fit for nothing but ordinary jobs about the house, not a brilliant writer, executive, orator. God, chooses one lowly in all eyes, especially her own, one accordingly 77 PAUL DENT not discouraged and ,despondent, but full of confidence in God and of gratitude to God for letting her love Him, letting her love Him. I want to be like you, O Mary Immaculate, Mother of God. I want to trust God and to be grateful that He allows and enables me to love Him. Mary is kneeling in prayer, adoration, love, oblation, abandon-ment, loving attention to the presence of God. ,She is lovingly aware that God is and she is humbly pleading to be allowed to be His servant-girl. Suddenly out of nothing a man appears and calls her highly favored, full of grace. She is troubled, thinking the Divine Majesty has deigned to answer her prayer. For this is evidently an angel before her who has been sent to bring God's answer, and yet he is calling her highly favored, her who had not asked to be praised, but to be ancilla Domini. B~t the angel speaks no flattery in calling her highly favored, for that is just what she is. By God's grace she is full of the love of God and is aware that she does love God, able to bear herself the honest, humble, candid witness that she really does love God. Is she now going to be told that she is allowed to be God's servant-girl? That were indeed to be highly favored! Is this not the angel's meaning? What els~ can his words mean? O Mother of God, is it presumption for me thus to try to ex-' press to myself your thoughts? ! do not think it is, if I know--as I do know !--that your thoughts, your pure, virginal; sinless, im-maculate thoughts are inexpressibly far above my power to imagine or express them. I do not think it is presumption, if I try to put your thoughts here before me'in order to help me realize more than I do what my prayer-life must be. I am your child and you are my Mother, and "like mother, like child" must mean that I try not only to do like you, but to think like you. Guard my thoughts, holy Mother of God. Help them belike yours, so that I may be like you --lovingly aware that God is and humbly desirous to be all His. "AURELIANS" IN THE UNITED STATES A Sister Adorer of the ,l~recious Blood writes, with reference to the article "Aurelian Spirituality" in our January, 1954 number: "We regret that no men-tion is made of the fact that the houses in the States (with the exception of Belle-vue, Ohio) are independent of either the French- or E.nglisl?-speaking Unions: and each has its own novitiate', in accordance with the way we were founded." 78 Are You a ,Jellyfish? Bruno M. Hagspiel, S.V.D. THIS is a challenging question. To face it honestly requires more than a modicum of courage. Yet it should be faced because this little creature of the sea has much to teach us if we are willing to let our powers of reasoning bear with full force upon the analogies that such a study suggests. Our Lord has endowed His smallest, weakest creatures with a meaning. He has used the sparrows, the flowers of the field, the mustard seed, to teach His incomparable lessons. We are but fol-lowing His inspiration if, like eager children, we try to learn from the most inconsequential things He has made, not only how to be but how not to be. If the poet Wordsworth, sensitive to the realities underlying the natural world, speaks of "the harvest of the quiet eye," how much more should we, with an eye steadied by faith, perceive the more profound realities of the supernatural world beating upon our inner selves. Yet we are sometimes as unaware of the full import of these realities as is the jellyfish of the insistent roll of the surf. If this were not so, we should not find the glaring inconsistencies between creed and conduct that are ot:ten manifest in the lives of those professing the Catholic faith and even of those committed to the higher dedica-tion of the religious life. To clarify out, thinking on this subject we might follow the lines indicated by Msgr. (later Bishop) John S. Vaugban .in "Inconsistency, or Our .Faith and Our Practice" (in Thoughts for All Times). Msgr. Vaughan alludes to the fact that~ve are often puzzled to explain why, in spite of' the overwhelming .arguments in proof of the authenticity of the Catholic Church, so many earnest men con-' tinue to resist her claims. We seldom take the t~ouble, however, of inquiring why we who believe firmly in the stupendous truths of Revelation are so little affected by them. That a materialist with no belief in a future life to sustain him should center his interest on the acquisition of worldly goods--whether honors, pleasures, or pos-sessions- is not strange. But that we who are well aware that this life is nothing more than a preparation, a path leading to an im-mortal destiny, should attach so much importance to what we know to be empty,, yain, and unsatisfying, is far more extraordinary and 79 BRUNO M. HAGSPIEL Review for Religious constitutes a really difficult problem. "We profess belief," Msgr. Vaughan says, "and .we do in re-ality believe every dogma, and yet we seem to be ab'le to reconcile With such a profession a line of conduct diametrically opposite. What we openly'affirm with our lips we are perpetually denying by our actions; and What we emphatically assert in words to be of the most vital importance we declare by almost every act of oui lives to be of no importance at all. However rational we may be in business, in politics and in our social relations, we seem to be wholly devoid of reason as soon as we begin to deal with the spiritual and the supernatural." In illustrating his point, be eliminates all matters of mere opin-ion and suggests that we confine ourselves to points of certainty on which we-all agree. He proceeds first of all to the concept of sin. We believe, obviously, that sin is the greatest evil in the world, that even the smallest deliberate sin is a more genuine misfortune than any pos-sible loss of health or fortune, that both in itself and in its conse-quences no merely human calamity can compare with it. We know with a divine certainty that not even to save our lives or any num-ber of lives would a person be justified in committing a single de-liberate v'enial sin. This, as Msgr. Vaughan asserts, is not a pious exaggeration, but the literal truth. In our own case, our faith no doubt is securely rooted. But how is it with our conduct? Does it coincide with our belief? Our atti-tude towards venial sin will supply an answer. How do we show our horror of small sins, our realization of their baseness and of the deep ingratitude inherent in them? Does our everyday life indicate an unhesitating preference to suffer pain or calamity rather than commit a deliberate venial sin? The result of such questioning will-show whether these words of Msgr. Vaughan apply to us: "We be-lieve sin to be the greatest of evils, ,we act as though it were the least." From the negative to the positive; from the consideration of evil to the consideration of the greatest supernatural good that can come to us in this life. We recognize this good as divine grace. Through faith we know that grace is so surpassing a gift that to gain one ad-ditional degree of it is an advantage immeasurably greater than to in-crease our fortunes or any of our earthly gifts a milliontimes over. One degree of grace is incalculably better in itself, of greater profit to ourselves, and more pleasing to God than any advance in worldly 8O March, 1954 ARE YOU A JELLYFISH prosperity, social position, or political power. We ought to be willing to renounce these, together with any natural gift such as wisdom, beauty, dignity, or talent, if thereby we could purchase the slightest increase of divine grace. We know all this and we teach it to others. But do we deny it in practice? The thought of grace leads logically to the thought of eternity. We may" indeed say with Msgr. Vaughan that God has committed to our hands the fashioning of a future that will be.precisely what we make it, neither better nor worse. Granted that we are fortunate enough to reach heaven, still our position in God's kingdom will depend on our own cooperation. We know that every degree of grace carries with it a corresponding degree of eternal glory. While breath lasts, we may continue to add to the amount of acquired grace-- which means that it rests with us (i.e., on our cooperation .with God's help) whether or not throughout an everlasting life we are to know God better, love Him more, and enjoy Him more completely and profoundly. This dependence is as'inevitable as that of the oak upon the acorn. But Msgr. Vaughan reminds us that many neither act nor speak as becomes men and women who have taken these truths to heart. If someone were to follow us as we go through our daily avocations, could be conclude that we are conscious of the fact that moment by moment we are drawing the plans and laying the foundations for an interminable future? Would be believe that we are aware that every one of our thoughts and actions is stamping our lives beyond the grave with an indelible mark and helping to make or mar a career that is unending? Since we easily recognize our inconsistencies, we cannot avoid~the questions: why this disparity between belief and practice? why do we behave so unreasonably? The general answer, at least in part, suggests itself at once; it is that, though we believe, we do not re~ alize. Truths affect us only in the measure that they come home to us. Even in the natural order, such truths as the distance of the .nearest.fixed star will come home to us only after a process of com-paring and contrasting. It is similar in the supernatural world. The great truths of faith affect us little because we do not realize them. We may believe them with a faith su6icient for the fulfillment of divine precepts; but unless we realize them--that is, make of them an inner experience that will work its way into our minds and hearts and permeate our whole being--they will never have the power to 81 IM. HAGSPIEL Ret~ietv for Religious the course of life, resist temptation, and give us the courage to "~ heroes and saints. The essence of~the matter is to bring our faith to the point of setting fire to our lives--the fire that Christ came to kindle--and to draw our souls out of the lukewarmness that has the disdain of God upon it. We can do this if we ponder over the truths that tell us of an invisible world, not merely skimming the surface of life, but following it to its hidden realities. By meditation the mustard seed of the gospel will grow and the kingdom 'of God that is within us will give forth its' secrets. The valhes of life here and hereafter will fall into their proper proportions, and the tranquillity of order will keep us on a steady course. Things invisible will grow visible to the eyes of. the spirit, and we shall have the thrill of knowing that we are not asleep amid the wonders that are about us. If we need added assuran, ce, we have only to look at those who have succeeded in the one great enterprise upon which we all are em-barked. From the example of the saints, all of whom have both practised this life-giving habit of meditation and exhorted others to do so, we draw the inevitable conclusion that it is a sure, simple, direct means of acqu~iring sanctity here and everlasting glory here-after. The great theologian Suarez declares it to be morally neces-sary for all who wish to rise above mere mediocrity. St. Teresa declares it impossible for anyone to practise meditation and at the same time continue to lead a tepid and sinful life. The two are mutually exclusive. Upon this matter the Holy Spirit Himself has spoken: "Think of thy last end and thou shalt never sin." And by the voice of the prophet He laas sago: 'With desolation is the whole world laid deso-late, because there is no man who considereth in his heart." it is a relief to turn for a moment from our own inconsistencies to the thought of the saints, to expose ourselves to the radiance of their uniform consistency. Even that well-known apostle of modern unbelief in Germany, Friedrich Nietzsche, who made no effort to conceal his hatred of the saints and did not hesitate to ridicule them, paid them an undeniable tribute. Obviously,' the loving humility of their surrender to God conflicted sharply with his theory of the superman. Nevertheless, he praised them "because they lived logi-cally according to their views," and he added that, compared with the saints,~''the ordinary average Christian cuts a sorry figure; he acts like a man who cannot count up to three." 82 March, 1954 ARE YOU A JELLYFISH? The saints not only realized their belief; they summed it up in effective maxims. For Augustine, "all that is not eternal is nothing": Stanislaus was born "for greater things": and Aloysius ruthlessly applied the question, "of what value is this for eternity?" And they lived ac,cording to these maxims. They were not jellyfish. To carry out the uncompromising program of the saints requires not 0nly logic but a spirit of self-denial, rt means mortification, penance, suffering. But here again we meet an inconsistency. Christ has left no doubt as to His teaching concerning our daily crosses and what to make of them. He laid down this lesson by both word and example; yet all too often the average Christian, and religious too, spontaneously turns away from the daily cross and abhors it as if it were an evil. We not only avoid suffering, but we tend to eliminate .every inconvenience. The way of the cross is not our chosen path, even though it leads to heaven. Theoretically we know that for those who love God all things work together unto good (cf. Romans 8:28), but do we live up to this knowledge? In practice--let us hu~mbly admit it--we too often act as if we could serve God well only as long as we can live in sufficient comfort and ease, as long as we are healthy and we/l, as long as we have success in our daily work and in our plans. How we dread the very thought ~f discomfort and material loss, of illness and disease, of ill success and failure! We seem to look upon such circumstances and conditions as so many hindrances and obstacles on the road to heaven: we imagine we can-not serve God so well any more; and our spirit of equanimity, of "holy indifference," and of conformity with the will of God is gone. Is not this jellyfish-like inconsistency? This is manifest especially when we find ourselves face to face with the necessity of makingade-cision in the choice of "creatures." Contrary to our'~better theoretical understanding ahd conviction, we catch ourselves ever ~o often se-lecting not what is lastingly useful to us, but what we think is more pleasant. We really ask ourselves not "what will help me most to serve God and to give Him pleasure?" .but "what will give me the least trouble?" Perhaps the climax of our inconsistency is r~ached in regard to Christ's law of charity. Again He has taught us by word and ex-ample. We must be kind to everyone. We must love everyone as we love ourselves. He has pointed out even the measure of our love. He has indicated also even the measure of our acts of kindness, "as long as you did it to one of these my least brethren, you did it to 83 BRUNO M. HAGSPlEL Reoieto for Religious" me" (Matthew 25:40). Our Lord accepts every kindness to a ~eilow human being as though it were done to Himself; but He rega.r~l.s also -every unkindness as having been done to Himself. Must qce not tremble with apprehension when we remember all the uncharitable judgments, the petty bickerings, the pointed remarks that we l~vel at those around us? If we eliminate the grosser injuries of slander and calumny, what shall we say of the endless gossiping, the influendo, the taunting tone, the disparaging glance? Can we justify these things and make them consistent with God's law of love and God's own eternal love? What answer shall those who call themselves followhrs of Christ offer in explanation of unkindness, of hardness against those who have sinned, to the pitying Christ who with a divine hatred for sin had only mercy to show to the sinner? In our littlenes~ and our bitterness~, if we would find the r~medy, we need but look at Our Lord in one of tb'e most moving scenes of His earthly life, when the adulterous woman trembles at His feet while the Pharisees drop their accusing stones and slink away. Those who have consecrated themselves to Christ by the triple bond of poverty, chastity, and obedience, have chosen the three mos( potent safeguards against the fundamental weaknesses tin, at afflict our human nature. Here too the question is of supreme necessity: are we being consistent? Much too fr.equently we see that those who by the vow of poverty have voluntarily renounced all earthly pos-sessions will none the less frequently adhere to trivial things, be it a room or cell, a habit, even a dustcloth, knickknacks, trifles of every description. Even this leaves untouched the further question of in-ner poverty, the~stripping of the sp!rit that renders it unattached to all that is not needful, unattached even to itself. As for the vow of chastity, the purpose of which is to foster that undividedness by which the soul is wedded to God as to its Spouse, there are numerous ways in which inconsistency can show itself. Fidelity demands not only the observance of celibacy but also the exclusion of all things that unnecessarily endanger purity. Never-theless, much halfheartedness is evident in this respect among reli-gious. Many give way to undue attachments, indulge in the read-ing of dangerous literature, and by careless behavior Show the incon-sistency of believing one thing and doing another. The vow of obedience, this giving up, out of love for the obe-dient Christ, the most precious thing that we have, our own will, 84 March, 1954 YOU A JELLYFISH? puts consistency strongly to the test. The surrender to a God-given superior brings with it many interactions of rights and duties that give occasion for many a difficulty. How frequently self-will in affairs, both major and trivial, comes to the surface! When assign-ments are given we often see resistance, tears as of babies, excuses, an unwillingness to accept uncongenial work, pretenses of having no time for certain errands, various subterfuges. Superiors themselves do not always escape the danger of incon-sistency. Parallel to the'it rights to obedience they have their corre-sponding duties. A superior must be all things to all in the com-munity. Even here we frequently see partiality, an unwarranted establishing of precedents, an insistence on the "holy rule" as an end in itself, to the injury of some person concerned. All these things imply a disparity between that which the lips have professed and the behavior denies. Expediency takes the place of dedication and self-will usurps the primacy of self-sacrifice. We can easily im.agine Our Lord speaking to us as He spoke to the multitudes concerning John. To them He said: "What went you out into the desert to see? A reed shaken with the wind?" We can envision Him with His eyes upon us as we look through the ranks of those who have succeeded in this business of Christian living, and we ourselves can fashion the question: what did you come here to see? a jellyfish? a backboneless, glutenous substance? a semisolid hydrozoan? ' We may be sure that when Christ commanded His apostles to cast the net into the sea and the net nearly broke from the weight of the miraculous catch, there was but little room for a jellyfish. We may be equally certain that this helpless little creature was not the one chosen to be given as food to the hungering ap~ostles when the Master awaited them on the shore after His Resurrection. Happily we have still God's gift of time. We can, in a single moment of logical thinking and courageous willing, begin to make ourselves that which we desire to be. Unless we wish it, God be praised, we need not be jellyfish. MARIAN YEAR MEDAL PROJECT To encourage the wearing of the Miraculous Med~ during the Marian Year, the Daughters of Charity, of Milwaukee, are sendxng pledge cards with medals at-tached to all who request them. The cards contain a pledge to wear the~medal through the Marian Year. For the cards and medals write to: Daughters of Charity, 809 West Greenfield Avenue, Milwaukee 4, Wisconsin. 85 NEWS AND VIEWS NEWS AND VIEWS (Continued from Page 63) tion plan. Three thousand schools and organizations utilized the plan to have three hundred thousand homes consecrated to the Sa-cred Heart. As was the case with the picture of the Sacred Heart, framed glass-covered prints of the Immaculate Heart are now avail-able at 25 cents each. The companion pictures are obtainable in lots of thirty-six from the Nu-Dell Plastics Corporation, 2250 North Pulaski Road, Chicago 39, Illinois. Saturday lns?iCu,~e for Religious From Regis College, Denver, Colorado, comes news of an insti-tute for sisters held on four Saturdays during Advent and again on four Saturdays during Lent. Regis College has been conducting this institute for the past two years. The program found most suitable has been the following: 1:30 p.m., conference; 2:10 p.m., refresh-ments and social half-hour; 2:40 p.m., conference; 3:20 p.m., Benediction. Opportunity for confession is also provided., A preliminary questionnaire showed that the sisters preferred religious to academic topics. Some of the topics treated have been these: Appreciating the Mass; Mental Hygiene; Mystical Theology for Nuns; The Spiritual Life: The Psychology and Practical Diffi-culties of Prayer; Shakespeare and Catholicism; The Supernatural Life; Suffering; The Sisters in the Modern World; The Passion of Christ. The total attendance for the series in the first year was 1150 sisters. Unanimous requests for the continuance of the institutes show that the sisters like them and find them helpful. Catholic Periodical Index The Catholic Periodical Index covering the period, June, 1952- May, 1953, is now available. This contains a cumulative Author and Subject index to a selected list of Catholic periodicals. One has to see a publication like this to get even a faint idea 0f the pains-taking scholarship required in its composition. It is invaluable for libraries and writers. All communications regarding subscriptions, editorial policy, etc., should be addressed to: The Editor, Catholic Periodical Index, Catholic University of America. Room 301- Library, Washington 17, D.C. Catechism and Eucharistic Fast It is obvious that the new legislation on the Eucharistic fast re- (Continued on Page 102) 86 A Recent Con!:roversy on Obedience Richard W. Rousseau, S.J. ASMASH hit of the recent Paris stage for over a year was a play with an all-male cast: Hochw~ilder's Sur la terre cororoe au ciel (On Earth as It Is in Heaven). Though not a strictly historical play, it deals with the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Jesuit missions in Paraguay. In these missions, or reductions as they were ca/led, the Jesuits had built up a set of independent Indian cities where the Indians were learning the arts and crafts of a settled agri-cultural life, safe from the predatory, slave-making raids of certain Spanish settlers. Whether or not such a venture was by its very nature temporary and destined not to last is a moot question. In any case, it all came to a sudden and somewhat bloody end in 1767 when, heeding the trumped up charges of the discontented plantation owners, Charles III, King of Spain, ordered the reductions closed, the Indians dis-persed, and the Jesuits exiled. The play deals with those most dramatic moments of crisis when the Envoy of the King arrives with tbe message of dissolution, his imprisonment by the outraged Jesuit provincial, the arrival of the secret Jesuit messenger with orders from Rome to obey, the brief military clash, and the accidental death of the provincial. A French Dominican, H.-M. Feret, has written a short book of partly literary, partly theological criticism of the play) His literary conclusion is that the central theme'of the play is not obedience but rather the politico-ecclesiastical problem of the legitimity of the theocratic system of reductions. With that conclusion we are not concerned. The book treats of necessity, however, of obedience in itself. This section of the book has given rise to an interesting little controvers~ that we intend to examine here to see whether we can thus shed any additional light on that highly delicate problem of the Christian conscience. Fr. Feret's opinion is summed up in the fol-lowing passages: "The Christian theological explanation of obedience is relatively simple. Whether one considers the authority of the legislator who lSur la terre cororoe au ciel: le vrai drame de Hochtoalder, Contestations (Paris: Ed. du Cerf, 1953). 87 RICHARD W. ROUSSEAU ' Review for Religious develops and imposes ia law or the superior who watches over its ob-servance and applies it to concrete situations, or whether one consid-ers on the other hand the obedience of the inferior, the submission of the person who is subject to the law. we find that b:th submission and obedience, commanding and authority, have as a common, fun-damental norm th~ common good of the society or group in which takes place this commanding Or authority, this submission or obedi-ence . "That in addition obedience also concerns the personal life of the subject who obeys, if only in making clear to him how he can and must serve the common good, is quite clear: but this is only a secondary consideration. A superior does not give orders merely to intervene in the personal life as such of his subordinates, but to point out to them, and bring them to work for, the needs of the common good. In the same way, one does not obey to submit oneself to a superior, but in order to serve, by means of his orders, the common good of which he has the care.''2 Soon afterwards, dn the Jesuit journal 12tudes) Fr. Henri Hol-stein, S.J., commented thus on Fr. Feret's book: "Religious obedience is a sharing, through the habitual exercise of a spirit of faith, of the very obedience which St. Paul discerned in Christ, who became 'obedient unto death: even to the death of the cross.' . . . "[This] sharing of the obedience of Christ within the Church constitutes what we may call the objective side of Christian and reli-gious obedience. We must now show the subjective side, its place of insertion within the supernatural organism. We think that obedience flows from the theological virtue of faith, that it is inspired by a spirit of faith. Religious obedience is not, as a matter of fact, a purely sociological phenomenon, a way of acting demanded by the good order of the community .or by the efficient organization of the apostolate. 'It is essentially an attitude commanded b~j :aith.'" At this point, A.-M. Henry, O.P., one of the editors of the Dominican review of :spirituality, La Vie Spirituelle, enters the scene. In a short article4 he examines thus Ft.Holstein's pages. "Fr. Holstein is right it seems to us, in underlining the mystical side of obedience, in'presenting it as a sharing in the obedience of 21bid., pp. 48-50. 3Sept., 19~3: "Le myst~re de l'ob~issance.'" See pp. 147, 150, 152. 4"Le 'myst~re de l'oblissance'," La Vie Spirituelle. Nov., 1953. See p. 415. 88 March, 1954 CONTROVERSY ON OBEDIENCE Christ. It is. as a matter of fact, essentially that. Nevertheless, the doctrine he presents seems to us to be incomplete. We think, fur-thermore, that this criticism, in the best sense of the term, is not due simply to a question of emphasis or of a school of spirituality. We admire the obedience of the 'true sons' of the Society . But this does not prevent us from regretting the absence of two important points in the doctrine proposed by the worthy ,lesuit journal." Fr. Henry then develops two points: first, that obedience is not faith: and secondly, that obedience is not given immediately to God. A previous article of his in the Suplol~ment de La Vie Spirituelles had presented his own positive ideas on religious obedience. For his com-plete exposition of these two points both articles must be consulted. Explaining what he means when he says that obedience is not given irfimediately to God, Fr. Henry points to the fact that all gov-erning authority, civil as well as ecclesiastical, comes from God. The Church, he says, is not distinguished from other societies solely by the fact that it has hierarchical authority, but rather by its origin, its end, and its infallible teaching magisterium. Obedience' to govern-mental authority in the Church is not directed by norms that are entirely different from the norms that direct obedience to civil au-thority. All obedience is a free dependence, otherwise it is slavery. What then are the norms of this dependence? Here Fr. Henry admits the norm of Fr. Feret, but only in this context. He says that there are two necessary conditions for obedience to an order: first, that the order is not contrary to the divine positive or natural law, and sec-ondly, that it does not go b~yond the needs of the common good, which in all societies defines the power or jurisdiction of the superior. There are times when these conditions are not fulfilled, and then obedience must be refused. Here are some examples: the order of a local superior is directly contrary to that of a major superior; an or-der is given in a domain outside the power of the superior, e.g., if a Franciscan superior should order a Franciscan. to live his own spir-itual life according to the spirituality of the Societ'~ of 3esus: the weight of some orders, .their complexity and infinite detail make them tyrannical; or an order is against the natural or divine positive law. When therefore Fr. Holstein says "obedience consecrates to God not only a man's work, but the very principles of his'activities, his intellect and will," Fr. Henry answers that this can very well be 5$ept. 15, 1953, pp. 249-82: "Ob~issance commune et ob~issance rdigieuse." 89 RICHARD W. ROUSSEAU ¯ Ret~ieto for Religious understood as the complete gift of ourselves to God, which naturally includes our minds and wills (as in the Contemplation for Obtain-ing Di+ine Love of the Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius), but that this does not mean that we thereby somehow destroy the right and normal use of those faculties. He believes that the phrase as such, in the context of the article and lacking adequate distinctions, may lead to an understanding of obedience as a substitute for the natural and spontaneous working of the mind and will. For it can and does hap-pen that now and then men and women in religious orders thus mis-understand obedience, and see their minds and wills as mere instru-ments in the hands of the superior. Obedience is not' faith. This was Fr. Henry's first point. The Church herself, he says, is a supernatural society. To be a member of it requires supernatural admission. This supernatural society, be-sides her work of sanctifying through the sacraments, has a double function. The first 'is her teaching function. When she teaches for-mally,' she is infallible with the infallibility of God and .demands submission of the human intellect. The second is her governmental function or function of jurisdiction. Since she is a supernatural so-ciety, it follows that we could not recognize this authoritative func-tion of hers as legitimate, and therefore as representing God for us, without ultimately an act of faith. All this is, as Fr. Holstein rightly says, an imitation of the fa~ith and obedience of Christ. The object of the act of faith with regard to the governmental function of the Church is the office or the principle, that is, that the legitimate supe-rior represents God in the supernatural society which God has estab-lished. But--and this is extremely important, because it is where the expressions of certain writers can lead astray--the orders of a superior are not in themselves objects of faith, that is, they cannot command the assent of the intellect that is given only to the infalli-bility of God. When Fr. Holstein says that the submission which a religious grants to his superior is not given to a man but to the heavenly Father, whom he recognizes in the .superior--that is true, as long as one clearly distinguiShes the superior from God and the order of the superior from his office. The superior is essentially an intermediary and his orders are not infallible. Religious obedience is not based on the fact that the orders of the superior, since he repre-sents God, are infallible, but rather on the fact that since the superior has duly legitimate @uthority and is exercising it within the limits of that authority, his orders, even though objectively erroneous, are God's will for the subject and must be obeyed. 9O March, 1954 CONTROVERSY ON OBEDIENCE And so we come to the question of obedience of judgment, that Gordian knot Of religious obedience. Fr. Feret judges it rather se-verely. "Certain writers on obedience," he says, "mainly concerned with efficiency, whether ascetical or collective, have a tendency to preach a perfection of obedience that consists not only in a crushing of all self-will, which, putting aside all question of aboulia, is ac-ceptable enough, but even more, in a giving up of all personal opin-ign, or at least any opinion differing from that expressed in the su-perior's order. Now this, at le~ast if we judge by the moral the-ology of St. Thomas, runs the risk of an over-extension of obedi-ence that no good moralist could approve." Fr. Holstein does not treat explicitly of obedience of judgment, although the tone of his article supposes,it. And Fr. Henry treats it only incompletely. Fortunately, however, a pertinent article ap-peared recently in the theological review of the Diocese of Malines.~ The author, Fr. J. Brabants., a diocesan priest serving as a chaplain to nuns, had encount'ered so many theoretical difficulties concerning obedience of judgment .that he had decided to study the question more deeply. The results of his work are contained in the article, which has some penetrating observations and explanations. He treats with special clarity the case in which the subject, though willing to obey in act, finds that evidence to the contrary, forces him to recog-nize the objective unworthiness of an order. In such a case of physical impossibility of agreement by the intellect, must .we call the obedience of the subject mere obedience of execution or of the will? Would it then necessarily be excluded from the category of obedience of judgment, and therefore also from perfect obedience? This is the conclusion we must perforce come to if we demand actual conform-ity of the subject's mind with that of the superior as the essence of obedience of judgment. But is this what St. Ignatius himself taught? Fr. Brabants thus sums up St. Ignatius' formal teaching on the subject in his Letter On Obedience--teaching which must be carefully distinguished from those parts of the letter where St. Ignatius is merely being exhorta-tory or speaking" of practical means to acquire this perfection of obedience: "The complete and perfect offering of oneself is realized in the third degree of obedience by the submission of one's judgment to that of the superior in those cases in which the mind does not find itself bound bg the force of the truth . The really obedient man 6"Remarques sur l'ob~issance de jugement suivant saint Ignace," Collectanea Mech-liniensiao Nov., 1953, pp. 652-70. See especially p. 653. 91 RICHARD W. ROUSSEAU ought to bow to his superior s wishes. He approves the order re-ceived insofar at least as the will can bbnd the mind to this ap-prot~ al.'" Here St. Ignatius is teaching, first, that perfect obedience and obedience of judgment are identical; secondly, that sometimes the will, even though desiring to do so, cannot bring the intellect of the subject to agree with the superior's because the subject's intellect can in no way refuse solid, contrary arguments; thirdly, that obedience which of necessity cannot go beyond execution and will is rightly considered obedience of judgment; and fourthly, that this obedience of judgment is also perfect obedience. Obviously, however, if we give to the orders of superiors, be-cause of certain incomplete expressions concerning faith in obedience, a nature of quasi-infallibility, then actual conformity, at least by some very mysterious sort of faith, becomes essential to obedience of judgment and perfect obedience. But if, as has been explained, the motive of obedience is not the infallibility of the superior's order but his God-given function bf governmental authority, then actual in-tellectual conformity becomes accidental. We can define obedience of ju'dgment, therefore, as an inclination of the will to be so perfectly united with the will of the superior that it does all it can to bring the intellect to be in actual accord with the mind of the superior in a specific order unless reasons to the con-trary make this particular agreement impossible. We have thus examined all the authors and their articles. Re-garding the opinion of Fr. Feret, we agree with Fr. Holstein that it is inadequate. Rightfully, however, Fr. Henry points out that cer-tain aspects of Fr. Holstein's exposition need clarification, but be himself does not treat t,he question of obedience of judgment. On this last point, Fr. Brabants' article seems to us to present an illum-inating and interesting solution. We have taken the mystical notion of obedience.from Fr: Holstein, the thorough"analysis of the object and nature of obedience from Fr. Henry, and finally, from Ft. Bra-bants, the complementary considerations on the nature of obedience of judgment. And having made all the necessary distinctions and reservations, we can see in the sacrifices obedience occasions, in the graces it demands, in the faith it builds upon, in the trust in divine providence it requires, and in the identification it makes with the mystical obedience of Christ to his Father, how necessary and how noble a thing is religious obedience. 92 Benediction Brother Peter Goodman, C.S.C. IT IS INTERESTING to note during this Marian year that it was a devotion to Our Lady that was one of the forerunners of our present-day Benedidtion. It became the custom in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries for the faithful to gather together at the end of the day to sing hymns and canticles in honor of Mary. As this took place usually before her shrine in the local church, gradually another custom, that of exposing the Sacred Host for adoration (a carry over perhaps from the elevation at Mass), was added to give greater solemnity to the occasion. The use .Of a monstrance for holding the Host probably developed.from the need for such a vessel in which to carry the Host during the processions subsequent to the establishment of Corpus Christi. It has been suggested, too, that the monstrance might have originated from the practice of putting relics in glass reliquaries for veneration. As a fitting close for the service the Sacred Host was raised in blessing over the gathering. In .one of Cardinal Newman's lectures he describes the character and meaning of this rite in glowing terms, particularly the blessing. "It is our Lord's solemn benediction of His people, as when He lifted up His hands over the children, or when He blessed His chosen ones when He ascended up from Mount Olivet. As sons might come before a parent before going to bed at night, so once or twice a week the great Catholic family comes before the Eternal Father, after the bustle or the toil of the day: and He smiles upon them, and sheds upon them the light of His countenance. It is a full accomplish-ment of what the priest invoked upon the Israelites: 'The Lord bless thee and keep thee; the Lord show His face to thee, and have mercy on thee: the Lord turn His countenance to thee, and give thee peace.' " Upon reflection we might wonder why our vision of His counte-nance is not appreciably clearer, our peace not more firm and deep after we have received this blessing numberless times. Is it not be-cause we have failed to understand what is being done to "us, and failed to make full use of the power placed at our disposal? A,short paragraph in the encyclical Mediator Dei points the way 93 o . PETER GOODMAN Review for Religious to a keener appreciation of the rite of Benediction. In speaking of the blessing at the conclusion of the ceremony, our Holy Father says, i'. it is an excellent and fruitful thing that the priest, holding the Bread of Angels aloft before the bowed heads of the Christian multitude, and turning it about duly in the form of a cross, should pray the Heavenly Father kindly to turn His eyes to His Son crucified for love of us. and because of Him and through Him, Who willed to be our Redeemer and our Brother, should command supernatural gifts to flow forth to those who have been redeemed by the immaculate Blood of the Lamb." This eminently Christo-centric manner of approach is prob-ably not our usual method of praying at Benediction. We might be more inclined to bow low and feel, in imagination, the soft touch of Christ's pierced hands upon our heads and hear Him whisper, "See how much I have loved you." It requires faith, of course, to do this; faith in the Eucharistic Presence. But there are degrees in faith as there are degrees in shadow. Worldly things seen with our bodily eyes partake of the aspect of shadows'--"a, shadow's shadow, he, the Spokesman, tells us, a world of shadow!" (Ecclesiastes 12:8.) Things of the spirit, viewed with the eyes of faith, become clearer as faith deepens. To concentrate on the blessing itself, regarding it as a sort of mystical laying on of Christ's hands, does not seem to give suffi-ciently free rein to our habit of faith. Faith seeks not so much the blessing, as Him who bestows the blessing. It wants to encompass in an intuitive fashion this being who is not only human but divine. The Word was made visible to draw us upward to the love of things invisible. Christ tells us, "See, I hold you engraven on My hands and in My heart," but we are to pass through those wounds to knowledge of His Father and of the Holy Spirit. A lively faith is also acutely aware of Christ's role as Redeemer. The sacred humanity was ,broken by suffering that our human natures might be made whole by sharing in the very lif4 of the Trinity. To faith's clear vision, Christ is ever the "Lamb standing upright, yet slain" (Apoc. 5:6), the eternal Mediator between God and man. Our Lord has frequently urged us to pray in His name, to avail ourselves of His divine intercessory power. This we shall do if we pattern our sentiments at Benediction on the recommendation offered by His Holiness, Plus XII. Whet; the Sacred Host is raised above our heads in the salvific gesture of the cross, our first thought 94 March, 1954 BOOK REVIEWS will then be to beg thee Father to look upon His incarnated Son, formed by the operation of the Holy Spirit from the pure flesh of Mary. We shall remind Him to gaze upon the scars of the cruci-fixion sustained for love of us, the wounds in Christ's hands, feet, and heart. They are our means of violence with which we may rock heaven and bear away the Father's blessing. In virtue of these wounds, and of the love borne the Son by His Fa.ther, we can then with great confidence ask the Father to bless us and all the world. LISTEN, SISTER SUPERIOR. By John E. Moffaff, S.J. Pp. 208. McMul-len Books, Inc., New York: 1953. $2.75. Although one might strongly disagree with some points made by the author, yet the general impression created by Listen, Sister Supe-rior is that it is a thesaurus of practical advice, compiled by an ex-perienced director of sisters from his many years spent in giving re-treats to sisters throughout the country. Father Moffatt's creden-tials need hardly be given here because his many previous works have merited for him an enthusiastic throng of readers. As usual, the author's style is warm and engaging; his thought, uplifting and practical. As the title indicates, these spiritual chats are directed to superior's, but they are just as applicable and worth while to subjects. Often a sister in the ranks has suddenly lifted her eyes to find the hand of Divine Providence suture, oning her to lead others on the path of perfe.ction~ For many humble ones there is neither thought nor premonition that such an event could happen to them, and a wave of almost frantic helplessness overcomes them as they face their new obligations and realize their unworthiness and lack of preparation. Such persons will find this work a manual of arms in helping them to know clearly their new obligations: and the ideals presented would .soon enable the most timid to go forward with confidence, realizing with St. Paul that all things work unto good for those who love God. For the experienced sister superior each little chat might well provide matter for an examination of conscience and an inspiration in following her ideals. For the sister in the ranks this work will 95 BOOK REVIEWS ¯ Reoieto for Religious engender a greater understanding of the problems of her superior and will enable her to understand many decisions heretofore perplexing and seemingly harsh. For all, Listen, Sister Superior will pr.ovide an inspiring and refreshing review of the fundamental principles in-volved in silence, common life, poverty, rule of life, humility, jus-tice, and especially obedience.--EDWARD A. LARKIN, S.J. OBEDIENCE. Edited by A. PI~, O.P. Pp. viii ~ 289. The Newman Press, Westmins÷er, Maryland, 19S3. $3.7S. This volume contains the English version of a collection of re-ports presented by priests and sisters of various religious institutes at the 1950 conference of La Vie Spirituelle on the topic, "Obedi-ence and the Modern Nun." Although the book is primarily in-tended for religious women, more than half of the contents would be useful for all religious: and the entire book would seem to be indispensable for priests charged with the spiritual direction of re-ligious women. The loose unity characteristic of collections of this kind is offset in the present instance by an attitude and a theme which seem to have prey,ailed in most of the authors' approaches to their facet of the subject. The attitude is one of candor and honesty in facing the problem of evaluating and ordering the personalist and democratic tendencies which are certainly, if only indirectly, influencing con-temporary religious life. The theme is religious obedience as a vir-tue which involves a maximum of intelligent activity. The impact created by this contemporaneity of treatment is that of freshness rather than novelty. Suggestions and conclusions arise from a merger of the present historical condition with the vital tra-dition of Saints Basil, Benedict, Dominic, Francis, Ignatius, Thomas Aquinas, Teresa of ,Avila, John of the Cross, and Th~r~se of Lisieux. The tinique value of the book lies in this attt!mpt.to as-similate within the tradition of the Church whatever is good in modern psychology and the social drive toward personalism. Because of the variety of topics, a brief review can hardly give an accurate description of the contents of the book. Yet the flavor might at least be sampled by reading some short statements made by Henri Bissonier in histreatment of "Initiative and Obedience in Re-ligious Life." "Initiative is in full play when a subject can, and in some ways is obliged' to, give plain proof of his originality, free 4hoice and creativeness in the permissions he seeks. Obedience is in full play because the subject acts only when the permission sought 96 March, 1954 BOOK ANNOUNCEMENTS comes back to him as a permission granted with the validity of a command" (p. 237). "In brief, let initiative be not only tolerated by superiors but conceded, allowed, encouraged and almost, imposed. so long as a subject needs to be drawn out of that dangerous inertia which merely counterfeits obedience" (p. 238). The whole tendency of this book is to arouse a new appreciation and enthusiasm for obedience.-~ROBERT D. CROZIER, S.J. ~ BOOK NOTICES To GOVERN Is TO LOVE, by F. X, Ronsin, S.J., translated from the French by Sister Eugenia Logan, S.P., is addressed to superiors of religious women. Translations have appeared in Italian and Spanish, and others are being prepared in Polish, Dutch, and Por-tuguese. This book is a r~sum4 of a much larger work published by the ~uthor in 1947 under the title Pour Mfeux Gouoerner, which has not as yet been translated into English. It is divided into four parts: I, To Know Subjects; II, To Understand Subjects; III, To Form Subjects; IV, To Love Subjects. Although it is not easy reading, perhaps because it is a condensation, still superiors will find it well worth while to make a study of the points discussed and to ponder on them, for their benefit as well as for that of the members of the community. (New York: Society of Saint Paul, 1953. Pp. 288. $3.00.) ~ To write profoundly, correctly, simply, a~d clearly on any aspect of the Catholic teaching on grace is a genuine achievement. John V. Matthews, S.J., once did this on the subject of actual grace. More recently be has done the same thing as regards sanctifying grace. THE LIFE THAT IS GRACE gives in simple, readable chapters the profound truths pertaining to the doctrine of sanctifying grace, and presents these truths in a practical, inspirational manner. (West-minster, Md.: The Newman Press. 1953. Pp. vii q- 196. $2.50.) BOOK ANNOUNCEMENTS [For the most part. these notices are purely descriptive, based on a cursory exam-ination of the books listed.] BRUCE PUBLISHING CO., 400 N. Broadway, Milwaukee 1, Wis. A Life of Mar~t, Co-Redemptrix. By Peter A. Resch, S.M. "This little work tries to set forth the life of the Blessed Mother 97 BOOK ANNOUNCEMENTS Review [or Religious simply and positively, amplifying the gospel story only by the in-~ terpretations which the Church seems to favor in her liturgy, in her papal pronouncements, and in her recognized commentators." Pp. 96. $1.00. CATHOLIC LITERATURE DISTRIBUTORS, 660 N. Dearborn St., Chicago 10, I11. The Wife Desired. By Leo J. Kinsella. As the title indicates, this book gives the qualities that are desired in a good wife. Ac-cording to the various chapters, the wife desired is an inspiration to her husband, has personality, is patient, is a physical being, has a sense of humor, is a companion to her husband, and is religious. This is the first book to be published by the Catholic Literature Distributors. Pp. 168. $2.50. (Paper edition, 70 cents.) THE DAUGHTERS OF ST. PAUL, Old Lake Shore Road, Derby,N.Y. Louis Martin: An Ideal Father. By Louis and Marjorie Wust. In this book the authors have given us "the first life in English of a saintly father of a sainted daughter." This life of the father of the Little Flower of Jesus "is presented in a pleasant and entertaining style." Pp. 375. $3.00. (Paper edition, $1.50.) EXPOSITION PRESS, 386 Fourth Ave., New York 16, N. Y. Living for God. By Rev. Manuel Milagro, C.M.F. "The book is designed for those who have a fair knowledge of the doc- .trine and the teachings of faith, hope, and charity; who have expe.ri-enced the bitterness of the struggle required to lead a virtuous life; but yet, who find their way more or less clouded by a feeling of anxiety." Pp. 116. $2.50. FIDES PUBLISHERS, 21 W. Superior St., Chicago 10, Ill. Wisdom Shall Enter. By Leo J. Trese. A book of modern apologetics presented in readable style. Contains an introduction, sixteen chapters, and two appendices., The chapters deal with standard apologetic themes: existence of God; man's immortality and freedom; need of religion; credentials of Christ and His Church; and so forth. The appendices treat briefly of the nature of God, and of the dictum that outside the Catholic Church there is no salvation. Pp. 144. $2.75. The Apostolic Itch. By Vincent J. Giese. "A group of reflec-tions from the lay point of view, on the lay apostolate, particularly the directions it should take in the years ahead." The author is edi-torial director of Fides Publishers, which is dedicated to serying the 98 March, 19~4 BOOK ANNOUNCEMENTS lay apostolate. Pp. 126. $2.75. The Kingdom Is Yours. By P. Forestier, S.M. An "unpre-tentious commentary of the Gospel," as the author says in his Preface, in which "youth will be able to meet Christ, to hear His teachings directly, to gaze at leisure upon His sacred person, and to learn at first hand the virtues that make true and perfect Christians. Young men and women will realize that religion is not like other school subjects, such as science or literature, for instance. They will discover that religion enriches the whole personality--the mind, the heart, and the soul." Pp. xiii q- 189. $3.50. WILFRED FUNK, INC., 153 E. 24th St., New York 10, N;Y. Catholic Shrines in the United States and Canada. By Francis Beauchesne Thornton. "What.I have tried to do is to give the his-tory of noted places of popular pilgrimages: places where the attrac-tion of a saint, an atmosphere, or a devotion, has drawn men and women with the compelling magnetism Chartrek had for Henry Adams" (from the author's Preface). The book tells the story of one hundred and nineteen of these noted places and gives exact loca-tions, with maps and photographs. Beautifully printed and illus-trated. A distinctive contribution to the story of Catholicism in Canada and the United States. Its price, as prices range ~today, is very moderate. It should be in every Catholic home and institution. Pp. xii + 340. $4.75. GILL ~ SON, 50 Upper O'Connell St., Dublin, Ireland. Our Lady of the Smile. By Rev. St6phane doseph Piat, O.F.M. One of the memorable events in the life of the Little Flower is the apparition of Our Lady when she was a child. It was at this time that Our Lady smiled on Th6r~se. In this book Father Piat shows how the Little Flower later fostered the devotion to Our Lady of the Smile, and how this. devotion has spread since her death. Pp. x + 134. 5/6. We Catholics. By Robert Nash, S.d. This is a second volume of short essays on what might be called the everyday spirituality of Catholics. Besides the Introduction. there are twenty-six essays on practical topics and in the readable style that we have come naturally. to expect of Father Nash. Pp. viii ~- 136. 5/. Plus X. By Fr. Hieronymo Dal-Gal. ~Translated and adapted from the Italian by Thomas F. Murray, M.A. An authentic bi- 9grapby based on ot~cial records. For the sake of readability this English adaptation omits the notes and abbreviates some of the 99 BOOK ANNOUNCEMENT~ Reuieu~ for Religious material contained in the original Italian. Good for both private and public reading. Pp. xv ÷ 246. 15/. THE GRAIL, St. Meinrad, Indiana. Mission [or Margaret. By Mary Fabyan Windeatt. This is a life of St. Margaret Mary, with special reference to the devotion to the Sacred Heart and the practice of Communion on the First Fri-day, told in story form. Pp. 230. $3.00. B. HERDER BOOK CO., 15 South Broadway, St. Louis 2, Mo. The Philosophy of Being. By Rt. Rev. Louis De Raeymaeker. Translated by Rev. Edmund H. Ziegelmeyer, S.J. A synthesis of metaphysics in which "the author follows the lines of thought of St. Thomas Aquinas, and makes convincing application of the doc-trines of the analogy of being and the real distinction between es-sence and existence in all contingent beings." Not a textbook: but suggestions for using' it as a textbook are furnished by the trans-lator. Pp. xii -k 360. $4.95. HOLY SHROUD GUILD, Esopus, N. Y. Self-Portrait of Christ. By Edward A. Wuenschel. C.SS.R. The author is a recognized authority on the Holy Shroud of Turin. In this book' he presents the arguments for and against the authenticity of the Shroud and concludes that it is authentic. Good photographs of the Shroud are included, as well as an excellent and detailed bibliography. Pp. 128. $1.00 (paper). P. J. KENEDY ~ SONS, 12 Barclay St., New York 8. N.Y. A Doctor at Calt~ar~t. By Pierre Barbet, M.D. Translated from the French by the Earl of Wicklow. In this book Dr. Barber, an eminent French surgeon, gathers together his many writings and lectures on the physical sufferings of Christ. His interest in this sub-ject began when be saw photographs 6f the Holy Shroud. His work is based on a careful study of the impressions on the Shroud, as well as of archaeology, history, scriptural exegesis, and so forth. Pp. 178, plus 12 pages of photographs. $3.00. The Epistles in Focus. By B. Lawler, S.J. Contains a'n explan-atory foreword and sixteen chapters. The first two chapters are in-troductory. "All the remaining chapters," says the author, "are devoted to one or two Epistles in turn. Each c,hapter contains (i) useful information, followed by (ii) a brief commentary. (i) The information is partly certain, partly conjectural: you need not take it all as 'gospel-truth,,' . . . (ii) The commen'tary makes no preten- 100 March, 1954 BOOK ANNOUNCEMENTS sions either to completeness or to havir;g a balanced selection of learned opinions. It is merely what I regard as necessary or useful for the ordinary reader." The book concludes with useful schematic summaries of the Acts of the Apostles and the Epistles. Pp. 165. $3.00. NEWMAN PRESS, Westminster, Maryland. Faith and Prayer. By Vincent McNabb, O.P. A reprint of works formerly published by Father McNabb. Pp. ix-I- 215. $3.50. The Fulness of Sacrilice. By A. M. Crofts, O.P. A study of the Eucharist intended to "help the reader to appreciate the Sacrament and Sacrifice of the Eucharist, not.merely as a truth isolated within itself, but as the culmination of God's vast and eternal design of Re-demption, gradually unfolded down the ages of preparation, and, once fulfilled, for ever perpetuating the fulness of sacrifice in the re-deeming mystery of the Messiah."' Pp. 296. $3.00. The Trinity in Our Spiritual Life. By Dom Columba Marmion, O.S.B. The Abbot Marmion once composed a beautiful Consecra-tion to the Blessed Trinity. This book contains the Act of Conse-cration, and an explanation of each part of the Act by means of apt selections from other published works of Dora Marmion. Pp. 284. $3.50. The Scale of Perfection. By Walter Hilton. A noted English classic on perfection translated into modern English, with an intro-duction and notes by Dom Gerard Sitwell, O.S.B. The fifth volume to be published in the new Orchard Series. A book which is indis-pensable for the student of Christian asceticism and mysticism and which makes charming and unctious spiritual reading. Pp. xx-~ 316. $3.50. RADIO REPLIES PRESS, 5'00 Robert St., St. Paul 1, Minn. That Catholic Church. By Rev. Dr. Leslie Rumble, M.S.C. Edited in collaboration with the Rev. Charles Carty. A sequel and companion book to the three volumes of radio replies published pre-viously by Frs. Rumble and Carry. This volume contains 1650 replies to questions, also a detailed index. Pp. x ÷ 453.$3.50. (Paper edition, $2.50.) TEMPLEGATE, 719 E. Adams St., Springfield, Ill. Christopher's Talks to Catholic Teachers. By'David L. Green-stock. Advice to Catholic teachers covering their own preparation, religious teaching methods, the manner of dealing with various age 101 NEWS AND VIEWS Reoiew /:or Religious groups, also of dealing with the abnormal child, vocational counsel-ing, and so forth. Pp. xi + 228. $3.75. JOSEPH F. WAGNER, INC., 53 Park Place, New York 7, N.Y. Kegs to the Third Floor. By Philip E. Dion, C.M. A very practical and readabl~ .treatise on how to live the religious life well especially by imitating Christ in His obedience, His love of the poor, His love of the cross, and His love of enemies. Pp. 188. $3.25. Nr-WS AND VII:WS (Continued from Page 86) quires some changes in our catechisms. Of special interest, there-fore. is the communication of the Sacred Congregation of the Coun-cil published in Acta Apostolicae Sedis, December 16, 1953, pp. 809-810. According to this communication, the Sacred Con-gregation of the Holy Office, with the approval of the Holy Father, has ordered certain changes in nn. 335, 339, and 340, of the Catechism of Blessed Pius X. The following is an accurate sense-translation of the new version of these numbers: 335. What is required to make a good Communion? Ans. To make a good Communion, three things are required: (1) to be in the state of grace: (2) to know and to bea~ in mind who is going to be received; (3) to be fasting from midnight. 339. In what does the Eucharistic fast consist? Ans. The Eucharistic fast consists in abstaining from food or drink of any kind, with the exception of plain water. 340. May one who is not fasting euer receiue Communion? Ans. One who is not fasting may receive Communion in danger of death; also in definite circumstances determined by the Church. 340-bis. What are these de£nite circumstances determined by the Church ? Ans. They are the following: , 1) The sick may receive Holy Communion, even after taking medicines or liquids; if, because of grave inconvenience recognized as such by the confessor, they are unable to observe a complete fast. 2) Those who receive Communion at a late hour or after a long journey or after fatiguing work may take some liquid nour-ishment up to an hour before going to Communion, if they experi-ence grave inconvenience recognized as such by the confessor in ob- 102 March, 1954 NEWS AND VIEWS serving a complete fast. 3) At evening Masses, those who have abstained from solid foods for three hours and from liquid for one hour may receive Communion, 340-ter. When permission is granted to take liquids, are alcoholic drinks included? Ans, When permission is granted to take liquids, alcoholic drinks are excluded. Summer Sessions Reverend James I. O'Connor, S.J., professor of canon law at West Baden College, will ~ive a course entitled "Canon Law con-cerning Religious," at Immaculate Heart College, Los Angeles, from June 28 to July 31, inclusive. This is a general course directed to all religious women, and it will be given during the regular summer session. There is adequate housing on th~ campus for out-of-town religious. For further information address: The Dean, Immaculate Heart College, Los Feliz and Western Avenue, Los Angeles 27, California. The Institute for Religious at College Misericordia. Dallas, Pennsylvania, (a three-year summer course of twelve days in canon law and ascetical theology for sisters) will be held this year August 20-31. This is the second year in the triennial course. The course in canon law is given by the Reverend :losepb F. Gallen, S.J., that in ascetical theology by the Reverend Daniel J. M. Callahan, S.J., both of Woodstock College. The registration is restricted to higher su-periors, their councilors and officials, mistresses of novices, and those in similar positions. Applications are to be addressed to the Rev. Jo-seph F. Gallen, S.J., Woodstock College, Woodstock, Maryland. Marquette University offers an Institute on Canon Law for Re-ligious, to be held on six week ends during the 1954 summer session. The Institute will be conducted by the Reverend Adam C. Ellis, S.J., a member of the editorial board of REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS. Although primarily intended for superiors, masters and mistresses of novices, councilors, bursars, and others charged with some direction of reli-gious communities, the institute will be open to all religious. The meetings will be held on successive Friday afternoons at 3:30-5:15, and successive Saturday mornings at 9:00-11:00. The first ses-sions will be June 18-19. Father Ellis will also give one special con-ference on "The Mind of the Church in the Government of Reli-gious," discussing such problems as adaptation, studies, physical care 103 NEWS AND VIEWS Retffew ~or Religious of the community, sleep, diet, work, and the like. Another special feature will be a question box. Registration fee for all twelve sessions will be ten dollars; for individual sessions, one dollar. For a detailed list of topics to be treated at the various sessions, as well as for regis-tration and further information write to: The Director, Summer Session, Marquette Universi.ty, Milwaukee 3, Wisconsin. C, anonizaflons, 195 I The Clergy Monthly, edited by the Jesuit Fathers at St. Mary's Theological College, Kurseong, D.H. Ry., India, has published short biographical sketches of those who have been beatified or canonized during ~he reign of Pope Plus XII. With the gracious permission of the Editor of The Clergy Monthly, we have already reprinted the biographical sketches of those canonized or beatified from 1939 to the end of the Holy Year, 1950. (See RE.VIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, VIII [1949], 3-17; IX [1950], 330-31; X [1951], 225-38.) The following are brief sketches of those canonized during 1951: St. Emily de Vialar: born, 1797; died 1856; beatified, 1939; canonized, June 24, 1951. Foundress of the Sisters of St. Joseph "of the Apparition." By 1952 her institute had become an impor-tant missionary congregation, with 2,000 members in 125 houses. St. Mary Dominic Mazzarello: born, 1837; died, 1881; beati-fied, 1938; canonized, June 24, 1951. Cofoundress, with St. John Bosco, of, the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians. Don Bosco wanted a congregation that would do for girls what his own Sales-ians were doing for boys. By 1952 there were more than 14,000 Salesian Sisters in 58 countries. St. Anthony Gianelli: born, 1789 ; died, 1846 ; beatified, 1925 ; canonized, October 21, 1951. As a diocesan 15riest he distinguished himself in educational work and in the parish ministry. In 1838 he was appointed bishop of Bobbio. He founded an institute of sisters for teaching poor children and nursing the sick-~the Daughters of Mary dell' Orto. In 1952 this institute had 1,400 members in Europe, Latin America, and Asia. St. Francis-Xaoier Biancbi: born, 1743; died 1815; beatified, 1893; canonized, October 21, 1951. A Barnabite, professor of theology, great preacher, and director of souls. The peopl~ of Naples venerated him as the Philip Neri of their city. St. lgnatius of Laconi: born, 1701: died 1781; beatified, 1940; canonized, October 21, 1951. A Sicilian Capuchin lay brother/ He i 04' March, 1954 SECULAR INSTITUTES spent most of his long life begging food for the Capuchin monastery --an occupation that gave him many opportunities to do good for souls. The last three.salnts, the Holy Father observed on the occas;on of their canonization, differed much in their external life--a bishop, a theologian, and a lay brother--but all three were great apostles. All three were remarkable for overcoming natural family affections and self-love, for being constantly united with God in the midst of manifold occupations, and for dedicating themselves ardently to the salvation and sanctification of their neighbor. Francis N. Korth, S.J. An informal two-day gathering of a number of priests interested in secular institutes was held at the Morrison Hotel in Chicago, Feb-ruary 22 and 23. Various parts of the country were represented. The meeting developed out of a questionnaire sent to interested per-sons last December. The questionnaire mentioned the possibility of a meeting of priests who might already know something about sec-ular institutes or who might be desirous of learning something about this type of institute. Those who received the questionnaire were asked to contact other priests who might be interested. Father Joseph E. Haley, C.S.C., of Notre Dame University, was chiefly re-sponsible for getting the meeting together. A small but select group of priests gathered for the opening ses-sion at ten o'clock the morning of February 22. It became imme-diately apparent that these priests had come together for a very definite purpose and that they were wholeheartedly concerned with the topic under discussion. A short introductory paper followed by discussion was the planned outline for each session. The lively, lengthy discussions that characterized each meeting amply fulfilled all expectations. The first paper treated the topic: "The Role of Secular Institutes in the Church Today." It was presented by the Reverend Raymond E. Bernard, S.J., of the Institute of Social Order at St. Louis. A number of pertinent historical items, from the eighteenth century up FRANCIS N. KORTH Reoieu., [or Religious to the present time, were noted. It was pointed out that the blend-ing of firmness and flexibility in the Prooida Mater Ecclesia wisely allowed for the growth of the new institutes under the guidance of the Holy Spirit. ~ The afternoon session of the first day was devoted to a paper and discussion on the juridical requirements of secular institutes, the initial ~teps to be taken in forming a group that might develop into a secular institute, further steps, consolidation, and final ap-proval in a diocese. Subsequent papal approval is a further possi-bility. This matter was ably presented by the Reverend Andr~ Guay, O.M.I., Director of the Catholic Center at the University of Ottawa. Guides in formulating steps of development are the docu-ments that have emanated from the Holy See and the constitutions of approved secular institutes. The first definite general purpose of a secular institute is the sanctification of its members; any apostolate that follows is an outgrowth of that. There must also be a definite specified purpose, which might be quite general, such as the purpose to undertake the various types of work the bishop may suggest, provided there is no one else to do that work. At the beginning de facto approval by the local ordinary should be obtained, and then the group will function as best it can. Great care is to be exercised in admitting applicants, since there is question of a very special vocation for life, a vocation that makes peculiar de-mands upon the individual because of the complete dedication of oneself to a practice of the evangelical counsels in the world. In a true vocation of this kind God's grace will not be wanting. After experience shows that the group can function along the lines of a possible secular institute and that it has within itself the potential ability to carry on, the bishop is to be approached again, this time for de jure recognition of the existing group as a pious as-sociation of some kind (society, sodality, or some other form). After such recognition is obtained, the succeeding period is

PRIZE ESSAY NUMBER. i i ~ JUSTE, 1904 IY6L, XIII. HO. i GETTYSBURG COLLEGE GETTYSBURG, PA. i w. V N. C. UARBKMENH, OCTTTOBUflS II n w i HELP THOSE WHO HELP US. The Intercollegiate Bureau of Academic Costume. Chartered igoz. Cottrell & Leonrard Albany, N. Y. AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA WWWWWWWWWWWW Makers of Caps, Gowns, Hoods AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA A. B. BLACK, Gettysburg College Representative. Come and Have a Good Shave, E. A. Wright's or HAIR-CUT at Engraving House, Naffy B. SeftOll's 1108 Chestnut St. PHILADELPHIA We have our own photograph gallery for half-tone and photo engraving. Fashionable Engraving and Stationery. Leading house for College, School and Wedding Invitations, Dance Programs, Menus. Fine engraving of all kinds. Before ordering elsewhere com-pare samples and prices. New Tons:)rial Parlor's, 35 Baltimore St. BARKERS' SUPPLIES A SPECIALTY. Also, choice line of fine Cigars. Northwestern Mutual Life Insurance Company, *^ A, L, Menbeck, Agent, COLLEGE. IF YOU CALL ON C. 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Parties visiting quarries will leave cars at Brownstone Station, on the P. & R. R. R. DO YOU NEED PNEY TO GO TO COLLEGE ? [FROM COPYRIGHTED STEREOGRAFH BY UNDERWOOD AND UNDERWOOD] Happy Land of t :e R* staff Sun where Song Unceasing Flows. Stereoscopes * and * Stereographs K\ can furnish it fo.' you during the Summer Vacation, Many New Subjects for this season: Russian-Japanese War, Panama Canal, Balti-more Fire, President Roosevelt, Gettysburg Battlefield: New Comic Series; Stereo-scopic Tours, accompanied by patent maps and interesting descriptive books- Write for particulars- Underwood & Underwood 3 AND 5 W. NINETEENTH ST., COR. FIFTH AVE., NEW YORK. REPRESENTED AT PENN'A COL. BY E- G- HESS- The CDcFGury. The Literary Journal of Gettyburg College. VOL. XIII. GETTYSBURG, PA., JUNE, 1904. No. 4 CONTENTS "DE SAPIENTIAE PROFESSORIBUS "—POEM, . . 128 ANDROMACHE ET DECIDIANA. RUSSIAN AGGRESSION—Pen and Sword Prize Essay, . 130 PAUL B. DUNBAR, '04. A MODERN FAUST, 136 "X. Y. Z.'' SOCIALISM ,137 JOSEPH E. ROWE, '04. THE SABBATH AS A CIVILIZER, 144 Miss HELEN WAGNER, '06. THE COURSE OF THE U. S. GOVERNMENT IN CONNECTION WITH THE PANAMA REVOLUTION, . 146 CHAS. W. HEATHCOTE, '05. A HUNTER OF MEN—POEM, 148 "BRIDGET." .'THE PATH OF DUTY IS THE WAY TO GLORY," . 151 POEM, 154 EDITORIALS 155 EXCHANGES, . 157 w 128 . THE MERCURY. «DE SAPIENTIAE PROFESSORIBUS." ANDROMACHE ET DECIDIANA. HOW dear to our hearts are those days when at college We studied and wept o'er the classics of yore; The Latin, the Greek, and the terrible German, And brain-splitting ''Math" which we used to deplore. To-night as we sit in the glow of our fire-side, And think of those days and the pleasures of old, Our hearts fain would turn to our former professors, Who gave to us learning, much better than gold. The fire burns low in its smouldering ashes, The faces appear that we once knew so well, Some pleasant and jovial, and others more solemn, But of each, in his turn, we will .now try to tell. Oh Muse ! pray be kind and remain standing by us, And give to us freely and with no restraint, That much sought for gift, the true power of description, So each one may know whom we're trying to paint. The first who appears in the fast dying embers, Is one who made culprits shake clear to their toes ; He'd rap on the desk with a frowning expression, And quell all confusion, just how, no one knows. His eyes were as blue as the azure of Heaven, His hair was inclined to a faint auburn shade, His stature was tall, and this mighty Apollo Was reverenced alike by each man and each maid. And now we behold one so tall and so handsome, Who led our young minds 'round the fair walls of Troy, Who oft would propound his fav'rite assertion That 'there should be guardians for maidens so coy.' And next to him standing, a man of small stature, Whom feline protectors all look on with dread; He bears in his right hand a tight-covered basket, Just lift up the cover ! Out pops a cat's head. Our dear 'Roman Senator' now looms before us, As tall as a dignified 'senex' of old. He too bears a basket, but it's full of good things, And as a 'rear guard' he has 'Waggles,' the bold. The next that appears to our far-seeing vision Is one who seemed stern tho' at heart he was ki-nd. His friends the}' were num'rous, his travels were many, But ever to "Dutchland" his heart was inclined. THE MERCURY. 129 Scarce had his form disappeared in the ashes, When two more professors came into our sight. A halo of gas, (H2S), was around them, Which ever had been their fond joy and delight. How often we shivered when into their class-room We went in dread fear that we might not come out. A "fiss" and a "bang" and a "crash" would oft greet us; And then the stern question, "What are you about?" And now comes a face that so quietly greets us, He led 'little boys' in the way they should go. He taught them politeness as well as sound doctrine, And stirred to high ideals instead of to low. And last but not least comes that jolly, good "Sap'ens" Who once taught us "Math" and a great deal beside, For he used to tell all the jokes of the season, And solved weighty problems discussed far and wide. The fire dies out and we sit there reflecting On those pleasant days and our teachers of old, And we would not sell our fond recollections For all the rich treasures the deep sea could hold. And so let us close while the dark shadows gather, Which hide from our vision each loved noble face. We hope they still walk through those fair halls of learning, And for many years yet each may keep his old place. 130 THE MERCURY. " RUSSIAN AGGRESSION." [Pen and Sword Prize Essay.] PAUL B. DUNBAR, '04. THE discussion of a subject of world-wide importance can-not fail to be influenced by preconceived prejudices. It seems to be natural for Americans as a whole to entertain strongly such a prejudice against Russia. This is probably the result of our instinctive sympathy for the weak in a contest with the strong. The attempt will be made in this paper, how-ever, to set forth as impartially as possible the facts of the Rus-sian Advance. Having studied these carefully, Russia's motives will be discussed, and finally the probable results of these ag-gressive movements will be briefly summed up. A glance at the map of Russia, her possessions and spheres of influence, shows over how vast a region the Empire of the North holds sway. From the Baltic on the west to the Sea of Okhotsk and the Behring Sea on the east, the Russian territory extends in an unbroken stretch—five thousand miles of steppes and mountains, rivers and inland seas, burning deserts and bar-ren tundras. On the broad plains of Siberia are sections of wonderful fertility practically undeveloped and in its mountain ranges are untouched stores of boundless mineral wealth. This entire region is subject to the most diverse climatic conditions, seasons of extreme cold alternating with intervals of almost tor-rid heat. Such is the Empire of the Czar, embracing more than one seventh of the land surface of the globe and support-ing a population of one hundred and thirty millions. Today we see the Great Bear reaching out ready to seize in his powerful clutch territory after territory. The stress of pres-ent events draws our attention especially to the Far East. There we see the Muscovite pressing relentlessly upon the territory of China, and now by the test of battle it must be decided whether Korea also shall be Russian. The Far East is not the only object of Russia's advance. Slowly, silently, by stealth of di-plomacy, plans are being laid, forces set to work to widen Asi-atic Russia to the southward. During the last forty years; THE MERCURY. 131 , •% . — Britain has watched with apprehension the southward advance of the Bear toward her Indian border. Never for an instant dare she relax her vigilance against the encroachment of the Czar. Russian advisers ever ready to advance the interests of their master hold the ears of many of the native border princes. But yesterday came rumors of Russian influence in Tibet, of a treaty of that country with Russia, and the presence of envoys in the Tibetan capital whose purpose is to forward Russian in-terests in opposition to those of England. Turkey and the Balkan States feel this powerful hand and Sweden and Norway look with alarm toward the borders of Finland. What is the history of the growth of this giant among nations ? Three hundred and twenty years ago Russia was a small and semi barbarous state whose advance posts were scarcely eight hundred miles east of St. Petersburg. In the closing years of the sixteenth century, however, there came to the throne a ruler distinguished for severity even in that stern age. Ivan the Ter-rible, by the very cruelty of his rule, inaugurated the eastward movement of that Slavic invasion which now after three cen-turies of alternate advance and retreat is now approaching so terrible a crisis. Rebellious subjects of the Czar fleeing from pursuing troops were forced to take refuge in the unknown, frigid wilderness to the eastward. As they retreated, they easily overcame the scattered nomads who inhabited these regions. Then by turning over the conquered territory to Russia, they obtained the pardon of the Czar Ivan. This was the first step —the entering wedge—in Russia's eastward advance. The tide thus setting toward the Pacific flowed on slowly but resist-lessly, unopposed by rival nations, for the region was to them unknown. A century passed and another mighty figure ascended the Russian throne. Under Peter the Great came further aggres-sive expansion. The northern ocean presented an insurmount-able barrier but in other directions the advance continued. Southward the Muscovite ruler forced his way and to the west-ward Sweden and Poland felt the force of Russian aggression. Thus year after year, under ruler after ruler, the slow policy of 132 THE MERCURY. expansion has gone on. Wherever opportunity offered the Great Bear forced his entering wedge. West and south felt the advance, but it was toward the east that he moved most steadily. As has been said, Russia aims to follow the line of least re-sistance. The vast plains of Siberia, frozen in winter, parched in summer, were a part of the world's surface uncoveted by the earth-hunger of Europe. So while other nations fought and wrangled over other portions of the globe, the Empire of the Czar silently absorbed this mighty region. Thus by slow movements or sudden leaps, by treachery or by diplomacy, by fair means^or foul, Russia at last reached the Pacific—the ocean outlet which she has always desired. Here was encountered an unsurmountable difficulty. Russia, having apparently overcome all obstacles in her march to the sea, was now met and held by the strength of perpetual winter. The ice bound harbors of northern Asia were valueless. Warmer waters must be reached and, having come thus far, Russia was not to be baffled. By a sudden, bold move the Amur was made the southern boundary. Then in i860, subtle diplomacy obtained from China the strip of coast upon which is built the port of Vladivostok. It is significant that the name of this city is the Russian phrase for " Control of the East." As a seaport Vladivostok is a vast improvement over Petropaulovsk, the first Russian port in Kamtchatka, but still there is not en-tire freedom from the disadvantages of winter. Russia still hungered for a warm-water port. The Trans-Siberian Railway was built—five thousand miles of single track reducing the in-terval of transit between Moscow and Vladivostok to only fif-teen days. Events now began to move rapidly in the Far E^ast. In 1894, the close of the Chino-Japanese war left Japan in possession of the valuable harbor of Port Arthur. On the plea that the possession of this port by Japan threatened the in-tegrity of China, Russia forced the retrocession of Port Arthur to its original owner. Two years later, a Russian squadron entered this harbor ostensibly to winter there. Ere many months the world was startled to learn that Russia had leased Port Arthur from China. The integrity of the latter country THE MERCURY. 133 seemed no longer a consideration. Immediately came military occupation of the city and the erection of tremendous defensive works. Russia had obtained her warm-water harbor; but was she satisfied ? Between Port Arthur and the Siberian frontier lies the rich Chinese province of Manchuria. In it have settled many native Russians. What could be more natural than that the Great Bear should covet this prize also to make his possessions com-plete? Asa preliminary step, a Chinese concession was ob-tained for shortening the route of the Trans-Siberian Railway to Vladivostok by a line across Manchuria. Russia had at last obtained a foot-hold south of the Amur. The erection of branch lines to the borders of Korea and the very gates of Pe-kin was but a short stride. In every case the right of garri-soning the railroad was included in the concession. In 1900, came the Boxer Rebellion. Its close saw Manchuria held by an immense Russian army of occupation. In concert with the allies, Russia agreed to withdraw from Chinese territory, but months went by and the Manchurian'army lingered., The wily Muscovite concluded a treaty with China providing for the long-promised withdrawal, but it soon became evident that before this would be carried out new concessions were expected. The Russian representative in Pekin even went so far as to demand that all the Manchurian concessions be granted to Russians. This was but one of Russia's diplomatic attempts to gain a controlling voice in Chinese affairs. China, however, was al'ive to the true state of affairs and refused to commit herself to any further agreements. As a consequence, Russia is still in mili-tary possession of Manchuria. Nominally her troops were kept there solely in pursuance of the treaty-right of protecting her railroad interests. In reality, the whole line was turned into an armed camp by the establishment of forts garrisoned by all branches of the Russian army, and today Manchuria is practically a Russian province. • We now reach the final chapter in the history of Russian aggression—final because it brings us to the present time, cer-tainly not because it marks the end of the advance. With hr's 134 THE MERCURY. grip firmly fixed on Manchuria, the Bear now turned a longing eye to the little kingdom of Korea. The possession of this choice bit of the world was now his aim. Even before the Chino-Japanese war Russia was laying her subtle plans to this end. In 1893 or early in 1894, she made a generous present of rifles to the Korean army and even furnished a Russian drill-master to train Korea's seven thousand soldiers in European tactics. At the same time swarms of Russian agents entered the country. The fruit seemed almost ripe for plucking. But now an opponent faced Russia. Japan had long watched this onward march with jealous eye. In this move toward Korea she saw a positive menace to her existence. Nothing remained but to throw down the guage of battle and to begin the contest whose result is being awaited by the entire world. What are Russia's motives and what her ultimate policy ? Her statesmen would have us believe it is a simple one. Says M. Witte, the former chief of Russian finances and now presi-dent of the Committee ot Ministers : " History measures not by years, but by centuries ; and from this point of view, by the building of the Chinese Eastern Railway to Port Arthur and Dalny.a mighty work is completed, a historical problem is solved, and one of the last steps is taken in the advance of Russia to the Far East, in her effort to find an outlet to the open sea, to the ice-free shores of the Pacific ocean." This is indeed Russia's principal object, but its fulfillment means also the control of northern Asia. And since the de-velopment of her railroad policy has done so much already for the advance of Russian territory, there is no reason to believe that it will not be made the occasion of further advance. We have the word of M. Witte that Russia's object is to obtain a warm-water port. This is in the main a legitimate object and has been partly fulfilled by the acquirement of Port Arthur. But it must be remembered that Port Arthur is not wholly a Russian possession. It is, therefore, obvious that the Russian wishes will not be entirely satisfied until that port is Russian beyond a doubt. The same is equally true of the whole pro- THE MERCURV. 135 vince of Manchurfa. Then, too, it is more than probable that the desire is to reserve the acquired territory for Muscovite trade alone. It is true that Dalny is an open port, but Port Arthur is closed and foreign merchants find much difficulty in meeting Russian competition in Manchuria. As a recent writer puts it: The Russian motive may be viewed from two stand-points. Russia herself would have us believe that it is benevo-lent. She is building a railroad through unopened territory, erecting modern cities and valuable mills in the wilderness, and setting up an orderly government in the place of misrule. The outsider acknowledges all this, but what, lie a;ks, will Russia demand in return for these enormous expenditures? The an-swer is apparent. It has already been given. She has the right of protecting her interests and now demands a complete monopoly. Such are Russia's complex motives. What will the outcome be? If Russia be successful in the present contest, will her aggressive plans be concluded without opposition ? Will the world witness the spectacle of Korea and China absorbed or will the Powers step in to fix a limit to further expansion ? If they do so, will their strength be sufficient to restrain the Bear already flushed with victory ? If Russia be vanquished, will the settlement thus arrived at be permanent ? Will little Japan continue to be an efficient barrier, or will returning strength again put in motion the tide setting toward the Orient with overwhelming volume ? Will the gallant Island Kingdom perish or may it look for help to Europe and America? Time alone can bring an answer. Here prophecy has often failed and will fail again, for as has been well said: "Russia's state-craft is not of the months or of the years; it is of the ages. It is not of monarchs, but of a dynasty, and it is less the policy of the dynasty than it is the need of a people and of a land." 136 THE MERCURY. "A MODERN FAUST." (BEING A BIT OF TRUTH MASQUERADING AS NONSENSE.) ONCE upon a time—during the twentieth century—there lived a young man who had been but three years out of college. Having entered the greater University of the World, he had been hailed by his fellow Freshmen as a comrade, had been hazed by Sophomores, patronized by condescending Juniors, and deluged with advice by venerable Seniors, even as he had been in college. But he was a restless and adventure-some youth. The monotony of the office palled upon him, and, for relief, he experimented in Mysticism and Christian Science. One momentous evening he conceived the idea of putting his knowledge to the supreme test, by summoning be-fore him the Prince of Darkness. Thereupon he took down his LeConte and. his Mary Baker Eddy from the shelf and set to work. And in very truth, gentle reader, in less than half the run-ning of an hour glass, Mephistopheles himself stood before him. faultlessly attired in evening clothes—for the red cap and mantle had succumbed to the spirit of progress in Hades even as the simple sins of our forefathers have given place to the more delicately refined and ingenious vices of to-day. But in this one respect was the Devil unchanged. For no sooner had the usual conventionalities been exchanged than lie attempted to purchase the soul of the youth in the most approved man-ner. He showed him visions of fair women, even as he had shown them to the Faust of old. But the youth was unmoved; he smiled and shook his head, for he was a wise youth. And the Devil promised him great riches and power. But the youth, for he was wise, replied, "If these things were worth while, O Lucifer, I could attain at a lesser price, even hard work. It is not enough." T,hen did the Devil promise a most miraculous thing, "For," said he, "if thou wilt give thyself to me, Grover Cleveland and William J. Bryan shall make a truce and be as brothers. Shoulder to shoulder they will fight for thee and nominate thee for the Presidency on the Democratic THE MERCURY. I 37 ticket. Thou wilt be the most talked-of man in the Nation." But the youth, being wise, replied : "Am I not own cousin to the Proprietor of Pennsylvania, and is it not agreed that I shall be the next State Treasurer? And is not this better than to be President, much less a candidate for President mid on the Democratic ticket? Go to, it is not enough." Now the Devil was almost vanquished, but he was also wise and he thought deeply, and he said, "I can then offer thee nothing more than again to make thee a reckless, carefree Sophomore among thy former classmates. Think! Is it not enough?" And the youth meditated within himself; he knew there were no days like those days; he longed again to be carefree and thought-less, recognizing no higher authority than his own sweet will and the majority action of his class; his heart called out for those friends who, too, had dwelt in Arcady. And he replied, "It is enough." For he was a wise youth withal. MORAL—Eat, drink, and be merry, ye Seniors, for to-mor-row ye die. "X. Y. Z." • SOCIALISM. ( Written for the Pen and Sword Prize Essay Contest.) JOSEPH E. ROWE, '04. THE word socialism was first used in 1835 in connection with an organization founded by Robert Owen of Eng-land. This society was given the grandiloquent appellation of the Association of all Classes of all Nations, and its purpose was to secure "Social improvement and reconstruction." Since that time the word socialism has been applied rather incautiously, and,as a consequence, it is an exceedingly difficult word to define with precision. According to some writers there is a growing tendency to regard as socialistic any inter-ference with property undertaken on behalf of the poor, or any measure promoted by society to limit or modify the working of the economic principle of laissez-faire. Roscher defined socialism "as including those tendencies which demand a greater regard for the common-weal than consist with human 138 THE MERCURY. nature." John Raeof our day declares that it is common to describe as socialistic "any proposal that asks the State to do something lor the material well being of the working class, or any group of such proposals, or any theory that favors them." Janet defines it as "every doctrine which teaches that the State has a right to correct the inequality of wealth which ex-ists among men, and to legally establish the balance by taking from those who have too much in order to give to those who have not enough, and that in a permanent manner, and not in such and such a particular case—a famine, for instance, or a public calamity." But these definitions and all others describe only phases of the question. For instance, in order for any measure to be socialistic it need not proceed from the State; it may emanate from individuals just as well; in fact the earliest socialistic measures proceeded from individuals. There was socialism in colonial times when they had a common storehouse from which each one received his equal share of goods; the instituting of a wider system of public schools is a highly socialistic measure ; an equal distribution of profits between two partners, or among the many members of a company is also socialistic; and yet it is just as proper and usual to describe as socialistic the so-called "strikes," or the assassination of million-aires by dynamite. It is, therefore, evident that socialism em-braces a great deal; at the same time, we must remember that all these are only different phases of the same great question. All socialists are alike in attempting to secure a more equit-able distribution of wealth, or in endeavoring to equalize op-portunities for acquiring it; but the salient points upon which they differ are the ways and means of accomplishing their ends. Some maintain that the State, by managing industry and controlling land, could best promote the commonweal; others very emphatically declare that there should be no cen-tral government at all. The more radical of the first class try to get control of the government; those of the latter class en-deavor to destroy it. Unfortunately in the present age the most influential forrfl of socialism is of the most radical and revolutionary character— THE MERCURY. 139 that which desires no government at all. Alexandria II. of Russia and our late President McKinley fell victims to this outrageous doctrine. Nihilism and anarchism are its more specific names. Yet we cannot afford to consider as danger-ous all socialistic measures of today. Upon exactly this prob-lem a great amount of useless discussion has taken place. Politicians of late years have made very effective use of the ambiguity in the word socialism. Whenever an opponent could accuse a candidate for public office, of promoting socialistic measures, no matter how benevolent or beneficial they might have been to the people, the mention of that word together with the prevalent misconception of it in its better sense, was generally the most derogatory charge brought against him in the eyes of the ignorant working classes—the very persons whom worthy socialistic principles would benefit. Although every writer has made his own classification of so-cialists, they all directly or indirectly acknowledge the four following classes: (1) large-hearted and thoroughly benevo-lent men whose feelings have been touched by the unjust op-pression of laborers ; (2) those who are revolting against cruel oppression; (3) those who are discontented with their positions in life, principally because they fail to realize their limitations; (4) the lowest class whose adherents are characterized by a covetous, selfish, and utterly lawless spirit. The first of these classes consists principally of nothing more than ardent sympathizers with the socialistic movement in its better meaning. According to good authority more than a half million of such men are found in the United States. Many ministers of the gospel and other benevolent men as well as the members of philanthropic and humanitarian orgini-zations belong to this class. They sympathize deeply with the oppressed laborer and endeavor to alleviate his misery by every peaceable means. Others of this class" become so impressed with the necessity of social and industrial improvements that they have devoted their lives entirely to the cause. These are quite liable to be-come extremists, and notwithstanding the fact that their inten- 140 THE MERCURY. tions are of the most noble character, more harm than benefit results from their efforts, chiefly because the lower moral and mental capacities of those whom they influence are not vigor-ous enough to prevent the latter from becoming radical, desper-rate, and fanatical. Hall Cane has pictured such a man in his "Eternal City" in the person of Dr. Roselli or of David Rossi, especially in the latter; but the futility and evil consequences of their efforts are also portrayed in a striking manner. It is only natural that there should be such men especially in a Christian nation. When one considers the extremely low wages for which laborers had to work at certain periods of our history, the condition of some of their homes even in our day, the company store and the extortion ot overwork from them by overseers, it is not very strange that large hearted men should bestow their symapthy. No doubt, these conditions have been vastly exaggerated by some writers, but that they exist to a reasonable extent cannot be doubted. The oppressed or those who imagine themselves to be in such a condition, constitute the second class of socialists. Only men who work come properly under this divisicjp; those who become discontented and quit work will be considered later. Labor Unions consist almost entirely of such men; if they suspend labor, it is only temporarily, and is for the purpose of bringing about better conditions. Occasionally the labor union-ists content themselves by merely putting a stop to production, but more frequently, almost invariably, they manifest quite "an omnivorous spirit of destruction." The whole cause of the unreasonable demands made by Labor Unions seems to arise out of ignorance. They claim that the whole production of their labor belongs to them, on the ground that wealth belongs to those who make it. In a certain sense this is true, but not according to the interpreta-tion of it given by these laboring men. They understand it to mean that the entrepreneur, landlord and capitalist have no natural right to a portion of the wealth produced, forgetting that in the modern differentiated and specialized form of in-dustry these—especially, the entrepreneur and capitalist—are THE MERCURY. 141 absolutely indispensable. The socialistic idea of the State's ownership of land could probably do away with the landlord, but to attempt the abolition of entrepreneur and capitalist in our present industrial system is absurd. Another very prevalent kind of socialism arises out of the fact that a great many men, failing to realize their limitations, complain of the more advantageous opportunities of other in-dividuals. They claim that the world owes them a living, but as some one has said, "are too lazy to collect the debt." It is this sort of socialism which is the "besetting sin" of our age. Ambitious people now-a days are so thoroughly imbued with the spirit of "sticktoitiveness" that only a few failures leave them practically undaunted. Having been taught, as Dr. Furbae says, such precepts as "There is always room at the top," encouraged by such maxims as "Try, try again," and cautioned to aim high instead of directly at the mark, they continue to strive for positions to which it is impossible for them to attain and for which, if they did reach, they would find themselves wholly unfitted. Many a proud father and fond mother, either because they have wished to encourage a son, or because of the blindness of paternal love, are respon-sible for a young man's superabundance of self-esteem by their having told him that he is not like the average person, and then he goes forth into the world only to consider his efforts unsuccessful because he cannot do as much as some one else who probably has much greater talent. It is this tendency of the individual's failure to realize his true place in life and his proper relation to others that has produced in our age so many dissatisfied, petulant, and cynical socialists. The last and most dangerous sort of socialism is that which manifests itself in murder, vandalism, and other lawless practices. It is exactly synonymous with anarchism. The number of such persons in the United States is as astounding as the awful doctrines which they promulgate. Some years ago President Seelye of Amherst College, declared: "There are probably 100,000 men in the United States to-day whose animosity against all existing social institutions is hardly less than bound- 142 THE MERCURY. less.' In 1881 their press consisted of 19 journals with a cir-culation of about 80,000, and since that time their numbers and the powers of their press have vastly increased. The fol-lowing are statements from some of their papers. "Religion, authority, and state are all carved out of the same piece of wood—to the Devil with them all!" "Dynamite is the power which in our hands, shall make an end of tyranny." "War to the palace, peace to the cottage, death to luxurious idleness." "You might as well suppose the military orginizations of Eu-rope were for play and parade, as to suppose labor orginizations were for mere insurance and pacific helpfulness. They are organ-ized toprotect interests, for which, if the time comes, they would fight." This last, taken from a socialistic paper of Chicago, pro-bably shows, to a great extent, the true relation between Labor Unions and socialistic tendencies of the most awful character. Such socialists probably began their careers as oppressed working men, or as men who failed to realize their true posi-tions in life, and later under the influence of violent socialistic journals or the lectures of an Emma Golden, became fanatical. A great number of them are foreigners who, having become disgusted with the absolutism of Europe, have come to Amer-ica to carry out their nefarious designs. Several great movements of the past two centuries have conspired to inspire socialistic propensities in men. The foun-dation of the American Republic, with the annunciation of her principles—-such as, "all men are equal and possessed of cer-tain inalienable rights such as, life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness"—paved the way for ideas which, carried to extremes by the ignorant and mischievous, resulted in socialism. In the same way, the French Revolution radiated its evil influences; and the Proclamation of Emancipation by Abraham Lincoln had its baneful as well as its worthy effects. But more influential than any of these has been the greatly increased profits of the rich. How would a poor down-trodden laborer look upon the following statement which occurred in a paper of 1880 ? "The profits of the Wall Street Kings the past year were enormous. It is estimated that Vanderbilt made THE MERCURY. 143 $30,000,000; Jay Gould $15,000,000; Russel Sage $10,000,- 000; Sidney Dillon $10,000,000; and James R. Keene $8,- 000,000. Is it strange if the working man thinks he is not getting his due share of the wonderful increase of national wealth ?" How do men to-day regard a rise in the price of coal-oil and the next week read in all the papers that the larg-est stockholder of the Standard Oil Company has made a be-nevolent gift of several million dollars ? The assassination of rulers and millionaires, the wanton des-truction of property by strikers, and the inconvenience accru-ing from a stoppage of production are not the only bad results of socialism. It tends to ruin the Church as well as the State. Infidelity and skeptacism follow closely in its tracks. In a so-cialistic convention at Pittsburg not many years ago the follow-ing nefarious resolution was unanimously adopted: "The church finally seeks to make complete idiots of the mass, and to make them forego a paradise on earth by promising them a fictitious heaven." "Truth, a socialistic journal of San Fran-cisco says : "When the laboring men understand that the heaven they are promised is but a mirage, they will knock at the door of the wealthy robber, with a musket in hand, and de-mand their share of the goods of this life now ! " What could have a more disasterous effect upon discontented humanity than to read such doctrine ? The socialist of this order denies the existence of God on the ground that if there would be one, wealth, happiness and opportunities would be more equally shared ; they forget to see that the rich are as often unhappy as the poor, and that God sends "his rain upon the just and unjust." Although an attempt to solve a problem of such magnitude may appear absurb, there is, at least one, feasible solution— a more general acceptance and use of the principles ot Chris-tianity. "Socialism attempts to solve the problem of suffering without eliminating the factor of sin." That all suffering caused by our industrial system is the result of sin, either on the part of employer or emplyee, or of both, there can be no doubt. If the spirit of the Golden Rule were put into practice, it "would 144 THE MERCURY. dictate such arrangements between capitalist and laborer as will secure to the latter a fair return for his toil." As Dr. Fisher says, "It will check the accumulation of wealth in a few individ-uals. And the Christian spirit, as in ancient days, will inspire patience and contentment, and a better than earthly hope, in the minds of the class whose lot in life is hard." THE SABBATH AS A CIVILIZER. Miss HELEN WAGNER, '06. WHEN God said, " The seventh is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God, in it thou shalt not do any work, thou nor thy man servant—," He surely had more ends in view than the mere refreshing of man and His own glorification. Besides achieving these results the Sabbath has other far-reaching in-fluences. Chief among these influences we see its power as a civilizer, as an educator and a refiner. It has long been an ac-knowledged fact that Christianity pnd education go hand in hand. In the accomplishment of one we necessarily attain the other. The influence of the Sabbath is like the atmosphere—it sur-rounds every one it touches, whether with that one's approval or not. The most violent atheist would be no more likely to scorn the influence of the day set apart chiefly for the worship of the God he ignores than would our staid old deacons. It has been proven that no civilized country can exist without the aid of the soothing influence of the Sabbath on the passions ot men, in the observance of its laws. Because the influence of the Sabbath is so all-prevailing and must be felt everywhere, no man can or does escape it. Christians, of course, are those most directly affected by the Sabbath. They come into immediate contact with some of its most potent influences. A true Christian never misses the Sabbath—he spends . it in the worship of God and for rest as was commanded. And so he reaps not only the physical bene-fit but the intellectual as well. One of his chief duties and THE MERCURY. MS '* pleasures is a regular attendance upon divine worship. Thus while being spiritually fed and elevated he assimilates some of the best literature and art of the world as it radiates from the pulpit and the organ loft and the temple of God itself. But the people who do not come into direct contact with the Sabbath influence, feel it just as surely. They must breathe it with the very air. One cannot go anywhere on the Sabbath Day without being made very conscious that this day differs from all others. In the cities and towns the stillness imparted to the streets, noisy and hustling on other days, by the aspect of the closed stores and shops and the absence of the clattering dray and shouting venders, and the quietly passing inhabitants with their peaceful, serene countenances and their fresher, more artistic raiment, and the sweet music of the church bells—all have a subduing, refining influence on the sensibilities and pas-sions of men, not easily thrown off. And out in the open country away from church bells and changed surroundings one feels an unwonted peace and calm—one breathes with the very air which draws one a little nearer Mother Earth—and thus is made to appreciate her beauties and truth a little more fully. Besides these maternal, physical influences there is another, more subtle, ever advancing influence—the influence of man upon man. Usually the Christian does not need the Sabbath environment for purposes of self-education and refinement, but those with whom he associates or with whom his friends come in contact may and are more helped, as they imperceptibly absorb from him a finer sense of right and wrong and a better general knowledge, than they would be by any numbers of over-zealous instructors and noisy evangelists. I46 THE MERCURY. THE COURSE OF THE UNITED STATES GOVERN-MENT IN CONNECTION WITH THE PANAMA REVOLUTION. ( Written for the Pen and Sword Prise Essay Contest.) CHAS. "VV. HEATHCOTE, '05. PANAMA has an area of about 31,500 square miles and a population of almost 300,000. When Panama revolted a short time ago, it was not the first time she attempted to throw off the yoke of Columbia. In 1885 a similar revolution took place. Columbia promised various reforms which checked the revolution. However, Columbia failed to carry out these reforms. Columbia established a centralized form of govern-ment which caused Panama to lose the privilege of a state. For years the idea of building a canal across the isthmus has been in vogue. The French Company, which attempted it a few years ago, failed miserably. It remains for the United States to carry out the plan. The Panama and Nicaragua routes were suggested. The need of the canal is very evident. If the canal had been built when the Oregon made her long run around Cape Horn the United States government would have been saved much expense. Then, the American interests in Porto Rico, Cuba and the Pacific possessions strongly urge the construc-tion of this canal. For a time the Nicaragua route was favored. A bill was drawn up and unanimously ratified by both Houses of our Na-tional Legislature. The main idea of this bill was that when the canal was completed it was to remain neutral under the protection of the great European powers. However, delay over this part led the people to favor the Panama route. Fi-nally, upon the recommendation of the Walker Commission, the Panama route was chosen providing it could be bought from the old French Company for $40,000,000. However, to keep our word with Nicaragua, the Spooner compromise was passed which instructed the President to select the Panama route pro-viding the necessary arrangements could be made. If, not the Nicaragua route was to be chosen. About this time Columbia became very much interested in THE MERCURY. 147 the canal affairs. They gave the United States every assurance that a treaty favoring the Panama route would be ratified by their Senate. However, after much delay, it was unanimously rejected. Columbia was to receive $10,000,000 for certain con-cessions. Columbia thought the United States was an easy mark and refused to ratify the treaty unless $20,000,000 was given to them. In all these proceedings the Columbian politi-cians refused to consult the wishes of Panama. Panama knew the value of the canal. That the Columbian politicians were working for their own interests was very evident. Conse-quently Panama's hatred for Columbia grew more intense. When the revolution broke out the world was not surprised. The revolution was virtually bloodless. The republic was soon recognized by the United States, France, Germany, Russia and many other powers. In a short time a treaty was drawn up and signed. By this treaty the United States gained complete ownership of the canal and received much more territory than she would have received had Columbia-not acted in such an ugly manner. The course of the United States government has met with general approval by all well-thinking people. All the foreign powers sanctioned the action. Many people tried to condemn the course of the government because the warships were or-dered to prevent any of Columbia's troops being landed to bring Panama to time. How often in the South American rev-olutions the lives of our citizens and likewise their property have been endangered. Many times before this the United States marines and sailors were landed to protect the property of our citizens. American interests are better developed in Panama than in any other South American state. American capital runs the whole railroad system on the isthmus. What good is a government to its people if it fails to protect them ? Then again Panama had been recognized by the United States and for that reason alone her action was justifiable. Some people in criticizing the government forget the action of Presi-dent Polk in the way he started the Mexican War. His action cost the United States' thousands of lives and dollars in order to maintain the national honor. Today all people recognize 148 THE MERCURY. that the addition of Texas to United States territory is a blessing. The idea that the government's course is a stain up-on the history of our country is erroneous. The government has upheld our traditions by being the champion of the weak and helping young republics maintain their standing. "A HUNTER OF MEN." "BRIDGET." WITHIN the forest depths I wandered far, O'er the great battlefield, where bloody war Had made upon our land a loathsome sore, Healed now, but still retaining its deep scar. At last, upon a wooded hill was found, what I had sought, A monument, commemorating strife With victory and loss of life, The boon God-given, A monument for heroes, dearly bought, A witness unto Heaven. Upon a natural rock, like those which on the hillside lay, Was carved the figure of a man; Not as the Knights of old, with upright pose, And fearless eyes, he faced his foes, at bay, But crouched and hid him, midst the trunks of trees, And with a deadly purpose, did the hillside scan. 'Twas here I rested me, A dream I dreamed, Which, to my wand'ring fancy, even seemed A waking dream, a reverie. Within the homestead of an old Virginian farm, A mother sat one sunny summer morn, Holding, within the shelter of her arm, A little babe, her son, her own first born. Oh! what a wondrous grace was in those words,, "her own," What sword could pierce the soul of such a one ? A soul, so full of hopes, before unknown, The deed too cruel, to be planned or done. THE MERCURY. 149 A glorious future lay before her boy, All fashioned with her mother love and care, A future, full of happiness and joy, Devoid of sin, the bait of Death's dread snare. "Her own," but ever since the earth wastrod By her, above all women blest of God, In honor of her wondrous motherhood, The soul of womankind has felt the sword. He grew into a handsome, stalwart youth, Beloved by many, and disliked by few, Then came the blow; her soul was pierced in truth, And he went forth to die, as sons of all brave mothers do. To die, but could he kill his fellow-man? This was the question that had haunted him, Upon the day of march, and in the nightly din Of dreadful dreams, bloody with warfare's ban. A marksman of sure eye, and hand unfaltering, Far-famed was he, And many a woodland voice had cased to sing Through death, from him, its untaught melody. So, when night's dreams were changed to day's reality, Not placed in ranks that fought an open war was he, But called of men, a sharpshooter, lay low, Upon the hillside's brow, to slay the unwary foe. #**#*#***♦* The sun comes flickering through the whispering leaves, Casting their shadows on green moss and fern, A birdling, from a nest above, moves restlessly, and grieves, In dismal chirpings, for its mother's late return. The noonday calm is over hill and glen, Save for the distant sound of battle's roar, There, where a multitude of bravest men, Fight onward for their country's noble fame, for honor more. Then with a rustling sound, the calm is broken, The underbrush is parted by a man in blue, A moment's pause; no warning word is spoken, To tell him "Death is waiting now for you." And he, whom destiny ordained to give to Death her prey, One instant hesitated, in his covert lay Sickened by fear, of his dread deed alone, Then aiming fired and it was done. ISO THE MERCURY. Quickly his weapon casting on the ground, He bounded fearless, down the wooded slope, His boyish eyes, all bright with unshed tears, For in his soul remorse fought hard with hope. And Hope, how soon 'twas vanquished in the fray, A boy, scarce older than himself, his victim lay, Dying in agony upon the sod ; No word he spoke, but with great eyes of pain, Looked up into his face, who had his brother slain, And then, just as the birdling fell to earth, His spirit met his God. 'Twas then a red mist rose before his eyes, a mist of blood ; Concealing the poor body of the slain, from which the soul had fled, He climbed once more the hillside's weary road, Determined to repeat his deed of dread. At sunset, when the wounded mother-bird Returned, to find her nestlings gone, No sound, upon that dark hillside she heard, To tell her of the deeds that there were done. Yet, 'midst the underbrush, there silent lay What had been seven brave men, And he, who watched the little bird's dismay, Red-eyed and haggard, envied each of them. But God is good, his day of darkness o'er, A wandering bullet claimed him for its own, And his sad soul, its struggles knew no more, No more did yearn for murder to atone. As from my dream I woke, my heart was torn With pity, for the " Man of Sorrows " who, Upon another hill, in distant clime, Gave up his life " hunter" for such as you. " Oh, God Omnipotent! " aloud I cried, " For His dear sake forgive the crimes, Committed in the name of Liberty, and dyed With heroes' blood, the curse of warlike times." THE MERCURY. 151 "THE PATH OF DUTY IS THE WAY TO GLORY." NO one will deny me the fact that our present age with all its hurry and hustle, its energy and propelling-force, its competition and its competitors, is an age for the success of in-dividual purpose. Having granted this concession, it follows that individuals must exist with specific purposes, carrying out and fulfilling the obligations which are imposed on them. Be-lieving that no man has ever been created without a purpose, which results in a duty or obligation to his Creator, and when he fulfills this obligation or carries out this duty he has a for-tune worth more in realistic and spiritual value than all the Rockefellers, Carnegies, Vanderbilts or any other gods of gold that ever lived—believing this, I ask you to come with me to the rich meadow-lands of Connecticut, where on Oct. 5, 1703, a man was born who graduated from Yale University at the early age of 16 and set out into the world following the paths of duty and therein was his fortune, a legacy far richer than any earthly inheritance the world could have given him. It was during his boyhood days that a problem of extreme importance began to trouble him, and the solution of this was the determining of his course in after life. From that time he became a man that had an end in view, a something to say and he said it. A bold, fearless, ardent and consistent advocate of his belief; a man with a conscience so clear, so pure, and so unbiased that all the world loved him though he sought not for their favor; a man with iron-clad precepts, not for others, but for himself and he lived them; a man that has come down through two centuries, spotless, to live in the hearts of all man-kind, and who dares to say that his glory shall not live till the sun shall cease to rise and set and until time shall be no more ! This man of purpose or duty has been the father of a very illustrious progeny. Among his descendants more eminent men have been numbered than have been recorded of any other man in American history. They have been most promi-nent in the ministry, in education, in law and a number have sat on the bench. Let me mention some of them: Dr. Jo-nathan Edwards, Aaron Burr, Vice-President, Prof. Park, of Andover, President Woolsey and President Uwight, of Yale, 152 THE MERCURY. not forgetting the elder President Dwight. Three Presidents of Yale are his descendants. Could any man be more signally blessed or have a richer inheritance in the hearts of his child-ren ? He was also a born naturalist, and there is hardly any doubt that had he not become our greatest theologian he would have been our father of Natural Philosophy. As a boy he dis-covered facts which have been handed down to the naturalist of today as most valuable information. Who can set the limit for his discoveries had he devoted himself to this branch of science with his purpose and ambition ? Jonathan Edwards as a man, as a theological and philosophi-cal writer, as a naturalist and as the broadest and grandest man the American pulpit has ever produced, stands out in lines so bold, in verse so tender, and in character so spotless as to thrill with admiration and awe every American youth of today. Who would not love to be what he has been ? Who would not exchange all the wealth he possesses—I care not whether it be millions—for the place Jonathan Edwards holds in the hearts of the people and in the history of his country ? His life is a story that should make any young man enthusiastic and his success has been such as would turn the heads of thousands had it been theirs, but not his for he had a purpose, a convic-tion, a duty to the world and his fellow-man and until that should be accomplished his labor was with him incessantly. Truly he knew the paths of duty and just so surely his glory followed. In two centuries from today how many men's 'names of the present generation, lives and characters do you suppose will have been handed down to posterity ? Where are our Long-fellows, our Emersons, Whittiers, Bryants, Lincolns and Far-raguts of today ? Are we producing any such ? Indications from the past decade and more do not show them and it is believed that unless a change in the ambitions of the young of today is brought about, America will have none to record in her history. The lust for gold is the keynote to this dearth of noble manhood. Men are willing to sacrifice anything—prin-ciple, creed, honor, friends, self, anything—no matter what to obtain the riches of a Carnegie or Morgan. THE MERCURY. 153 Says B. O. Fowler, "if this, our republican form of govern-ment is to stand we must have men" and he means more men like Jonathan Edwards. The U. S. Senate has grown to be a rich man's club, the offices of the government are filled and controlled by political graft with men who are unable to cope with the issues demanded of them. Oh for a few fearless preachers of duty and loveliness, for a few men like Jonathan Edwards; men with purposes, men with a sense of duty and honor, men with the love of a superior being in their hearts ! Our nation must have these men and she is going to get them. Whether they come from Connecticut or from Florida, from California or from Pennsylvania it matters not; they must come. Would you have this, your free form of government turned into a monarchy? Indications point us to the fact that it is gradually being done and there is only one sure method of making the wrong right. This threatening evil can only be averted by finding men who are willing, if need be, to die for a correct principle. Nothing counts so much as principle and nothing tells in a man like purpose. If you would have a for-tune, have a principle, and if you would have the love and esteem of your fellow men live a principle. In all the history of the world there never was a grander period in which to live than the present. Never was there so much to do, so many chances, so bright an outlook, but it is only for the man with a sense of duty. The nation wants men, but she wants them stern, tender and fearless, full of duty and loneliness as was this missionary to the savages, this first of American naturalists, this explorer of philosophy and theology. If for no other vir-tue we should love and revere the memory of Jonathan Edwards today because of his devotion to stern duty and to no other cause can we attribute his success and glory. If asked to write his epitaph I would have inscribed on his monument the sub-stance of his acts done on earth : "The part of duty is the way to glory." "C. E. B. '05." 154 THE MERCURY. POEM. ( Written by a quondam High School pupil.) We come before you this evening, To tell of our High School days, And while our stories we relate, Don't criticize our ways. We started the fourth of September The ladder of knowledge to climb, While the months were rapidly passing, Marking the flight of time. While our work was thus progressing. The holidays drew near, And through all the glad and happy days Were pleasures, unbedimmed by tears. We studied hard to reach the goal, We scholars of Number Ten, And now to the fullest we realize " Laborum Dulce Lenimen." The friendships, sympathies and all That were our life in school, Are meshed with memories of the hall, Which was our working tool. 'Tis sad to part with friends so dear, With whom so long we've been. Try as we will, the briny tears Will come, and sight bedim. School life, so dear, is over now, On life's broad wave we speed, May God 'ere guide our journey through, And we His warnings heed. To one and all we bid farewell, As now are separated The many friends who proved us well, And joys anticipated. Farewell to many undone tasks, To victories not yet won ; May all unfinished work In heaven, if not on earth, be done. * f THE MERCURY Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class matter VOL. XIII GETTYSBURG, PA., JUNE, 1904 No. 4 Editor-in-ch ief C. EDWIN BUTTER, '05 Exchange Editor CHARI,ES GAUGER, '05 Business Manager A. L. DILLENBECK, '05 Asst. Business Managei E. G. HESS, '06 Associate Editors H. C. BRILLHART, '06 ALBERT BILLHEIMER, '06 H. BRUA CAMPBELL, '06 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, LITT.D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D.D. Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price, one dollar a year in advance; single copies 15 cents. Notice to discontinue sending the MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Busi-ness Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORIALS. LOYALTY TO Probably no force, power or influence among ALMA MATER, the graduates of a college is felt so much as Loyalty. We all believe that a college can be only what her Alumni wills her to be. If she is to spread her influence through-out many states; if she is to wax strong and command a place among the leading universities and colleges of the world; if she is to grow and prosper as she should, and as so many col-leges are doing, she must have your support, Alumni. Loyalty to Alma Mater must be your watch-word day and , night. Be eager, ready and enthusiastic at all times and you will be surprised beyond measure how much you can do for her. The very fact that you are a graduate is proof of your obligation and should be a sufficient incentive to rouse your earnest endeavors on her behalf. I56 THE MERCURY. Every college, no matter where or how situated, has its own reasons for producing loyal Alumni. It is, indeed, a sad day for the old mother when liar son turns his back on her, and it is a sorry day for Gettysburg when an Alumnus forgets her love and devotion. Perhaps a true indication of the success a man will make in the world is the spirit and vehemence with which he accomplishes his college work. If the undergraduate does his very best and is loyal to the core, the college cannot be without loyal Alumni. He who sings most lustily his Alma Mater'a songs, who has again and again made his throat raw with a "heike" for the orange and blue, who fervently loves every spot of this historic ground, he is the fellow who usually counts for something. Tis to the devotion and love and in-terest of such men that Gettysburg pays tribute. Loyalty to Alma Mater means the preaching of her charms to every boy who expects to go to college, and to many more who have never had a thought of a college course. Loyalty to Alma Mater means doing one's best and a keen and lively interest in all her affairs. Loyalty to Alma Mater means your unbounded support, Alumni, to your college publications. Gettysburg wants love and devotion and loyalty from every Alumnus. How much will you do for her in the next year ? Shall we, undergraduates, believe your efforts to be commen-surate with your love ? It is the only criterion we have with which to take your measure. Are you one of the many who are always so busy that when an appeal comes you must beg to be excused ? If you are made of such stuff, Gettysburg has no use for you, and the noise you will make in the world will never cause a disturbance. Our dear old college has many loyal alumni who have fought, bled and died in her interests, and to them, we, her sons, give all the honor and reverence for what she is today and for what she gives promise of in the not far distant future. Sooner or later in the life of many a young person the ques-tion comes, "To what college shall I go after I have prepared myself in the academy or high school?" It is thrusting itself upon a great many young people in this month of June, as the THE MERCURY 157 colleges and universities are sending out their scores and hun-dreds of graduates and the preparatory schools are finishing up the share of- the work that properly belongs to them. It is a serious question, one that will mean much in the life of the in-dividual, one that should not be decided without grave con-sideration. Shall he go to the college having the most successful ath-letic teams ? or to the one having the greatest reputation ? or to the one which makes the greatest promises ? These are some of the questions usually taken into consideration by pro-spective college students. But how many stop to ask them-selves and to consider the vastly more important question, "Which college lays the greatest emphasis upon the training of its students in the duties of good citizenship and the devel-opment of Christian character?" This, after all, is the important consideration. Not how great a reputation do the athletic teams have, not how much does it seem to promise, but how much importance does it attach to the development and training of that which really makes character ? H. C. B. -^> EXCHANGES. " Criticism is essential to good work. True criticism is both appreciative and corrective, but it is not so essential that a writer receive perfect criticism after all. Public judgment, fav-orable, adverse or perverse, is instructive and leads us to correct our errors, improve our style, sharpen our wits and pay more attention to the perfecting of our work, line by line. Have you a thought, the plot of a story, the idea of a poem ? Write it in your best and freshest moments and lay it by until the frost of cool evenings has chilled it, and it has become a thing apart from yourself. Then criticize it, remodel it, with your best impartial judgment. Never doubt that the English lan-guage has the right word ; and the right words rightly and ar-tistically constructed, make famous literature of the thought of men."—The Bowdoin Quill. I58 THE MERCURY. V The Otterbein Argus contains a rather interesting story en-titled " Character Painting." It pictures quite vividly the con-dition of many a poor child in the mining districts of our coun-try and portraying the effect produced by refinement and wealth upon so uncultured a mind as that of the heroine. While this story is good in the main, it is the only article of a literary nature in the journal. We cannot feel that such a meagre amount of literary matter does justice to a school which styles itself an university. The editorial pointing out why students should remain for commencement, whenever it is at all possible, is timely and well worth putting into practice. Commence-ment exercises are the crowning events of the year, and cer-tainly, whenever possible, the student should avail himself of this privilege to enjoy the happy closing of the school-year and also to bid farewell to the graduating class for whom it means so much. Remember that you yourself expect to be in a similar position some day, then perhaps you can better appreci-ate its significance. The best part of the World's Fair number of The Wabash is its "exchange pickings." The exchange editor is to be com-mended^ for his judgment and selection of clippings. We quote a few of them. " Are you Hungary ? Yes; Siam. Well, come along ; I'll Fiji." Again : " It is said some girls are pressed for time ;—others for the fun of it." " If college bred is a four-year loaf (The Smart Set says its so.) Oh tell me where the flour is found For us who need the dough !" —The Acorn. TEACHER—Johnny, repeat after me " Moses was an austere man and made atonement for the sins of his people." JOHNNY—" Moses was an oyster man and made ointment for the shins of his people." MM » "THE MERCURY. 159 "Usefulness is the rent we are asked .-to pay for room on earth. Some of us are heavily in debt." The May number of the Manitou Messenger \s a credit to the new staff. The oration "The Public Service of Church and School" is a well written and logical development of the power exerted upon the state by church and school. " Chaucer's Hu-mor" is a terse estimate of one side of his nature, as seen in "The Canterbury Tales." We are glad to welcome the Bucknell Mirror to its long va-cant place on our table. The only literary article, "The Col-umn to the Right of the Doorway," is an interesting and amusing reminiscence of a college prank fifty years ago. An increase in amount of literary matter would greatly improve the paper. The Buff and Blue contains a number of short articles. Among them "The Assassination," while an interesting recital of an imaginary college joke, it might be much improved by a smoother style, less abrupt and " choppy " sentences. The article on "Fiction" gives a brief history of its beginning, de-velopment, present use and abuse. " Ninety-Seven," an episode of an undergraduate who was determined to win his race in an indoor meet, is well written and worth reading. The Red and Blue is always among the best journals of fic-tion on our table. The June number is no exception. Roses bloom and roses fade, Flowers bloom and die. Life is made of sun and shade, ' Laughter and a sigh. Heigh-o ! sun and shade, Laughter and a sigh. Love is like the roses red, Fading in a day ; Soon 'tis dead, its sweetness fled On the wind away. Heigh-o ! soon 'tis dead— Pluck it while you may.— The Haverfordian. ■ The Susquelianna contains a well written article on Jonathan Swift, setting forth his true character. It calls attention to the fact that the vulgarities in his writings, on account of which he ■ i6o THE MERCURY. is not read, are no index to his real character. The spirit of the age demanded writings of such a nature, hence his contri-bution. "The Midnight of the Revolution" gives us a good resume of the condition of affairs in our own country during its struggle for birth. The writer has well digested the his-torical facts relating to this period and gives them to us in terse and unbiased form. In The Western Maryland College Monthly, "Old Man Knowl-ton's Greenbacks " is quite an interesting narrative of how an old miser was robbed of his greenbacks by rats. We think the story might have been told in a more interesting way. The break in the story, caused by shifting the scene to events in the court room, detracts from the narrative; while, on the other hand, were the style in which the story is begun continued, the produc-tion would be much better. The other articles are good. On the whole, the paper is worthy of commendation. The Pharetra contains a sort of parody on " The Raven " (under the title of " Easter Vacation "), which begins well, but soon loses rythm and at times whole lines are entirely devoid of any claim to poetry. However, considering the production as a whole and its probable intent, it is fairly good. SPRING TIME. The cro- cusses As the bull rushes O'er the grass-blades 'Neath the " bloomin' shades ' Of trees which are short For the cro-cusses frolicking sport. —Ex. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. Weaver Organs Weaver Pianos Used by Gettysburg College Y. M. C. A. Used by Druid's Society Gettysburg College. of Further recommendation unnecessary. Close Prices, Easy Terms, Old Instru-ments Exchanged. Satisfaction Abso-lutely Guaranteed. WEAVER PIANO AND ORGAN CO., MANUFACTURERS, YORK, PA., U. S. A. I|. \ Ec^eil Latest Styles in HATS, SHOES AND GENT'S FURNISHING .Our specialty,. WALK-OVER SHOE M. K. ECKERT Prices always right The LutfieM putting |Ioiige,. No. 1424 Arch Street PHILADELPHIA, PA. Acknowledged Headquarters for anything and everything in the way of Books for Churches, Col-leges, Families and Schools, and literature for Sunday Schools. PLEASE REMEMBER That by sending your orders to us you help build up and devel-op one of the church institutions with pecuniary advantage to yourself. Address H. S. BONER, Supt. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. FURNITURE Mattresses, Bed Springs, Iron Beds, Picture Frames, Repair Work done promptly. Under-taking a specialty. * Telephone No. 97. H_ E. Bender 73 Baltimore. St., Gettysburg, Pa. THE STEWART & STEEN CO. College 'EngTcuueTs ctnd (pTi/nteTs 1034 Arch St., Philadelphia, Pa. MAKERS AND PUBLISHERS OF Commencement, Class Day Invitations and Programs, Class Pins and Buttons in Gold and Other Metals, Wedding Invitations and Announcements, At Home Cards, Reception Cards and Visiting Cards, Visiting Cards—Plate and 50 cards, 75 cents. Special Discount to Students. A. G. Spalding «S Bros. Largest Manufacturers in the World of Official Athletic Supplies. * * * * * * ^ Plans'and Blue Prints of Gymnasium Parapherna-lia furnished on request. BASE BALL, LAWN TENNIS, FOOT BALL, GOLF, xs^sa^. FIELD HOCKEY, AST TRADE JSM, BASKET BALL, TOW OFFICIAL ATHLETIC ^ajjjgj^ INPLEMENTS. Spalding's Catalogue of all Athletic Sports Mailed >^» «^V *^V #^ T) TT others of the popular OLD FAMILIAR TUNES; be- Ti sides OLD FAVORITES; and also many NEW SONGS. ifrWJf ff ft SONGS OF ALL THE COLLEGES. fTff £Mt CopjriEhv, Price, ?f .JO, postpaid, «0u. uuu HINDS & NOBLE, Publishers, New York City, ui^, *T ft Schoolbooks of ail publishers at one store, ff^f p^q^t :**= :«=:«: :«= :\*= :**= :«= :**: =*5fc =**: Rig 1^2 ^tr *^ 3A= ^Srt: :**: ;**: :**: :**= :\*= :**: =**: ELJ mm mm m m. w mm m 50 YEARS' EXPERIENCE TRADE MARKS - DESIGNS r , . , - COPYRIGHTS &C. Anyone sending a Fleet oh nnd description may quickly ascertain our opinion free whether an invention is probably patentable. Communica-tions strictly confidential. Handbook on Patents sent free. Oldest ngency for securing patents. Patents taken through Munn & Co. receive gpecialnotice, without charge, in the Scientific American. A handsomely illustrated weekly. Lnrcest cir-culation of any scientific Jrrarnu'. Terms, $3 a year: four months, tl. Sold by all newsdealers. MUNN & Co.361Broadwa>- New York Branch Office, 625 F St., Washinuton, D. C. You will find a full line of Pure Drugs and Fine Stationery at the People's Drug Store Prescriptions a specialty. FOR HOMES, Schools, Colleges and Libraries,. . . The Underwood Stereoscopic Tours. A marvel in the educational world! Endorsed by prominent American and European Educa-tors. E. G. HESS 37 E. Penn Hall, Gettysburg, Pa. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. EAGLE HOTEL Rates $2.00, $2.50 and $3.00 pr day. HAS A CAPACITY OF 400 GUESTS— ~-^ GEO. F. EBERHART, PROFR. Picture Frames of All Sorts. Repair work done promptly. &g"I will also buy or exchange any second-hand furniture 4ChambersburgSt., - GETTYSBURG, PA. Bujj pur Summer Suit at |upp' It fits. Is stylish, looks well, wears well. We mean hand-tailor-ed, ready to wear clothing-. "* Nobby Dress Hats, Swell Neckwear, Fancy Shirts, ivlen's Underwear. • • TDTTppJO CENTRE SQM -1- -*" v-^ "^ -1" »—'f IS.-u.pp Building, YORK, PENN'A. Watch for his Representative when he visits the College. TX3::E3 sn^^^eo: SET. A MACAZINE OF CLEVERNESS Magazines should have a well defined purpose. Genuine entertainment, amusement and mental recreation are the motives of Tlie Smart Set, the most successful of magazines. Its novels (a complete one in each number) are by the most brilliant authors of "both hemispheres. Its short stories are matchless—clean an I full of human interest. Its poetry covering the entire field of ve :se—pathos, love, humor, tenderness—is by the most popular poets, men and women, of the day. Its jokes, witticisms, sketches, etc., are admittedly the most mirth-provoking. io3 pages delightful reading. No pages are wasted on cheap illustrations, editorial vaporings or wearying essays and idle discussions. Every page will interest, charm and refresh you. 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The authorities' determined implementation of stabilization measures over the past year has helped to avert a macroeconomic crisis. If the deterioration of the macroeconomic environment in 2010-11 was rapid, the improvement in the situation in the past twelve months has been equally swift. Regaining macroeconomic stability has been costly, but not stabilizing the economy would have led to even bigger losses. Real gross domestic product (GDP) growth has decelerated from 6.8 percent in 2010 to 5.9 percent in 2011, and further to 4 percent in the first quarter of 2012 as higher prices has lowered domestic demand, affecting sectors such as construction, manufacturing and utilities. Industrial production has slowed, inventory for key industrial products has accumulated, and a number of small and medium enterprises have either closed, been liquidated or temporarily suspended their operations. While the stabilization efforts may have contributed to a cyclical slowdown, Vietnam's trend growth rate has been on a downward path for the last 5-6 years, largely on account of the slow pace of structural reforms. Inefficiencies in state-owned enterprises, banks and public investments have been a drag on the country's long-term growth potential. With gains from macroeconomic stabilization still recent and fragile, especially in an external environment that is fraught with uncertainty, the government needs to be careful not to shift to an expansionary stance prematurely.

Health is a direct source of human welfare and also an instrument for raising income levels. The authors discuss a number of mechanisms through which health can affect income, focusing on worker productivity, children's education, savings and investment, and demographic structure. As well as the impact of current illness, health may have large effects on prospective life spans and life cycle behavior. Studies suggest there may be a large effect of health and nutrition in uteri, and in the first few years of life, on physical and cognitive development and economic success as an adult. Macroeconomic evidence for an effect on growth is mixed, with evidence of a large effect in some studies. However, there is a possibility that gains from health may be outweighed by the effect of increased survival on population growth, until a fertility transition occurs. The low cost of some health interventions that have large-scale effects on population health makes health investments a promising policy tool for growth in developing countries. In addition, higher priority could be given to tackling widespread 'neglected' diseases that is, diseases with low mortality burdens that are not priorities from a pure health perspective, but that do have substantial effects on productivity.

Issue 26.4 of the Review for Religious, 1967. ; Confessions of Religious Women by J. A. Clarmont, C.Ss.R., and Sister M. Denis, S.O.S. 581 Chastity in Relig.i.ous Life by Ladislas M. Orsy, S.J. 604 Penance :~ Sacrament of Poverty by George B. Nintemann, O.P. 625 Poverty Today by Joseph J. Sikora, S.J. 638 ~ ReligiOus and the World by Bernard J. Kelly, C.S.Sp. 662 The Retreat Director by Paul J. Bernadicou, S.J. 672 Indwelling Dynamism by Thomas Dubay, S.M. 685 High School Retreats by Paul Pilgrara, S.J., and Carl Starkloff, S.J. 703 Liturgy as Symbol by Andrew Weigert 708 Missionary Formation by Sister Barbara Ann, S.N.D. 714' Confession and Growth by Robert L Faricy, S.J. 720 Survey of Roman Documents 725 Views, News, Previews 739 Questions and Answers 749 Book Reviews 758 VOLUM~ 26 NUMBER 4 July 1967 NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS During the first part of September, 1967, the editorial office of REviEw' ~'oR RELIGtOUS will be moved from St. Marys, Kansas, to St. Louis, Missouri. Consequently, the editorial office of the REwEw will be closed from Septem-ber 1, 1967, to September 15, 1967. The St. Louis address of the editorial office of the R~wEw will be announced in the September, 1967, issue of the R~vi~w. This change will not affect the address of the business office of the R~.vl~w in Baltimore, nor will the business office there be closed during the time the editorial office is closed. j. A. CLARMONT, C.Ss.R. SISTER M. DENIS, S.O.S. Confessions of Women Religious INTRODUCTION* The purpose of the sacraments is to sanctify men, to build up the body of Christ, and finally to give worship to God. Because they are signs they also instruct. They not only pre-suppose faith, but by words and objects they also nourish, strengthen and express it; that is why they are called "sacra-ments of faith." They do indeed impart grace, but, in addition, the very act of celebrating them disposes the faithful most effectively to receive this grace in a fruitful manner, to wor-ship God duly, and to practice charity (Constitution on the Liturgy, n.59). In this age of Christian renewal, it is important indeed that the liturgy of the sacraments manifest in sign and significance their primary purpose. As Christians we must be sanctified; we must build up the Body of Christ; and we must worship God. All these functions should be as meaningful as possible. They should be made as personal as possible. When we think of the sacraments as en-counters with Christ, we are speaking of personal re-lationships. The sacraments in themselves, because they are actions of Christ, are effective signs of sanctification. However, the recipients and the ministers of the sacra-ments have definite personalistic approaches in the sacramental liturgy if the greatest fruit is to be obtained and growth in holiness be effective. More especially is exterior and interior renewal neces-sary in the sacrament of penance. Here the encounter of the prodigal son with the waiting and forgiving Father is reenacted in the Christian's life. Is not this sacrament one of the most vital and important for the pilgrim Christian * The research fo~ this paper was done as part of the pastoral theology program at the Divine Word International Centre of Reli-gious Education; 260 Colborne Street; London, Ontario; Canada. Since the writing of this paper, Father Clarmont has died--may he rest in peace. Rev. J. A. Clar-mont, C.Ss.R., and Sister M. Denis, S.O.S., are students in pastoral theolog~ at the Divine Word Centre of Religious Education; 960 Col-borne Street; Lon-don, Ontario; Can-ada. VOLUME 26, 1967 + 4. 4. ]. A. Clarmont, C.Ss.R. Sister M. Denis, $.0;$. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS on his way to the God of all love and of all purity? Who has not stumbled on this journey to the fullness of eternal life? Who has not felt his daily faults as impeding growth in the Christ-life? Who has not felt the desire for the merciful Christ to touch and to make clean, to hear the consoling words: "Thy sins are forgiven." Am?rig the people of God who realize the importance of this sacrament are those women dedicated to God by the vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience. Because of their calling to be a sign of the fullness of the Christian vocation, these generous women seek a profound union with God through Christ in the Spirit. B~y laboring to build up the Body of Christ, they attempt to make of their lives a continu6us act of worship to the triune God. They, perhaps more than others, are conscious of their human failings, are desirous of offering a pure holocaust to God, are anxious to receive the sacrament of God's merciful pardon and~ encouraging aid with all possible meaning. They do wish to make the reception of the sacrament of penance a truly personal encounter with the glorified Christ in His saving acts. These convictions, coupled with sincere and frank self-criticism by many priest-confessors and sister-penitents, were the inspiration of this study on the confessions of women religious. Our purpose is not academic, but practi-cal. It is hoped that the present study will enable both the confessor and the sister to avoid stifling routine and to rediscover the unfathomable riches of this sacrament. In order to view the present situation on a factual basis a questionnaire (See Appendix A) was sent to a random sampling of priest-confessors and sister-penitents. No at-tempt was made to include both the confessor and the sisters of a given convent. The-returned questionnaires from sixty-s.ix p.riests and one hundred and thirty-three sisters inclu~ded a widely varied group as regards age, occupation,, and location. Many dioceses of Canada and the United States were represented. Detailed statistics will be found in Appendix B. The principal items on the questionnaire centered around the~ physical environment of the confessional; the number of sisters who would be going to confession at the same time and the corresponding number of con-fessors available; methods of examimltion of conscience and the confession itself; the place of spiritual direction; and value judgments with respect to the confessor's. attitude toward this priestly ministry, the sister's attitude toward the fionfessor, and the greatest benefits and diffi-culties experienced by both the priest-confessor and the sister-penitent. Finally, both confessors and sisters were asked to state .how the sacrament of penance could be made more meaningful for sisters. The primary purposes for the questionnaire and hence for this study were, first, to ascertain, as much as is possi-ble within the limits of this sampling, those factors which tend to hinder a meaningful reception of the sacrament; and second, to propose means by which the reception of the sacrament could be made more meaning-ful. In this study we shall confine our remarks to a sum-mary of those factors which tend to hinder a meaningful reception of the sacrament of penance. Positive sug-gestions, based on the questionnaires and other research, will occupy a later study. General Impressions Irom the Questionnaires The survey indicates that most of the priest-confessors have a deep admiration, sympathy, and wholesome con-cern for the sister-penitent. These confessors are conscious of the holiness attained and the holiness sought by these dedicated women. Many desire to help the sisters in their struggle for sanctity, both by the sacramental confession itself and by the opportunities for spiritual guidance provided by the sacrament. These attitudes were quite evident from responses td the question: "What do you find most satisfying regarding sisters' confessions?" By nature (womanly) they have the potentiality of being great women of God and for the Church. If they do not, per-haps it is because we have failed them. However, thirty-seven confessors were unfavorably im-pressed with sisters' confessions in general: The greatest difficulty in hearing sisters' confessions is over-coming the feeling that I 'am mired hip-deep in childish obstacles to the Christian life that I am incapable of changing. These priests expressed the realization and consequent frustration that, at the present time, many sisters' confes-sions are meaningless. When reading the sisters' questionnaires, the authors were impressed by the simplicity, candor, and utter honesty of the comments. Where the sisters are critical of others---be they confessors, superiors, and canon law itself--they are no less critical of themselves. The most evident conclusion to be drawn from these questionnaires is that the sisters, with the exception of five, are faced with many problems in their reception of the sacrament of penance. What is meant to be a sacra-ment of peace and joy is fraught with unpleasant diffi-culties and hardships, many of which are beyond their control: Confession is not a joyful encounter with Christ, but an obligation to be fulfilled. I hope advancements in the near future will help us to acquire the right attitude. 4" 4" 4" t:ontessions o! Women Religious VOLUME 26, 1967 583 Why Penance Is Less Meaningful Certain factors which tend to make the sacrament of penance less meaningful were identified in both sets of questionnaires. Table 1 lists the number of sisters and/or priests who cited these factors as problems. TABLE 1 Diffculties Encountered by Confessors and Sisters in the Sacrament oJ Penance Cited by 66 Confessors Cited by 133 Sisters Difficulty Routine . Time problems . Lack of freedom . Insufficient training . Examination of consci-ence . Impersonal relationship. Confessor not under-standing . . Environment . Rite . Numbe~ of Con-fessor 33 12 36 16 30 5 Difficulty Routine . Time problems . Lack of freedom . Insufficient training . Difficulty in confessing. Impersonal relationship. Confessor not under-standing . Parish priest for confes-sor . Lack of suitable direc-tion . Environment . Rite . Number of Sisters 53 .40 54 36 44 36 51 56 93 38 ÷ ÷ ÷ I. A. Clarmont, C.Ss.R. Sister M. Denis, S.O.S. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 584 ~ Only 23 sisters have their parish priest as confessor. 1. Routine One of the major obstacles to a meaningful reception of the sacrament of penance is routine. The frank answers to the questionnaire reveal clearly the feeling among confessors that most sisters' reception of this sacrament is mere routine ~nd thus utterly meaningless. Most feel the routine is due to its weekly celebration on the same day, and at the same hour, year in and year out. Sisters also are acutely aware of the malaise that comes from "the backlog of years of receiving the sacrament in a most uninspiring way with no conception of the living reality that it is." Routine seems to take the life and vital-ity out of this sacrament and add the "-less" to "mean-ing." Many point to either the interpretation of canon law or their constitutions regarding obligatory weekly confession as one of the chief causes of this routine, not-ing that weekly confession fulfills a law, but not neces-sarily a personal need: I'd likb to go when I feel the need. Canon law needs to .be revised here. The problem of routine seems to have pervaded every aspect of the sacramental process. Some sisters lament routine in their examination of conscience; others in the rite itself. Especially susceptible to monotony is the confession of sins: I tell the same old thing week after week. It makes me feel like a "phony" and because of this feeling, I hate to go. Also I feel that I am boring the priest. The confessor who continually gives the same penance and exhortation also contributes to the rite of routine. Generally speaking, sisters are aware of the devastating effects which accompany the routin~ rut--"the lack of growth in love'--and that the responsibility of avoiding routine lies heavily upon them. They readily admit that ignorance regarding the real meaning of the sacrament of penance is a major factor in routine. There has been a great tendency to blame the indi-vidual for approaching the sacrament in a routine man-ner. It is, however, our contention that a routine recep-tion of penance is only a symptom of other deeply rooted causes, some of which are inherent in the structures surrounding the sacrament itself. These are the causes which we intend to examine. 2. Time Problems Pressure of work and limited time when they can receive the sacrament--when the confessor comes~makes it harder physi-cally and psychologically to receive the sacrament with devo-tion and meaningfu.lness. The allotted time---too little and too often--also in-creases the danger of routine. Often the confessor must rush the sisters through, assembly-line fashion. Little time can be given for any personal concern, guidance, or words of encouragement. Busy confessors are often frus-trated trying to fit in to the tightly organized convent schedule. On the other hand, some sisters have noted that the time arrangement for confessions seems to be best for the confessor rather than for the community. In many places confessions are scheduled at the end of a busy day when mental and physical exhaustion render one "too tired to think." Or what is worse: Confessions are heard by our chaplain a few minutes before Mass in our chapel. Often preparation for confession is unnecessarily hurried under these conditions. One sister makes her examination of conscience "while out of breath after knocking several people down racing to get to confession on return from school." ÷ ÷ ÷ ~onlesslons ol Women Religious VOLUME 26, 1967 585 I. A. Clarmont, C Sister M. Denis, S.O.$. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 586 However, it is within the confession itself that time pressures ,make their gr.eatest assault: It (confession) seemed to be simply pushing the slide as quickly as possible with a 'minimum of necessary words on either side. Direction??? Two priests for over two hundred sisters in about three hours!ll In large convents time pressures are compounded be-cause of the great number of sisters and the inevitable long lines. One sister typically noted that the greatest difficulty she experienced in receiving the sacrament of p.enance was "the speed with which one receives the absolution and knowing that there ~are fifty people waiting." ~' Both superiors and confessors, in conjunction with the sisters concerned, should examine the confession schedule and ensure enough time for a meaningful re-ception of this sacrament. Any act that must continually be performed in as short a time as possible is bound to be considered of little" importance--and a sacrament is of infinite value. 3. Lack of Freedom Under present conditions, pressures of time have caused much of the confession routine. Causally linked to both problems is the almost uniform lack of freedom for the sisters to confess when, where, to whom, and as often as they wish. One should seriously consider whether or not this problem is at the root of most of the difficulties ;experienced by confessors and penitents. Compulsory weekly confessions, when perhaps sisters are not prepared, have nothing to relate, or are not in the mood, must have a deleterious effect on a fruitful and meaningful recep-tion of this sacrament that demands genuine faith, true sorrow, and a real consciousness of sin. The core of the problem is indicated in the following comments of a priest-confessor: The sacrament should be left up to the free choice of the sister. How, in conscience, can a rule or a superior tell one when to receive the sacrament? Expressing the same sentiment, a sister wrote: Let the sisters be prompted to go to confession by their own inner needs. They are mature women who can surely be trusted to get to the sacraments often enough. Even though the weekly legislation is weakening, most sisters are expected to go to confession at the appointed time. Often unnecessary tension ~s set up between personal conscience and obedience, especially when such legislation is part of the rule to which the sister has vowed obedience. It was quite evident from the question-naires that the majority of sisters, are not free in this regard. As an older sister pointed out, there seems to be some discrepancy between the theology of the sacrament of penance and present legislation concerning the reception of "penance: Since confession is not necessary, except for mortal sins, it would be well for some pronouncement to be made about it to clear away wrong ideas. More and more, the sisters want to take their places with the People of God and to be accorded the same rights, duties, obligations, and privileges: It is well to go to confession in the parish church as part of the People of God and standing in line with them. Some peo-ple seem.to be of the opinion that sisters never go to confession because we never have sins. If they onl~ knewlll For reasons which will be readily seen later in this study, sisters desire the freedom to choose their own confessor, which, of course, implies freedom of place: Each sister should have her own confessor. She should go where he is, if desired, and receive the sacrament in the way she finds most beneficial and personal to her, in a manner agreed upon by herself and the confessor. This mature desire is seconded by many confessors. Cloistered sisters, in particular, are deprived of any opportunities of freedom in regard to confession. One older cloistered sister stated that her greatest difficulty in the reception of penance was the enclosure "because you can't go to different priests:" Another sister in a different cloistered convent suggested that "cloistered sisters who haven't the opportunities available to active sisters be permitted to go to the parish church---or wherever they choose for confession to a priest,of their choice, on a day of their choice." Lacking all of these suggestions she pleaded for bishops to try to make it a point to choose competent spiritual men as confessors for cloistered sisters. As was pointed out by several concerned sisters, the rights of all should be respected. To pass from a rule of weekly confession to another rule of biweekly or monthly confession would still not solve the problem of lack of freedom in the frequency of confession: The few who feel the need of weekly confession and realize the great source of graces received are becoming uneasy. The confessor only comes every second week now, since he knows several of the sisters want it this way. This is depriving those who wish weekly confession many graces. There is no freedom in this case. Since our confessional is the chapel, there is no opportunity to go before Mass. 4- 4- 4- Conlesslons o# Women Religious VOLUME 26, 19~7 ÷ J. A. Clarmont, C.Ss.R. Sister M. Denis, S.O.S. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 588 4. Insufficient Training Without a theological knowledge of the religious life and its link to the ecclesial aspect of the sacrament of penance, how can the latter be a real benefit to growth in the Christian life? A thorough course on the sacraments in general, with a great emphasis on their relation to the sister's life of service and her spiritual life, is needed. Confessors have noted that many sisters are not properly trained concerning the purpose of the sacrament. Where is the blame to be attributed? Certainly, lack of proper training in novitiates, lack of personal meditation and study of the nature of this sacrament, and hurried preparation due to a lack of time are related causes. Many sisters have received little or no mature training to deepen their knowledge and appreciation of the sacra-ment of penance after the initial preparation for first confession preceding first Holy Communion: We lack training on the sacramental, biblical, and theologi-cal basis of penance. The fact that six sisters stated they found nothing bene-ficial in the reception of penance bespeaks a lack of in-struction: I must say I did more than smile when I saw this survey. It takes all the faith I have and even more to believe in the sacrament of penance. This has become more serious since I entered. Having been brought up with no explanation of it except the fact that it was a habit to go to confession once a month, it meant very little, in fact, nothing to me. Religious life has done nothing to give it more meaning. Instead, it is now a habit to go once a week instead of once a month. Such training should have been an integral part of every novitiate program. Beyond the novitiate there has been a dearth of instruction concerning the meaning of penance: No one has really explained the positive aspect of confession as an encounter with Christ. We need discussion with the confessor on the meaning and value of the sacrament. It seems to me that a whole education for both confessors and confessers is necessary. No doubt, steps are being taken in many areas to remedy the situation, particularly since the aggiornamento of Vatican II. 5. Examination of Conscience Some of the greatest criticism, from the confdssor, was the sisters' apparent lack of nnderstanding how to .ex-amine one's conscience as a religious, the inability to communicate any real openness of soul. Thirty priest- confessors felt that the sisters' examination of conscience was unrealistic. Their major criticisms center on the sisters' tendencies to majorize the minima: "They cut a hair in four." Often their confessions reflect petty violations of rule, a listing of imperfections and failings without consideration for the deeply rooted causes of faults: The sisters don't know what to look for and it is very difficult to get them to realize "sins" against one's neighbor, lying, cheating, pride, vanity, uncharitableness, selfishness are more injurious to their progress in sanctity than missing re-creation, failing to make meditation, impure thoughts and even action. To the confessor, the sister does not seem to develop her own personality in the sacramental context but reflects the thinking of her novice mistress and/or rule. The sacrament of penance designedly fulfills both a psychologi-cal and a spiritual need of the individual, but in the case of sisters, these needs are often served in a very super-ficial way: Their examination of conscience is real in the sense of following a taught and believed-in need, but hardly a real and basic human need. It is more the satisfaction of a conditioned (subconscious) need. Too often the examination of conscience is based on violations of the rule rather than violations of the gospel of Christ: Their desire seems to be to keep a clean slate rather than to live the spirit of the gospel. It would seem from the confessors' remarks that examina-tion of conscience, on the whole, is inadequate and fails to promote growth in sanctity. The sisters also admit that an inadequate examination ~f conscience is a deterrent to a meaningful confession. Some sisters state that their method of examination is too negative or too stereotyped; others feel that they are lacking in self-knowledge; still others find difficulty in deciding each week what is really sufficient important conscience matter. Several sisters expressed dissatisfaction with methods of examination that they were taught: I find examinations dwelling on faults, failings, and slighted points of rule are petty, extremely repulsive, and tantamount to nit-picking. Let's be more concrete: One sister who bases the ~examination of conscience on failings in charity states: This is not satisfactory to me, but I don't know how to remedy it and haven't reached the point.of discussing it openly with someoue yet. + ÷ ÷ Cont~ssions ol Women Religious VOLUME 26, 1967 589 ].4. ~larmon¢, ~ C.Ss.R. Sister M~ i DS.eOn.i&s, REV]EW FOR RELZGIOUS 590 All of~these difficulties point to a real need for reeduca-tion in this area. 6. Dil~iculty in Co~[essing Unique to their role as penitent, the sisters mention that often they are hampered by fear, reticence, human respect, and an inability to communicate in the confes-sional. Frustration is experienced by those who feel an inability "to manifest simply and clearly.one's weaknesses and spiritual state." On the other hand, there is the sister who apparently knows what to say but is hampered by "the fear of being too frank, thereby embarrassing the confessor and one's self." As one sister said: "I really do not think there is shortage of matter, but just that we cannot bring ourselves to be ourselves." In answer to the question: What do you find the greatest difficulty in your reception of the sacrament of penance?" a sister wrote: What and how to confess sins. There is plenty of matter for confession, but how can you verbalize the multitudinous fail-ures-- real failures? One sister said that she would like to express sins of omission l~ut felt that the confessor would not accept this as matter for a good confession. Another stated that she "would like to feel free to express myself in ordinary terms without the confessor becoming impatient." This difficu.lty persists in some, even with the best of condi-tions: I have difficulty in expressing my problems or difficulties in a clear and brief way even when I have the good fortune to have a confessor who is understanding. 7. Impersonal Relationship Today we hear much about personal relationships. Certainly it would appear that to make the sacrament of penance a means of spiritual growth there must be an interpersonal relationship between the sister-penitent and the priest-confessor, The obvious fact that two hu-man beings are united in the enactment of this sacra- - ment is too readily overlooked due to an "opere operato" mentality. Each person involved in this act of worship should relate to the other--as a communion of persons. But.,then, what about those who desire anonymity? Are the two contradictory? A relationship of concern, interest,. and desire to aid the penitent is sufficient, even though the sister is not known. However, for true spiritual guidancE, anonymity is a hindrance. Recognition of this lack of personal relationship is manifested in the remarks of the clergy: The dialogue is nil even though the confessor makes an attempt at the possibility of discussion on any matter that would ease any problems by the mere relating of them. There is also a desire for better relationship expressed by some confessors: ' Sisters of whatever type they are, with whatever problem they cope with, should be listened to closely, intently, pa-tiently. The confessor remains the key to the beneficial con-fessions of religious women. I am trying to make myself a better confessor by cultivating in myself greater love of God, a deeper insight into the nature of sin, and a better understanding of the person.s who are con-fessing. For most sisters, too, a lack, of true interperson.al re-lationship of the human level militates against a real understanding of the sacrament of penance as an en-counter with Christ. One sister even commented that because of the impersonal atmosphere, "confession can turn into an inhuman act." That the sisters object to being treated as "things" is evident in the following: Confession should be more of a person-to-person encounter, rather than a thing-to-thing. I don't feel that the priest is interested in me as an in-dividual, but in our community as a group. Whenever one speaks of interpersonal relationships, one must be aware of the important role played" by communication and dialogue: A greater sense of an interpersonal relationship is needed in confession, so that one does not feel that one is just another person with another uninteresting story. The biggest problem to my mind is the lack of commumcation between the confessor and myself. He doesn't seem interested in me as a person, so I cannot bring myself to talk to him. Attempts have proved fruitless. I feel that confession is basic to our spiritual life and think that it is high time dialogue with a capital "D" is possible with our confessor in particular, and priests in general. Great benefit can accrue from a genuinely human re-lationship: When I can open up to a confessor who is equipped to listen, I find that I at least can get close to experiencing a meeting with Christ. 8. Confessor Not Understanding When the confessor does not represent the under-standing and patient Christ,. the sisters' difficulties will be augmented. Does the priest himself feel capable? con-cerned? truly helpful? Earlier in. this study we mentioned the appreciation for the vocation of the sisters and for their zeal and holiness. There is a real desire on the part of un-derstanding priests, to help the sisters, to make confession an effective source of Christian growth: + + + ontesaons ot Women 1~eligious VOLUME 26, 1967 591 4. 4. 4. J. A. Clarmont, C.Ss.R. Sister M. DSe.nOi.sS,. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 592 I am intensely interested in helping religious and proclaim !oudly and often the deplorable injustice which, I feel, priests in general have perpetrated in regard to these tremendous women, and that for centuries. It starts with the kind of "bon-papa" assigned to postulates and continues right on through to the type of retired, nasty, selfish, old bachelor whom no one will put up with except "the dear good sisters." Most priests want to get out of having to hear sisters' confessions and are only too happy to have anyone at all take over the chore, even if it happens to be someone who is good for nothing else. Many priests are sisters' confessors, not by inclination, training, or talent, but by appointment. What could make confession more meaningless to the sisters than the necessity to confess to some priest who merely tolerates his task of hearing their confessions? Or looks upon it as a waste of time? Or feels inadequate for the situation? Those priests who are interested and willing to give the necessary time and effort should "specialize" as confes-sors of women religious. As a priest stated, among the qualifications for a priest-confessor of sisters should be "some knowledge of the psychology of religious women and of counseling along with common sense and compas-sion." It is questionable whether seminary courses in pastoral theology treat of this specialized apostolate. In answering the question: "Are you satisfied with your confessor?" sixty-one sistei:s replied in the negative. Sis-ters are particularly sensitive to the priest's attitude toward hearing sisters' confessions in general: For our confessor, as for most confessors whom I have en-countered, the hearing of sisters' confessions seems to be an unpleasant duty to be got through as quickly as possible and with as little personal involvement as possible. Such an attitude is bound to inhibit the penitent. Others commented that their confessor is one in the strictest sense only, that is, he listens to confessions and gives absolution. Some confessors seem "uninterested, uncon-cerned, and unwilling to be of assistance." An older sister wrote: In my forty-six years of confessions, I can think of three priests that stand out because they were interested and gave all the time one wanted, plus counsel. Further irritation is caused by a condoning manner which implied "that you were a good girl who did not really need confession--'Keep up the good work.'" In addition, impatience, abruptness, moodiness, oversensi-tivity, unapproachableness were cited by the sisters as un-desirable qualities in a priest-confessor. Sisters are distressed by the male mistake of not under-standing the feminine mystique. Neither native intelli-gence nor acquired holiness is a substitute for under-standing feminine psychology. In the confessional the priest is dealing with the whole person--body, soul, mind, feelings. In addition to understanding the psychological and biological factors of women, the confessor should be able to "get behind the externals" in order to understand what "women get frustrated over": The confessor should consider most religious as shy persons; and deal with them as you would a shy person. Those who appoint confessors should see to it that the con-fessor is one who knows what women are, how they function and why; that be knows and understands the cycle of a wo-men- the menopause. We had a confessor who knew nothing of all this and said so, and what is worse, didn't want to know. It's all medical, he said. Furthermore, the feminine expression of the religious life is as different from the masculine expression of the religious life as woman is "from man: If we only had an understanding priest who knew what community living involved. This would solve many problems. From a total of. forty-two sisters with diocesan.priests for confessors, only eighteen expressed dissatisfaction with the confessor since he had no personal experience of community life as lived by religious. Most of the eighteen stated that they would prefer a religious priest. Frequently sisters experience difficulty when the pastor for whom they work, especially in a small town, is their con tess or: It is undesirable to have the pastor or some other priest, who is in frequent contact with the sisters in a professional way, as confessor. It is very apparent that the person of the confessor plays an important role in contributing to the meaning-fulness of the sacrament of penance, without, however, the penitent abdicating her own personal responsibility: Each person needs to find her own personal response to God. The priest can suggest, but the decision must be your own. I have great sympathy for the priegt who has to be a con-fessor to sisters (being stoned to death with popcorn, as one priest put it), but I believe lie must definitely have the in-clination for it, a solid knowledge of feminine psychology, , and the knack of helping his penitents to be more objective in their outlook. 9. Lack Of Suitable Direction ÷ When discussing the lack of spiritual direction as a + factor in rendering the sacrament of penance less mean-ingful, we are adopting, in line with the replies on the. questionnaires, the broad meaning of spiritual direction, onfesslons namely, a personal or general exhortation directed to the Women Religious penitent. Xqhile it is beyond the scope of this study to examine theologically the relationship of spiritual direo 593 tion to the sacrament of penance, such a relationship will be investigated in a later study. Nearly all the confessors gave some spiritual exhorta-tion, either general or personal, and the latter particu-larly when needed or requested: I simply invite them after each confession to bring up any problem they might have before dismissing them. Compara-tively few do so--maybe two per month. General direction is quite useless, a waste of breath. It de-pends on the penitent whether I give personal direction. Some gave a short homily to the assembled community as preparation for the reception of penance. There were a few, however, who merely gave absolution. Only in a few cases, judging from the confessors' re-sponses can we attribute lack of direction as a source of meaningless confessions. However, it is in this area of confessional exhortation that we find the greatest dis-parity between the priests' and the sisters' remarks. Table 2 indicates the number of sisters receiving dif-ferent types of spiritual exhortation or direction in the confessional. TABLE 2 Types of Direotion Received in'the Confessional Type of Direction Number of Sisters General . 58 Specific direction . 42 No direction at all . 33 Of those receiving general direction nineteen sisters stated that they wished to have this type of exhortation continued; four sthted that they did not want any direc-tion. It is noteworthy that thirty-four of the fifty-eight~ sisters receiving a general type of direction desired to have the exhortation related more to the spirit and tone of each penitent's confession, instead of vague, impersonal re-,. marks on some loosely connected topic, such as the Holy Souls: 0f course, I want and need direction. Perhaps I'm just looking for a spiritual pat on the back at times, but I don't want a confessor with stereotyped answers. I want him to + make me think things out. + If we add to these thirty-four sisters, the forty sisters + who receive a specific type of direction and wish to con- I. A. (?larmont, tinue doing so, then there is a total of seventy-four sis- , c~s~. ters indicating a preference for individual direction in sister M. Oe,,is, the confessional. A sister who received personal direction s.o.s. stated: REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS At first I found it almost embarrassingly so, but it is of 594 great help, One sister receiving specific direction did not wish to have any at all; and another sister stated that she would rather ask for it when needed. Table 3, illustrating the helpfulness of the type of direction the sisters are presently receiving, is indicative of the sisters' preference for a more personalized exhorta-tion. TABLE 3 The Help.[ulness of Various Types of Spiritual Direction Degree of Helpfulness General Direction Specific Direction Total Possible 58 Total Possible 42 Helpful . 17 37 Not helpful . 21 1 Sometimes helpful . 20 4 Some of the nine sisters who stated that they did not wish to have direction of any type qualified their remarks as follows: No guidance wanted from this type of confessor. In some twenty years in religious life, I personally have met only one regular confessor who was genuinely interested in my prog-ress in holiness. From those receiving no direction whatsoever the fol-lowing remarks imply a sense of frustration or futility: Every week that I have gone to this confessor for the past five years he says, "Once again, Sister, leave it all to the mercy of God and for your penance say three Hail Mary's to Jesus in the Blessed Sacrament." He gives no spiritual direction for anything less than sins of murder! Only four receiving no direction indicated that they did not wish to have any; twenty-nine stated a desire for di-rection of some kind. The whole area of spiritual direction is a delicate one since both the "feast or the famine" extremes pose evi-dent difficulties for the sisters. They would like the con-lessor to be interested and helpful, but without making them feel compelled to reveal themselves. For the con-lessor to ask a lead question such as: "Is there anything else you would like to say?" is welcome and leaves the individual free. As shown previously, many sisters are shy and reticent in the confessional. Such a question would provide them with an opening. From the sisters' viewpoint there seem to be few priests who really understand what they mean when asking for direction: There seems to be a lack of understanding for our way of life--for the desire to grow in love and union with God. Most just can't take the time to bother, or if they waht to help, Conlessions ot, Women Religiott~ VOLUME 26, 1967 595 they can't understand about our life. Some of the younger priests seem to have more of an understanding of spiritual direction in the confessional than many of the older ones. They have caught the spirit of the Council and of the "inner renewal," not just external changes, and have taken special interest in the direction of sisters. Tliere is overwhelming evidence from the survey that the sisters included in this sampling wish to receive di-rection in the confessional as indicated by 122 out of 133 sisters. As was seen, the strong preference is for a more personal exhortation. 10. Environment The problem area that appeared most frequently on the questionnaires is that of the physical environment of the confessional, with ninety-three sisters and thirty-two priests reporting dissatisfaction with the present situation. Table 4 gives a break-down of this figure. TABLE 4 Changes Desired by Confessors and Sisters in the Physical Environment of the Confessional Desired Changes Priests Sisters Wish improvements in the tradi-I tional .confessional . I 16 40 Wish face-to-face confessions in an open room . ] 16 53 4- I. A. Clarmonk, C.Ss.R. Sister M. Denis, S~O.S. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 596 There was barely an aspect of the traditional con-fessional that escaped criticism. One priest dryly com-mented: o My experience is d, at while the sisters have built hospitals, schools, and motherhouses equal to the Taj Mahal, they have yet to build a decent confessional. Acoustics in most are poor. Severe criticism was leveled at the double confessional in which one sister said she "had been hearing confessions for years." For the deaf sisters this problem is acute. Poor placement of the confessional ranged from the front of the chapel where the sister "had to face the entire community when com-ing out" to the sacristy "where the sacristan had to be informed and evacuated for extra confessions." Both priests and sisters wished to dispel the dark gloomy at-mosphere in the confessional by more normal lighting. In short, "light, air, more room, and the opportunity to hear and to be heard" are needed. When referring to the type of confessional used, one sister noted that attitudes towards this beautiful sacra-ment could change, ':if the sisters were free to go to con-fession in the place they choose--a sunny, bright room or a closed confessional." Another asserted that any physical change which would make confession more of a sacra-ment of encounter would be helpful. A confessor wrote: I've already abandoned the confessional in the chapel for a portable in a small parlor where privacy is assured even for the hard-of-hearing, where I can look out at the birds, flowers, trees, and squirrels which remind me of the bounty of God whose largesse I am dispensing. For some, the focus of annoyance was the screen or grill in the traditional confessional: I simply cannot relate to a blank screen. It's torture trying to mumble your problems at a white screen. There appears to be relative unanimity among priest-confessors and sister-penitents in their mutual detestation of the confessional "box": ~ The gloomy secretive atmosphere of the confessional does not seem conducive to inspiring anyone with any 'particular joy at being the receiver of such a tremendous blessing. Let's get out of the sweat boxl Is it so necessary that women go to confession in a closed confessional? Can't canon law be revamped in this regard? After all, we say we meet Christ in penance. Why should a grill and darkness set His representative aloof from us? Many priests have decried the ordinary environment, that is, the confessional, as destructive of a personal re-lationship and meaningful confession: Have a place where sisters could be less formal and able to talk in a normal voice, not whispering. Thus they could see their confessor as a spiritual director and not a mere automaton dispensing sins in a machine-like way. Several suggested that confessions be heard in a counsel-ing room where privacy is assured and where both con-fessor and penitent can be at ease. The sisters also question the traditional confessional environment. External surroundings have a great in-fluence on one's attitudes and may have accounted for much of the fear which has accompanied the sacrament of penance for many sisters: Completely revamp the confessional. An across-the-desk or from-one-comfortable-chair-to-the-next would be much more conducive to sincerity and perhaps more practically effective. Christ met Nicodemus out on a rooftop, the adulterous woman in a temple courtyard, Zaccheus in a tree, the cripple at a public swimming pool, Dismas at a public execution. Why in the name of God, our Father, must He meet us in a dark, little, musty box with his hand in front of his eyes, his face turned away, through a screen or grill or even a plastic sheet? What's wrong with being face to face with His representative? in a lighted room? in a comfortable chair? in a relaxed and open manner. We talk about faith. What kind of faith do we show by hiding from the light and warmth of person-to-person communication? You can't take the light of faith and hide it + 4. 4- Conlessions o~ Women Religious VOLUME 26, 1967 597 4, 4. C.SsJL Sisger M. Den~s, $.0~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS ~98 in a box, but put it out in the open. Penance should be a two-way dialogue with both priest and penitent brought closer to Christ by the encounter. Although these expressions are opposed to a sacred tra-dition of confessional anonymity, yet all of them seem to carry, that cry for a more meaningful interpersonal re-lationship with the priest-confessor. They honestly seek to have a setting that will be more natural, more tiuman, and more conducive to genuine help from this wonderful sacrament. A choice, however, should be left for' the penitent--either a face-to-face accusation or the privilege of anonymity. 11. Rite Our present rite of the sacrament of penance fails to convey the full import of this sacrament: Certainly penance has ceased to be "public" except in name only. Much must be done to restore penance to its place in the public worship of the Church. " We need a complete revision of the liturgy of the sacrament to fit the real needs and become a living sign in their daily lives. Many confessors indicated a desire for communal ex-amination of conscience, for a preparatory homily prior to the reception of the sacrament, and for general abso-lution. Thirty-eight sisters expressed dissatisfaction with the present rite of penance. Of the thirty-eight, twenty-five wished" to have some form of communal penance with optional private confession; seven wished to have some communal exhortation or rite followed by private con-fession; and six wished to have minor changes made in the present rite: It is hard to realize the ecclesial or community aspect of penance under its preseht form. General absolution would make the sacraxnent of penance much more meaningful for me, and I am not a coward or lack-ing in faith when I say this. The development of these suggestions will be con-sidered in a later study when we deal with those factors .that should lead to a more meaningful celebration of this sacrament. Progress is being made by liturgists to make all the sacraments more meaningful. Certainly their reception in the vernacular has helped, but many are still concerned about a truly ex.pressive rite that con-veys the true meaning of the sacrament of penance. Conclusion As stated in the beginning of this study, our purpose is' not academic but practical. As one confessor wrote to I think a great deal of talking, discussion, and beefs have taken place about weekly confessors for sisters. Now it is time for action. I would like to see something done about it. I hope your study leads to some practical results. I love the sisters and feel they deserve to find a greater degree of the ful-fillment in Christ's love which they sought when they embraced the evangelical counsels. It is sincerely hoped that those responsible for the con-fessions of women religious from the diocesan chancery office to the local convent will examine and attempt to rectify some of the problems surrounding the reception of this sacrament. We have tried to show how the various factors which militate against a meaningful reception of penance are interrelated and therefore cannot be considered in iso-lation. The most obvious problem for both confessors and penitents is routine, but the most basic problem is the lack of freedom regarding time, place, confessor, and frequency. If sisters were given the responsibility to see to their own needs regarding penance, then--given normal conditions--time problems, all the difficulties related to the confessor would be eased. The sacramental rite in its present form is neither in-structive nor indicative of the ecclesial purpose of pen-ance. In addition, a truly Christ-like interpersonal rela-tionship between confessor and penitent is impeded by the physical surroundings of the confessional itself. However, for the individual sister, despite all external obstacles, the most effective remedy for routine is a thorough updating and continued education in the theology of the sacrament and its practical application in her own life. Because of little or no formation, the sisters do not really understand how to examine their consciences realistically and hence have great difficulty in the actual confession. These shortcomings on the part of the sister-penitent, in addition to weekly confession when often there is no real need, are greatly responsible for the confessor!s negative attitudes towards sisters' confessions. Underly-ing most of these difficulties lies the inability of the priest-confessor and the sister-penitent to see and to accept one another in their individual roles in the Body of Christ. It was evident from the questionnaires that there is grave mutual misunderstanding between the priest-confessors as a whole and the sister-penitents as a whole. The priests do not seem to comprehend the seriousness of all the problems concerned to the same extent that the sisters do. Many priests admit they do not know how to use the sacrament of penance as an fective source of spiritual growth and development. Furthermore, the sisters often close themselves to re-ceiving the good intentions of the confessor. We feel in-÷ ÷ ÷ Contessions o] Women Religious VOLUME 26, 1967 599 capable of judging where the fault lies but would like to suggest that both the confessor and the sisters in a given location openly discuss the problems pertinent to their situation. We owe our sincere gratitude to the confessors and sisters who took the time to answer the questionnaires so thoroughly and honestly. It has been a difficult but instructive task reading the questionnaires, assessing various responses, and attempting to be as objective as possible. We hope that our later study will indeed com-plement this negative analysis with truly positive aids towards making confession more satisfying for both confessor and penitent, creating mutual respect, charity, and joy. APPENDIX A FACSIMILE OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE SENT TO CONFESSORS Dear Father: As part of our work in Pastoral Theology at The Divine Word Centre, London, we are making a study of the confessions of women religious. For this purpose we are asking your cooperation in completing the following questionnaire. Your frank answers and any other comments you care to make would be greatly appreciated. Use the back of this paper if necessary. All replies . will be held in the strictest confidence. Please return the completed form UNSIGNED. Rev. J. A. Clarmont, C.Ss.R. Sister M. Denis, S.O.S. 1. Age ____ Diocesan Priest ____ Religious Priest __ (Check one) 2. Number of convents to which you are the regular confessor: + ]. A. Clarmont, C.Ss.R. , Sister M. Denis, S.O3. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 600 Approximate number of sisters in convent ___ Location of content: City ___ Town or village ____ (Check one) Type of sisters: C!oistered.___ Non-cloistered ___ (Check one) 3. Are you the pastor and/or chaplain to these sister's? Yes __ NO --- 4. If the convent is large, how many other regular confessors assist you? ____ 5. What is your impression of sisters' confessions, in general? Please be sharp and specific. 6. From your experience in hearing sisters' confessions, do you think that their examination of conscience is realistic and adequate? 7. What type of spiritual direction or counsel do you give? (i.e., personal or general) 8. What do you find most satisfying regarding sisters' confes-sions? 9. What is your greatest difficulty regarding sisters' coqfessions? I0. How could the Sacrament of Penance be made more meaning-ful for sisters? 11. Are there any changes you would like to make in the physical environment of the confessional (location, type, lighting, acoustics, etc.)? FACSIMILE OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE SENT TO SISTERS Dear Sister: As part of our work in Pastoral Theology at The Divine Word Centre, London, we are making a study of the confessions of women religious. For this purpose we are asking your cooperation in com-pleting the following questionnaire. Your frank answers and any other comments you care to make would be greatly appreciated. Use the back of this paper if necessary. All replies will be held in the strictest confidence. Please return the completed form UN-SIGNED. Rev. J. A. Clarmont, C.Ss.R. Sister M. Denis, S.O.S. 1 :' Age __ Occupation 2. Location of convent: City ____ Town or village ___ (Check one) 3. Number of sisters in Convent __ Number of weekly con-fessors ____ 4. Diocesan priest ___ Religious priest ___ (Check one) Is he your pastor and/or chaplain? Yes ___ No __ (Check one) 5. Are you satisfied with your confessor? Please give sharp and specific reasons. 6. How do you make your examination of conscience? 7. What type of spiritual direction or counsel (i.e., personal or general) does the confessor give? Do you want this? Do you find this helpful? 8. What do you find most beneficial in your reception of the Sacrament of Penance? 9. What do you think is the greatest difficulty in your reception of the Sacrament of Penance? 10. How could the Sacrament of Penance be made more meaning-ful for sisters? 1 I. Are there any changes you would like to make in the physical environment of the confessional (location, type, lighting, acoustics)? APPENDIX B STATISTICAL DESCRIPTION OF SAMPLING Priest-Confessors One hundred and ten questionnaires were ~nailed out to con-lessors o[ sisters. Among the returns were sixty-four completed questionnaires, oue partially completed, one letter stating the con-fessor's views and two letters stating that the confessors concerned were no longer occupied with hearing sisters' con[essions. The sam-pling included priests from seven Canadian provinces and two from the United States with representatives from forty-five towns or cities in twenty-one different dioceses. ÷ ÷ + Conlessions o] Women Religious VOLUME 26, 1967 Twenty-six priest-confessors were under forty-five years of age and thirty-five were over that age; six failed to state their age. Thirty-two of the sampling were diocesan priests and thirty-two 'were religious priests. Thirteen stated that they were the pastor and/or chaplain of the convent in which they heard confessioa~s, while forty-five were outsiders; two were retreat masters. Table 5 summarizes the size of the convents in which die priests heard confessions. TABLE 5 Size of Convent to which Priest-Con.lessors are Appointed 19 priests heard confessions in convents of 10 or fewer sisters. 12 priests heard confessions in convents of 10-25 sisters. 12 priests heard confessions in convents of 26-50 sisters. 4 priests heard confessions in convents of 51-100 sisters. 4 priests heard confessions in convents of over 100 sisters. ÷ ÷ ÷ I. A. Clarmont, C.Ss.R. $iste~ M. D$e.0n,i$s., REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 602 Fifty-four priests were involved in hearing the confessions of non-cloistered sisters and five priests were involved in hearing the con-fessions of cloistered sisters. Thirty-three convents to which they were assigned as confessors are in the cities and twenty-two con-vents are located in small towns or villages. Certain discrepancies in the number of responses and the above totals are due to the fact that some priest-confessors failed to answer each requested item on the questionn.aire. Sister-Penitents ' ~ Out of a total of approxim.htely one hundred and sixty question-nalres sent to the sister~, one hundred and thirty-three were ~:e-turned, including thirty-three sister students at the Divine Word Centre. The sampling of one hundred and thlrty-three, although ~redominffntly Canadian, cuts across seven provinces, eight states, and represents sisters in twenty-six dioceses and eighty-one con-vents. The sampling was fairly equally divided according to age groups: sixty-six sisters were over thlrty-five years of age; sixty-six sisters were thirty-five or younger; and the age of one sister was un-known. Tables 6 and 7 indicate the occupations of the sisters and the size of the convents respectively. TABLE 6 Occupations o] Sisters Involved in the Sampling Occupation Cloistered . Teacher . Nurse . Social Worker . Administration . Catechist . Domestic . Missionary . Retired . Student . Novice . Unknown . Number 45 46 71 6 612811 TABLE 7 Size o.f Convents 18 sisters reside in convents of 5 or fewer sisters. 41 sisters reside in convents of 6-12 sisters. 15 sisters reside in convents of 13-25 sisters. 27 sisters reside in convents of 26-50 sisters. 32 sisters reside in convents of over 51 sisters. Eighty-one convents were located in the city; fifty-two in small towns, villages, or in the country. Ninety-one sisters indicated that their confessor was a diocesan priest. In twenty-three cases the priest was the pastor and/or chaplain; in one hundred and ten cases the priest was an outside confessor. " Conlessions o! Women Religious VOLUME 26, 1967 LADISLAS M. ~RSY, S.J. Chastity in Religious Ladislas M. Orsy, S.J., is professor of canon law at the School ol: Theology; Fordham Univer-sity; ~ Bronx, New York 10458. : REVIEW=FOR RELIGIOUS Whenever the documents of the Council refer to conse-crated life and mention the three evangelical counsels, chastity takes priority over poverty and obedience. In establishing this new, .or apparently new order, the fathers of the Council followed an ancient tradition and also ex-pressed better the internal cohesion between the three counsels. They followed an ancient tradition because from the beginning of the life of the Church, consecrated virginity was considered the sign and the fruit of a spe-cial friendship with God. They expressed better the internal cohesion of the three aspects of our consecration, because it is through virginity that a special union is established between God and a human person. Detachment from material wealth in the form of poverty usually follows the charism of virginity. Both charisms can bring greater fruit if they are inserted into the life of the visible Church. This insertion is made through dedication to works of charity in a community, which is in effect consecration in obedience: Among the three, chastity is nearest to charity; it is the most personal expression of our dedication to God. Before any further explanation, it is necessary that I should clarify my own terminology. There are two key concepts which have to be defined. One is chastity, the other is virginity. Chastity is a virtue which disposes us to the observance of God's laws in all matters concerning sexual life. It has to be present in those who are married and in those who are not. When a person abstains from marriage it is fre-quently said that he is practicing perfect chastity, mean-ing that he is abstaining completely from any use of his sexual faculties. The expression can be used provided no one concludes that the virtue of chastity cannot be perfect in married people. The virtue can be perfect in them al-though their abstinence from sexual life is not omplete.1 The term virginity usually means perfect chastity in those who preserve the integrity of their body. One could object to this definition that virginity is conceived too much in a material sense. It would be better to speak about the spiritual.sense of virginity which means dedica-tion to God in perfect chastity with the intention of pre-serving the integrity of mind and body. Christian virgin-ity in the full sense means a permanent state, the permanent integrity of mind, heart, and body for the sake of the kingdom of God. It is a spiritual virtue. It disposes for a deep union with God and it is the fruit of such a union. Its most important aspect is not in the ma-terial integrity of the body--in itself it could not be a sign of Christian virginity--but in the integrity and in the permanent dedication of the person to God in perfect chastity. .In other words, there is not much difference between perfect chastity and virginity, provided "integrity" means the integral dedication of a person in mind, heart, and body to God. They both mean the same. If we want to remain faithful to the tradition of Christian terminology it would probably be better to speak about virginity than chastity. I shall use the expression virginity when I mean perfect chastity. By both I mean the consecration of a human person to God in integrity of mind and body which excludes any use of the sexual faculties. When I speak about virginity, I refer equally to men and women. When the term celibate is used, it is equivalent to virgin. As I shall explain, virginity is a framework, a container, for a union with God. THE BIBLICAL BACKGROUND The inspiration from Holy Scripture for an under-standing of the virtue of virginity comes in two ways: through the express pronouncements of the inspired texts about virginity and through the example of Christ, His Mother, and His disciples. The' biblical doctrine of a deep and experiential union with God is certainly a help to understand virginity better. XThe term perlect chastity is a misnomer; it misleads the un-initiated and does not express well the thought of the specialist in moral theology. It misleads the uninitiated because it seems to imply that perfect chastity cannot exist in marriage. It does not express the thought of the specialist in moral theology, because if perfect chastity can be achieved by the use of the sexual faculties in mar-riage, the complete abstention from the use of those faculties should not be described by the same term. Even if we agreed, however, that the term perIect chastity should-be abandoned for the descrip-tion of the state of celibacy or virginity, time would be still needed for an agreement on the new terminology. + + + Chastity VOLUME 26, 1967 605 4. £,adislas M. Or&y, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 606 Some express pronouncements about virginity in the Old Testament can be found in the life of Jeremiah who remained celibate in order to underline his prophecy. In the New Testament the main texts about virginity are in the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Luke, in the Epis-tles of St. Paul, and in the Apocalypse of St. John. All through the Scriptures there is an ever deepening empha-sis of this virtue. The life of Christ, the,life of the Mother of God, and the lives of many of the Apostles are in them-selves demonstrations of the Christian value of virginity; The biblical doctrine of a deep experiential union with God is of capital importance for the understanding of the virtue of virginity. This union can be so captivating for a human heart that the person does not want to conclude any close union with a human person. The presence of God in him brings about a special fruit: he wants to re-main virgin. I shall speak mainly about the express references of the Bible to virginity, but I shall refer frequently to the union from which virginity originates,u Jeremiah the Prophet The concept of virginity developed gradually. Its earli-est roots are in the Old Testament. Christian virginity is somewhat foreshadowed in the life of Jeremiah. The prophet embraced celibacy and he himself explained the reason for it: The word of the Lord was addressed to me as follows: "You must not take a wife or have son or daughter in this place. For the Lord says. this regarding the sons and daughters to be born in this place, about the mothers who give birth to them, and about the fathers who beget them in tl~is land: They will die of deadly diseases" Uer 16:1-4). Celibacy in the life of Jeremiah was a prophecy by ~ The purpose of this biblical background is not to prove that the state of celibacy or virginity is an excellent way of following Christ, but to recall the biblical teaching for those who believe in the excellency of the gift. The relevant texts are fragmentary and their full meaning may not be immediately evident. The facts reported in the New Testament, such as the virginal life of Christ, the virginity of His Mother, do not lend themselves to lengthy explanations. They all have a pregnant meaning, though, which was clearly understood by the Church from the apostolic times and ex-ternally manifested by the praise of virginity. Within the scope of a short article the explanations of the texts had to be restrained to the most essential points. A detailed and fine analysis of The Biblical Doctrine o! Virginity by Lucien Legrand, M.E.P., is availa-ble in English, published by Sheed and Ward, New York, 1963. I am indebted to the author and grateful for his work. His analyses of the texts of St. Luke are particularly thought-provoking. Father Legrand stresses also the theological idea of virginal ]ecundity, but 15erhaps not enough the immediate apostolic meaning of the scriptural texts on virginity. The strongly apostolic character of virginity appears everywhere included in the meaning of the terms. deed. He was announcing to the people of Jerusalem that the day of judgn3.ent was coming. In order to demonstrate the proximity of the disaster Jeremiah did not take a wife. Through his celibacy he was crying out that the judg-ment of the Lord was coming and that all should be pre-pared for it. His celibacy had a prophetic value. Paul the Prophet The same thefiae is taken up in the New Testament by St. Paul/He is not concerned with the destruction of Jerusalem. He is concerned with the second coming of the Lord, with the universal manifestation of His glory. Paul is so full of hope that he wants to bypass the realities of this present world of shadows in order to center his at-tention on tl~e expectation of the Lord. He writes to the Corinthians: About remaining celibate, I have no directions from the Lord but give my own opinion as one who, by the Lord's mercy, has stayed faithful. Well then, I believe that in these present times of stress this is right: that it is good for a man to stay as he is (1 Cor 7:25-6). The "present times of stress" here is due to the fact that they were in expectation of the Pa~ousia, the day of judg-ment, the day of the manifestation of the power of the Lord. The underlying idea in the statement of Paul is that the very fact that he remains a celibate dec'lares not in words but in a deed that the real permanent values are in a different wgrld. The prophetic, aspect of celibacy is present in Paul's thought. But while Jeremiah was con-cerned in a somewhat negative way with the tem~poral ruin of Jerusalem, Paul is centered on the coming of the eternal kingdom of Christ. Thr6ugh celibacy he declares that this world is to be transformed into a new spiritual universe. Matthew and the Kingdom In the Gospel of St. Matthew the internal relationship between the state of virginity and the kingdom of God is described. The most important passage on celibacy follows the promulgation by Christ of the new law: a man shouId not divorce his wife. Then: The disciples said to him, "If that: is how things are between husband andwife, it is not advisable to marry." But he replied, "It is not everyone who can accept what I have said, but only those to whom it is granted. There are eunuchs born that way from their mother's womb, there :are eunuchs made so by men, and there are eunuchs who have made themselves that way for the sake of the kingdom of heaven. Let anyone accept this who can" (Mt 19:10-2). The key concept of the text is that to abstain from marriage receives its full mea.ning when it is done on .I. + + VOLUME 26, 1967 607 ÷ Ladislas M. Orsy, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS behalf.o{ the heavenly kingdom. There is a close relation-ship between the kingdom of Christ and .that state of celibacy or virginity. It is stated also that no one can grasp this gift for himself but it is given to those who are ¯ able to accept what God offers to them. In other words, celibacy is a gift of God. Matthew means by the kingdom of heaven the fulfill-ment of God's promises, the presence of the kingdom foretold by the prophets, announced by John the Baptist, preached by Christ, and to be preached by the Apostles. Celibacy in itself would be empty and without purpose; it receives its meaning through the kingdom. The kingdom means the internal kingdom in the hearts of man and the kingdom to be spread through the preach-ing of the gospel. When a gift is given on behalf of the kingdom, all aspects of the kingdom have to be included. The gift is given to dispose the heart to receive the word of God and to strengthen the person to preach it. Both the sanctifying and the strongly apostolic aspects of virginity are there in Christ's words as reported by Matthew. This kingdom is partially present because Christ is present, and He opened His kingdom to all who repent and are ready to follow Him. It is also to come because the Spirit has not descended, yet on the Apostles and dis-ciples. The concept of virginity in Matthew's Gospel is a complex one: virginity is witnessing present reality and points to a future event. It is the sign of the kingdom present, and of the kingdom to come. The kingdom is present; for its sake one can be celibate. There is no need to wait. At the same time the prophetic value remains, since the fullness of God's promises is still to come. Celibacy points towards the eschatological fullness or per-fection. One could say that in the life of a celibate person reality and prophecy coincide. Virginity is a sign of the kingdom present here and now and of the kingdom to come when Christ appears in His glory. Let us note that virginity is not a condition to enter the kingdom but it is a special gift within the kingdom for., those who can accept it. Matthew makes it clear that he conceives celibacy as a particular gift given by God to some who are following Christ and are disciples of Christ. Not all followers and all disciples will have the same gift. .,In another passage, Matthew reports the saying of Christ that in the resurrection there is no such thing, as marryi~ng or°being given in marriage: For at the resurrection men and women do not marry;~ no, they are like the angels.in heaven (Mr 22:30). o In other words, the state of' virginity is~ the beginning of the same state of life in some whidh will be the ~hare of all who will enter the heavenly kingdom. In heaven there will be no need for procreation because the number 6f the chosen ones will have be~n completed. The king-dom of God will be there in its fullness. Marriage would be purposeless. It follows that the state of virginity is the beginning of the state of imniortality. Through it a person takes up his final status in the kingdom of God. Luke and the Following of Christ Luke leads us even further into the mystery of virginity. For Luke, as for Matthew, the kingdom of God has come with Christ. But Luke gives more thought to the relation-ship of a disciple to Christ; to the union that exists be-tween Christ and His follower." For him virginity is the sharing in a special way of the death and also of the glorification of Christ. Special way here means an indi-vidual vocation, not given to all believers. The most im-portant text is: He said to them, "I tell you solemnly, there is no one wh~ has left house, wife, brothers, parents, or children for the sake of the kingdom of God who will noLbe given repayment many times over in this present time and,~in the world to come, eter-nal life" (Lk 18:29-30). He who follows Christ by 1.eaving behind his wife, that is by taking up the state of celibacy, leaves this world and enters another one. He shares the condition of Christ who is leaving this world to enter into the house of His Father. The person who leaves behind hig wife and all that he has in this world shares the death of Christ. Another text from St. Luke proves that this is not an exaggeration: If any man conies to me without hating his father, mother, wife, children, brothers, sisters, yes and his own life too, he cannot be my disciple. Anyone who does not carry his cross and come after me cannot be my disciple (Lk 14:26-7). That is, there is an analogy between leaving behind one's wife and family and taking UP the cross. There is an analogy between celibacf and leaving one's own life and dying with Christ. To follow Christ means to leave this visible and tangible world and the persons or objects most precious to us and to go into an unknown world. To leave behind one's own wife is the sharing in the life of Christ; it is sharing His cross and His death. In Luke's Gospel the theology of: the life of a Christian as life in Christ is emerging. It is necessary to be :unite.d to Christ's cross in order to participate in His eternal life. Finally, as in Matthew's Gospel, in Luke's too, the king-dom has a dynamic character: it has to grow and expand. To become celibate for the kingdom'ssake means to tal~e a share in the building of the kingdg~n, in the saving acts of Christ--celibacy has an apostolic character and finality. + + + Chastity VOLUME 2~, 1.967 609 4- 4- Lad/s/as M. Orsy, S.I. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 610 Paul and the Glory o/ Godn The new theme of sharing the glory of Christ through virginity is best expressed by St. Paul in 1 Cot 7:25-39. He does not say that matrimony is wrong. On the con-trary, marriage is good. But he says: I would like to see you free from all worry. An unmarried man can devote himself to the Lord's affairs,, all he need worry about is pleasing the Lord; but a married man has to bother about the world's affairs and devote himself to pleasing his wife: he is torn two ways. In the same way an unmarried . woman, like a young girl, can devote herself to the Lord's affairs;' all she need worry about is being holy in body and spiyit. The married woman, on the other hand, has to worry about the world's affairs and devote herself to pleasing her husband. I say this only~ to help you, not to put a halter round your necks, but simply to make sure that everything is as it should be, and that you give your undivided attention to the Lord (1 Gor 7:32-5). Being holy in body and spit.it: the word holy is the key to the understanding of the text. When Paul uses the expression holy he uses it according tolthe Old Testament tradition. Anything is holy which has been sanctified by God through the presence of His glory and power, For the Israelites Mount Sinai was holy because the glory of God descended on it. The temple of Jerusalem was holy for them because the presence of God overshadowed its internal sanctuary which was called the Holy of Holies. A person who receives the gift of virginity is holy because the power and g~ory of God descended on him, over-shadowed him, and consecrated him. We should try to put ourselves into the mind of Paul. For him the Temple of Jerusalem had no more meaning. The sacrifices of the Old Testament came to an end and the holiness of God left the Temple. Now the holiness of God resides in every Christian and in a particular way in those who received the gift of virginity. Those who re-ceived this special gift are consecrated temples of God. Their lives belong to the. new cult of a new age, the age of the Spirit. They are overshadowed by the divine presence, therefore they are holy. In their lives a new cult, a new liturgy emerges, similar to that which will be the cult and liturgy of the eternal and immortal kingdom of God. In this sense the soul and the body of a celibate person has been assumed into the spiritual kingdom of God. Another approach to the theology of St. Paul on mar-riage and virginity can be made through the ~Epistle to a Xavier L~on-Dufour, S.J.0 published an excellent article on St. Paul's doctrine on marriage and virginity. He shows how in ~the mind of St. Paul marriage belonged to the earthly realities of the kingdom of God, and virginity to the kingdom to come. See "Mar-iage et virginit~ selon saint Paul," in Christus, v. 11 (1964), pp. 179-94. the Ephesians. Since for St. Paul marriage belongs to this transient world and is a temporal institution, it can stand as a symbol or sign of Christ's union with His Church. Paul is taking an earthly reality, marriage, to demonstrate and illustrate a heavenly mystery. Virginity is not an earthly reality, therefore it cannot be taken to illustrate something final. Virginity is a final reality in itself. It is the final state of God's chosen ones. It cann6t serve as a symbol for anything else. There is nothing be-hind a reality which is final. In the virgin the mystery of the resurrection is already present and alive because his soul and body have been consecrated by the Holy. Spirit. Paul states many times that it was the Spirit of the Father who raised Christ from the dead. It is the same Spirit who gives new life to a human person, vivifies him through the gift of virgin.ity, raises him from this world, and gives him the power and glory of the ~vorld to come: The life of virgins has an analogy with the life of God's blessed ones in heaven. , In St. Paul's theology to receive the, gift of virginity means to receive the strength and glory of the Spirit of the Father and of Christ ::in a special way. And the virgin belongs to God precisely because he has received this special gift. The Facts of Our Redemption To the analysis of these many texts a substantialremark should be added: the four Gospels, the Epistles, and the other documents of the New~ Testament.literally~ breathe the atmosphere of virginity. In the center of them is Christ who was virgin. He was born from a woman who remained virgin. Among the Apostles John was whom Jesus loved. John, too, was a virgin. St. Paul, perhaps the most dynamic among the Apostles, declares his intention to remain celibate. In the description of heaven in the Book of the Apocalypse those who are saved are described as virgins. The text witnesses the author's esteemffor the state of virginity:4 Next in my vision I saw Mount Sion, ~nd standing on it~a Lamb who had with him a hundred and forty-four thousan'd people, all with his name and his Father's name written on their foreheads. I heard,a so, und coming o.ut of the sky like the souhd of the ocean or tlie roar of thunder: it seemed to be the sound of harpists playing their harps. There in front of the throne they were singing a new hymn in the presence of the four animals andthe elders, a hymn that could only be learnt by the hundred and forty-four thousand ~ who had been re-deemed from the world. These are ~he ones who have kept their virginity and not been defiled with ~b6men; they follow the Lamb wherever he goes; they have b~n redeemed from amongst men to be the first-fruits for God and fdr the Lamb~ t Cf. Kittel-Friedrich, Th~ologisches Wb'rterbuch zum Neuen Testament, Band V, parthenos, p. 835. ° Chastity VOLUME 26, 1967 gll ÷ ÷ Ladislas M. Orsy, Sd. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS They never allowed a lie to pass their lips and no fault can be found in them (Ap 14:1-5). THEOLOGICAL REFLECTION Christian virginity is so closely connected with the in-carnation, with the distribution of graces in the Church, and with the presence of eternal life here on the earth that it has something of the nature of a. mystery. There-fore it cannot be fully explained by concepts and defini-tions, although they can be of help. However, images and symbols from our Christian tradition can take over where the notional knowledge ends; and they can convey a deeper understanding of God's gift. Some clear theological principles will help to .prepare the. ground for this understanding: (a) Christian virginity is not identical with divine char-ity. If it were, the kingdom of God would b.e reserved to virgins, and to virgins alone. But the kingdom is open to all men of good will whether they be married or virgins. Since charity is infused into our hearts by the Spirit, every man who is called to live by charity is called to live in the Spirit. Therefore,, the union with the Spirit of God is not the privilege of the virgins. All are called to a divine union. (b) Virginity removes "'some obstacles which might draw a person away [rom the fervor of charity and the perfection of divine worship, (Lumen gentium, 44). Frankly, this is a negative principle. Yet it has a real meaning. It expresses that virginity is dying to this world in order to be raised to a.nother one. The dying is neces-sary because the internal dynamism of a human person is far from being fully balanced. In many cases it centers on human persons and on temporal care with such an intensity that it is not able to rise to a generous love of God. The mystery of the cross is shining through here. (c) Virginity helps a person to derive more fruit from his baptismal grace. It is not the baptismal grace. Chris-tians are baptized for a life of charity, and not that of virginity. But virginity can help in developing thee bap-tismal grace by creating an internal dynamism which turns a human person fully and continuously toward Christ and eternal life. A human heart can be great enough to love God alone. Virginity introduces a certain alertness and sensitivity to the. inspirations of the Holy Spirit, a certain readiness to follow them. (d) Virginity is the fruit of baptismal grace. There is no spiritual gift which is not rooted in some way in the baptismal grace; in the personal presence of the Spirit in a Christian. Virginity is a special fruit, it is given to some and not to all. The reason for giving it to a de-termined person is hidden at the depth of God's thoughts; we could never find it. Since the gift of virginity is rooted in the baptismal grace, it carries the mark of Christ's death and resurrection. These few theological principles do no more than to clear the ground for further thought. They will also bring some clarity into the coming explanation--or should I say--contemplation of Christian virginity. Man Was Created to Have a Companion To balance the abstract principles it is good to turn to a basic fact of human life. God made man to have a companion. This need is built into a human person's body and soul. It comes from God Himself, and no man can change it: The Lord God said: "It is not good that the man should be alone. I will make him a helpmate" (Gn 2:18). This need is fulfilled in marriage, which is a deep personal union between man and woman. They become one flesh, as St. Paul says; and what is even more impor-tant, they should become one spirit. The physical union of their bodies should be an expression of their spiritual union. Marriage is not perfect unless the union ex-tends to the two persons' mind, heart, and body. When this union exists between a man and a woman, it be-comes so absorbing, so absolute that it excludes any simi-lar union with a different person. There follows the duty of mutual fidelity. Human nature can be enriched by one union, but it is too limited to have a marital union with more than one person. The union in marriage is holy. Christ Himself made it a sacrament. St. Paul has chosen it to be the symbol of Christ's union with the Church. Marriage is in fact so good and so fulfilling for a man or for a woman that it would be unwise to refuse it in ordinary circumstances. It can be wise however to accept a call from a divine Person who promises love and companionship in a way that no human being can give. When God Offers Himself to Be a Companion to a Human Person From the fact that man was created to have a com-panion, now we turn to an existential event. It is the irruption of a new experience into a human life: God offers Himself to be the one and exclusive companion of a man. It happens in a new encounter between God and man; it is the offer of a covenant. It comes from the jealous God of Israel. Let us see its terms.5 ~This experience happens substantially to anyone who decides to take up the state of celibacy or virginity, since no one can do so without first realizing the overwhelming value of a friendship 4- 4- 4- Chastity VOLUME 26, 613 + + + Ladislas M. Orsy, S.l. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 614 Companionship has a special sense here. God is the friend of every Christian, of every human being. Son'/e-times, however, He wants to keep up a special friendship, a refreshing and exhilarating friendship with a human person through a personal conversation or dialogue, through the communication of His kno~wledge and of His love, through union which excludes distractions and too deep roots in this world of shadows. The human person will not be immediately holier for this offer, but he will have a source of holiness if he accepts God's gift in faith and fidelity. The companionship offered carries the seal of God's immensity; He reveals something of His wealth and riches. He does not mislead the person; from the begin-ning it is clear that He is a spiritual being and that His friendship moves on a transcendent plane. What He offers is a communion in His Spirit, the sharing of divine things in a divine way. The offer attracts the whole hu-man person, it appears as satisfying the deepest of human aspirations, It is an experience of God's presence. It is overwhelming. It takes possession of a human person. Jeremiah's words in his confessions could be applied to it: You have seduced me, Lord God, and I have let myself be seduced: you have overpowered me: you were the stronger (Jer 20:7). It is the irruption of divine strength into the life of man. When God concludes this special companionship with a man, any other deep union with a human being, as happens in marrizige, is excluded. The result of God's invitation, or, to use the biblical term, of God's seduction, is that a new type of spiritual union is concluded between God and man. A personal conversation begins and a dia-logue. Knowledge and love are being communicated and man is enriched by it. But, since a human being is lim-ited, he cannot contract a human union, that is marriage, which would in its own way be deep and absorbing, too. Therefore, the right conclusion of this special visitation of God is consecration in virginity. Virginity becomes the fruit of God's call, fi'amework of God's presence, and the best disposition to hear God's words in silence. Through virginity the heart and the mind, the soul and the body are established in a silence, with God. However, this realizatiou may be implicit and inarticu-late, and the person may not be fully aware of it. In a reflexive way he may know only that he wants to be a priest or a nun. But if his vocation is a genuine one, theologically there cannot be any doubt that an inspiration .of the Holy Spirit preceded his desire and that the inspiration was perceived. This obscure and initial encounter with God will have to develop later into a clearer and more penetrating experience of God's presence in a Christian per- SOIl, in a sensitivity, in which communication with God is made easier. No wonder if a man does not want to con-clude a marriage in these circumstances. Of course, God's companionship is spiritual. But the spiritual grace is infused into the whole person, into the soul and the body as one, and it begins to give a new balance to the whole man, including his body. That is why a man who has no companion ac.cording to the law of his nature can appear happy, balanced, and relaxed. The spiritual is holding the material in equilibridm. Return to the Bible: Mary and Paul The specific gift of virginity consists in a particular strength which balances the natural instincts of the body in a spiritual way. There is an experience and there is a new strength infused into a human being. A description of this call and of this communication of strength is given by St. Luke through the words of Mary in the Magnificat. Mary declares in it that she experienced the communica-tion of a particular strength from God which kept her virgin and made her mother. Therefore she is full of joy ¯ and is praising God: And Mary said: My soul proclaims the greatness of the Lord and my spirit exults in God my savior; because he has looked upon his lowly handmaid. Yes, from this day forward all generations will call me blessed, [or the Almighty has done great things for me. "Holy is his name, and his mercy reaches from age to age for those who fear him. He has shown the po.wer of~ his arm, he has routed the proud of heart. He has. pulled down princes from their thrones and ex-alted the lowly. The hungry he has filled with good things, the rich sent empty away. He has come to the help of Israel his servant, mindful of his mercy according to the promise he made to our ancestors of his mercy to Abraham and to his descendants for ever (Lk 1:46-55). All through the prayer there is a declaration that Mary had an experience, and it was the communication of a particnlar strength from the Spirit of' God. It kept her virgin and made her mother: There is a sense of fulfillment, of elation, of deep gratitude in this prayer. The Creator and His creature found each other in a new relationship. The gift of virginity includes the experience of a new type of union with God which is a communication of strength. Without this experience no one could ever Chastity VOI;UME 26, 1967 Ladlslas M. Orsy, .~ REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 616 d~clare that he wished to be a virgin because he simply would not know that God offers this gift to him. Paul also describes the effect of this call and of this communication of strength:; I would lik~ to see you free from all wdi'ry. An unmarried man can devote himself to the Lord's affairs, all he need worry about is pleasing the Lord; but a married man has to bother about the-world's affairs and devote himself to pleasin~ his wife: be is torn two ways. In the same way an unmarried woman, like a young girl, can devote herself to the Lord's affairs; all she need WOrry about is being holy in body and spirit. The married woman, on the other hand, has to worry about the world's affairs and devote herself to pleasing her husband (1 Cor 7:32-4). , What Paul is saying is that the unmarried men and women receive a new freedom to enjoy God's presence-- His glory and His power in them'. Also they: are free to, plan how to bring the good message of the Gospel to others. A new strength frees them from human bonds and gives them divine energy. Living in union with Christ is the ~ift of all the elect. Virginity is the gift of some; it is a framework for this union. About the Union That Gives Life to Virginity The union which is enframed by virginity is the'corn-mon union of all Christians with the thre~ divine Persons. The specific gift of virginity is a certain transparence of this union in our consciousness, an obscure experience of God's personal presence, which is so strong in its weak-ness that it calls a man away from human companionship and installs him in "God's re-creating friendship.No per-son could desire virginity, unless he found another per-son who is more lovable than any man. The union with God takes place on a spiritual level; it is not a material communication. It strengthens the spirit of the human person who receives it, but in no way fulfills his natural desire to be one with a human com-panion. Yet, it makes the man whole, and the spiritual abundance that he receives reverberates in the body so much that there is a decreasing sense of frustration 'and an increasing experience of fulfillment for the whole person. Natural instincts do not die, but they begin to learn to give way to new impulses which come from the Holy Spirit. In other terms, God gives a spiritual gift, but this gift is never transformed into a material medi-' cine, The physical and psychological laws of human nature remain in operation; ther~ is no miracle. An example will illustrate my thought. When the. Holy Spirit inspires a person to take up fasting for the sake of the kingd6m, for some spiritual g6od, the Spirit is not promising that the person ~oncerned will not be hungry. He will be. The Spirit is effectively pledging Himself only to give a new spiritual strength that helps to bear the hunger for some greater good. However, the spiritual strength will balance the whole person and may make him happy and relaxed even if hungry--provided the fasting remains within the limits of prudence. Similarly, the spiritual union with God from which virginity originates does not fulfill the desires of the body. They remain unfulfilled. But the Holy Spirit lifts the whole man into another, spiritual world where the grace of God enriches even the body. Virginity ls an Anticipation of the Grace of Our Resurrection With the Resurrection of Christ and the coming of the Holy Spirit, God's glorious kingdom entered into our human history. With the dawn of the first Christian Easter and with the day of the first Christian Pentecost, a new glorious age began, an age that God the Father had prepared from all eternity, revealed through His Son, and perfected by the sending of His Spirit. In this new age, to which we belong, immortal glory and power is being distributed among the children of men through the Holy Spirit. Heaven meets earth, eter-nity joins time. The grace of virginity, as it springs from charity, belongs to this age. Those who are baptized in Christ died in their baptism with Him and were raised from the dead in Him. The glory and power of His Resurrection is on them; it heals them, strengthens them, and makes them long for the manifestation of the glory of the children of God that is hidden now. The gift of virginity is a small share in the glory of the risen Christ. St. Paul says that the body of Christ was vivified by the Spirit; the Resurrection was the infusion of the strength of the Spirit into the inert body of Christ. The grace of virginity is the infusion of the strength of the Spirit into a mortal man, the infusion of a spiritual strength that makes the body more alive than it ever was; alive with a new spiritual strength in a new spiritual kingdom. Virginity is the sharing of the grace of the risen Christ, a small anticipation of our own resurrection, a spiritual grace that vivifies the body, the manifestation of the hidden glory of God's children. Hence the transformation. Those who are virgins are anxious about the affairs of the Lord. The point of gravi-tation of their life is in a new world. Hence the spiritual alertness of the whole person to the inspirations of the Spirit, the sensitivity of new light and fuller love. The eternal kingdom of God is present in this temporal ÷ ÷ ÷ Chastity VOLUME 26, 1967 ÷ ÷ + Ladislas M. Orsy, ~ S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 618 world; the divine gift is carried in a container made from clay; This circumstance does not change the nature of the gift, but it :should make the person who ,received it cautious. Virginity Is a Dynamic Virtue The gift 0f virginity could be easily conceived as a static, perfectly finished gift, which once given stays with the person forever, provided he does not willingly lose it or destroy it. Nothing is further from the truth. The parable of the mustard seed applies to virginity, as to any other Christian virtue. In the beginning it is a small seed: it needs the. evangelical good soil to grow and to develop. As a young plant it is tender ~ind sensitive: it needs help and protection. But when it grows into a large tree it can stand alone, it can weather the storm, and it can give shelter to many. The dynamic character of the virtue of virginity is rooted in our union with the Trinity. The union is not a' static gift. Once given, it is there to develop steadily. The impact of God's presence on the life of a Christian should continuously increase; the love of God that was infused into his heart should help him to grow into the full stature of Christ. Since virginity originates in this union, it has the same dynamic character as the union. The union of the Virgin Mary ,~ith the Holy Spirit was perfect; therefore the strength of her virginity was perfect too. A similar law applies to other human beings: the strength of their union with God is reflected in the strength of their virginity--if they received this gift. No exception is 'possible: virginity cannot be stronger than the union. It will be plain human and Christian wisdom to draw th& practical consequences. There are no two persons who are equally gifted, there are no two persons who are equally strong. Each one should honestly assess his gift and live accordingly. When the good seed of virginity. is sown into a human nature which is full of emotional turmoil and imbalances, the seed can be killed easily-- Christ our Lord says so. The growing plant will need care and attention. If it is not given, the plant may perish. But what wise man would build a wall to protect a strong, fully grown tree? The tree should stand free so that the weary pilgrims on their way to the new Jerusalem can see it from afar and can find shelter and protection. under its strong branches. ¯ The wisdom in preserving virginity is in sensing and following the progress indicated by the Spirit. To seek too much human fulfillment while the gift of virginity is taking.root may cut short a developing special friendship with God. The, friends of God were always trained and tested in some sort of desert, It may have been symbolic, it may have been spiritual, but desert it was. It can be bypassed only in the imagination of some, neverin real-ity. Not even Christ bypassed it. But when the gift of virginity develops, it is a light that has to shine, it is leaven that has to be put into the mass, it has to sanctify our world. Therefore, apart from par-ticular and specialized vocations, the virgins should meet the people of God and talk to them about the kingdom: that it is here. They should announce the good news in a loud voice (the Gospel uses the expression, "on the rooftop"), and they should ~ommunicate the love and charity that is in them to every human being. Such bibli-cal ideas should help wit.h the problem of the revision, of the law of enclosure or the involvement of consecrated persons in this world. To enclose a light can be a sin against the Spirit, Some will ask, no doubt, is there not a danger that the light might be extinguished sometimes? There is such danger and it can be taken for granted that there will be lights which will fall victim of the darkness: But.the answer is not in enclosing all the lights behind strong walls, but in letting even more lights to shine so that the world can see the sign of God's presence on the earth. The aim and purpose of consecrated virginity is to make the communication of God's love easier. Virginity has a meaning only "for the sake of the kingdom"-Zthe kingdom to be spread. To make the preaching and the teaching of the kingdom more difficult for those who are consecrated persons is to reverse the hierarchy of Chris-tian values. It would mean to imprison the love of God for the sake of precautions. Virginity in ordinary circum-stances is given for the sake of better dedication to an apostolic task, for a better communication of graces. The Aposiolic Finality o[ Virginity The value of virginity is not in itself. It is in its rela-tionship to our union with Christ and to His kingdom. Virginity is like good soil [or the union: those who are not married are anxious to be holy in body and spirit, and they are anxious about the affairs of the Lord (see 1 Cor 7:34). Every Christian is a disciple and an apostle of His Master. It follows that the union that he has with Christ has to be deepened and has to :be communicated to others. .It is in this~ communication that the apostolic finality of virginity comes to the fore. Not in the simple and somewhat crude, sense alone that because a virgin has no family, he is therefore free in time and space to meet others. Nor only in the sense that he can be better dedi- + + + VOLUME 26, 1967 619 cated. True, when it is a question of going to foreign lands or to persons afflicted with contagious diseases the celibate priest is in a better position than the married one. Yet, the substance of the question is not there. It is in the intensity of God's love that can develop in a virgin and can be communicated with a freedom that only virginity can give. This freedom is primarily in-ternal: God's message flows through a humanmind and heart and is not interfered with by our human ways of thinking and doing. The union given to a Christian is a dynamic gift: it has to be communicated--the kingdom has to expand. Virginity is the best vehicle given for this expansion. It is thus that the saying of Christ about celibacy "on behalf of the kingdom" receives its full meaning: it includes the spreading 9f the kingdom. Therefore, seclusion within a cloister or an enclosure remains a specific vocation: holy and legitimate, blessed and praised by the Churcl~, but not ordinary. The com-mon evangelical rule is that the virgin and the celibate has the vocation to facilitate the propagation of the king-dom. Any other interpretation would suffer from an in-ternal contradiction. The cult of virginity is valid in the context of apostolic life: it is given to facilitate the com-munication of God's message. I say this with profound respect for those who have a different vocation and have to serve God within the cloister. Their virginity exists to carry an intense prayer life and to serve the kingdom's cause through prayer. It is through prayer that the apostolic finality of virginity is fully present there. + + + Ladislas M. Orsy, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Community Life and Consecrated Virginity It is natural that those human persons who receive the special gift of virginity like to come together and like to form a community. Such a community itself should be marked by the virtue of virginity in its internal relations among the members and also in its external relations with others. Internally, within the community, the gift of virginity should free each of the members from human anxieties and make him more able to spread the love of God. Therefore personal communications should be easier and more relaxed than in any other type of community. The purpose of the members should be the introduction of each other into the mystery of the union with God. We come back to the same principle: the meaning of virgin-ity is to increase the love of God and the expansion of it. Practical consequences abound. Overstressed silence can paralyze this communication, and so can restrictive prac-tices in matters of meetings and correspondence among the members of the same religious institute. Such prac- ticds have an opposite purpose to the one that God has given to virginity. Virginity is given to free the person, even externally in human relations, and not tobuild a wall round him. Also the way of life of the community should reflect the impact ¯ of the grace of virginity on them as a .community. It should favor a delicate sensitivity to grace which is so characteristic for virginity. The community should have an integrity of mind and spirit in all common actions, an integrity that is a dedication to the inspirations of the Holy Spirit. Briefly, the atmosphere in the community should favor an all pervading union with God. Happiness and relaxa-tion are of primary importance in creating a common disposition for God's grace. Strains and tensions are probably the most common impediments to God's work-- even if strains and tensions are the result of common ob-servance. The human faculties become paralyzed and are not able to perceive God's graces, still less able to sustain a loving attention to Him. Man is a social being, and can-not be anything else. By renouncing the close companion-ship of marriage, he is not renouncing his social being. Therefore, he needs a happy and relaxed community life with all the freedom that virginity can add to it. If any-thing, the ~gift of {,irginity makes a person more social than he ever was: it opens him up to all. The spirit of friendship is favored in a good commu-nity. And in saying this, I am moving on biblical grounds, and I am faithful to Catholic traditions. Nowhere in the Bible is friendship condemned; it is praised in many places, and it is present in the lives of many good persons. The history of the Church is full of the history of great friendships; There cannot be a healthy relationship with God without a health); relationship with human friends. However, in 'individual cases the natural and super-natural resources that a person has should be taken into account. If someone is strongly rooted in God's grace, friendship becomes a source of grace too. If someone is not sutfi-ciently rooted in God's love, the balance of natural in-stincts and supernatural gifts is precarious in him, and he may approach the best opportunity for friendship with a confused mind and unruly emotions. Each co.mm.unity, as each person, needs wisdom to know the limitations of its strength. They need determination to protect them-selves when it is necessary, .and supernatural courage to discard unnecessary restrictions. The friendship of those who are consecrated persons can be best described as the friendship of travelers. They all go and look in the same direction. The friendship + + + ~lmstity VOLUME 26, 1967 6~1 Ladislas M. Orsy, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 622 between a man and a woman which develops into mar-riage can be described as the friendship of dwellers. They look at each other. A sign of a good friendship is also that it does not have a sl~irit of exclusiveness. On the contrary, it wants to expand. The friends are eager to share what they have with many others. The better friends they are, the less they are involved with each other. They are in-volved together in others. Perhaps this is the place to mention that virginity can be destroyed by overprotection. A virgin renounces mar-riage, but he does not renounce social and commun, ity life. If, in order to protect virginity, genuine and happy social relations are destroyed, a person is deprived of one of his most basic human needs and native rights. There-fore, a fundamental sense of frustration is bound to arise in him causing tension and unhappiness. This may lead to the conviction that he had no vocation to virginity, which in these circumstances would be a false conclusion. However, since the frustration persists, a young man may leave the seminary, or a young woman may give up re-ligious vocation. The gift of virginity was destroyed by misguided good will. It does not follow in any way that sentimental and futile social relationships should be fostered: it is toward health that we aim and not to a new type of illness. A community of consecrated persons will have to consider also what the right balance should be in its relationship with those who do not belong to the community. The greater the impact of grace on the community and the closer its union with God, the less enclosure they will need; the less the community is rooted in union with God, the stricter the enclosure ought to be. It could also be said: the happier the community, the less restrictions are needed, because the internal happiness will anchor every person to the community and will ca.ll him back when he is away from it. But it will take a barrage of rules to keep an unhappy community together, since all natural (and even supernatural) forces will pull the per-sons away from it. The Gift of Virginity: Sanctification of the Person, Sanctification of the Church Virginity could be looked at as a purely personal gift, given for the sanctification of an individual. True, vir-ginity could exist without being inserted into the ex-ternal, visible life of the Chur.ch, in fact, without the Church knowing about the gift at all. A person is fully entitled to accept the gift of God and remain silent about it. Virginity could be looked at also as a gift for the sake of the others only. A sign that leads others to eternity, but which is not for the sanctification of the one who received it. Both approaches are one-sided. All gifts in the Church are for both, the sanctification of the person who receives it and for the good of the whole Church. Abraham be-came the friend of God and the forefather of all believers. David was chosen to be a king according to Yahweh's heart and to fulfill an historic mission through consolidat-ing the union of the twelve tribes of Israel. The gift of the Spirit in Mary made her the immaculate and holy Mother of God. The Apostles were chosen for a mission, and they became the close friends of Christ, sanctified by His Spirit. The two aspects cannot be separated, or only on a notional level. Speculating about essences one can cer-tainly say that a grace is given for the sanctification of the person only, or for the good of the community only. But in God's existential approach such separation can hardly exist. A grace given to an individual immediately flows out to sanctify the Church, and the grace given for the welfare of the community touches first the heart of the person who receives it. Lamp without Light The essence of virginity is that it carries our fragile union with God. It protects, it defends, it shelters this union. The tragedy whicli may happen to some who are consecrated virgins is that the virginity is there but the union remains lifeless: there is no dynamic growth and development in it. The framework exists, the content is too weak. Such a person is like a lamp with no light. Consequently he does not radiate light; he leaves his surroundings in darkness. This is a tragedy that could happen to a consecrated person. He may keep the integrity of heart and body but at the same time his internal life will not know the light and love of the Holy Spirit. Frequently, he will take ref-uge in an extreme legalism. In such a case virginity is nearly meaningless. It could not be called a true sign. The essence of a sign is that it connects two persons or connects persons with different places and objects. An empty virginity does not connect anyone with eternal life. The lamp has to be filled with oil to give light. Conclusion It is easier to see now why virginity has the primacy in our religious consecration. Through virginity a special bond is established between God and man: they become companions. The grace of virginity is a spiritual grace; yet it vivifies the body and gives a new balance to it. + + + Chastity VOLUME 26, 1967 Therefore it is the anticipation of the grace of resurrec-tion, the manifestation of the otherwise hidden glory of the children of God. The other aspects of our consecra-tion follow virginity. A human person who entered a, new; glorious, and spiritual world through virginity will not want to be the slave of material and temporal things. He will vow freedom by professing poverty. Also he will recognize the living Christ in the Church; and, as a rule, he will ask for a deeper association with the visible Church by dedicating himself to works of charit~ in a religious community. In this way he will share the glory of the risen Christ, and he will do the saving work of the mortal Christ. .' ' + 4- Ladislas M. Orsy, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS GEORGE B. NINTEMANN, O.P. Penance: Sacrament of Poverty Here is the message of the Amen, the faithful, the true witness, the ultimate source of God's creation: I know all ab6ut you: how you are neither hot nor cold. I wish you were one or the other, but since you are neither, but only lukewhrm, I will spit you out of my mouth. You say to yourself, "I am rich, I have made a fortune, and have everything I want," never realizing that you are wretchedly and pitiably poor, and blind and naked too. I warn you, buy from me the gold that has been tested in the fire to make you really rich, and white robes to clothe you and cover your shameful nakedness, and eye ointment to put on your eyes so that you are able to see. I am the one who reproves and.disciplines all those he loves: so repent in real earnest. Look~ I am.~standing at the dqor, knocking. If one of you hears me calling and opens the door, I will come in to share his meal, side by side with him. Those who prove victorious I will allow to share my throne, just as I was victorious myself and took my place with my Father on his throne. If anyone has ears to hear, let him listen to what the Spirit is saying to the churches? What was the Spirit saying to the churches (vhen He inspired the author of Revelation to "write to the angel of the church in Laodicea"? In essence it was the spirit of the 'anawim, the spirit of poverty. "You say to yourself, 'I am rich, I have made a fortune, and have everything I want,' never realizing that you are wretchedly and pitia-bly poor, blind and naked too." Laodicea, the last of the seven Apocalyptic cities, was renowned for its wealth which made it doubly hard to practice the spirit of-pov-erty. Here is how it is described: With banks so illustrious that Cicero selected Laodicea to cash his letters of credit, with a medical school so famous as to have the names of its doctors on coins and its eye oint-ments exported throughout the Mediterranean world, with demands for its soft violet-black glossy wool giving it a steadily aAp 3:14--22 (All scriptural quotations appearing in this article are from the Jerusalem Bible unless otherwise noted). George B. Ninte-mann, O.P., writes from St. Albert's Priory; 2833 32nd Avenue South; Min-neapolis, Minnesota 55406. VOLUME 26, 1967 625 4. 4. 4. George B. Nintemann, O.P. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 626 growing market for tunics, a perspective for spiritual goods would easily go out of focus.~ To understand and apprecia.te tl,)e spirit of the "anawim we have but to consult the magnificent work of Father Albert Gelin, P.S.S., The Poor of Yahweh. In his [ore-word to the English translation Father Barnabas M. Ahem, C.P.,~ another authority on the 'anawim theme, has these laudable words to say: Of all that Father Gelin wrote, The Poor O] Yahweh will probably live longest in the minds of men. He here develops a theme which looms large in modern study of the spirit of the Bible. He treats of the "anawim, "the poor and needy," who rise out of the pages of the Old Testament as the true people of God. The pattern of their holiness forms the blue-print for the Scriptural portrayal of the great saints of Israel: MoseS, Samuel, Jeremiah, Anna and Judith. The voice of the 'anawim is resonant in the prayerful pleading of the songs of the Psalter. Their spirit fills the souls of the ho!y ones in the New Testament: Joseph and Mary, Zachary and Elizabeth. In the Matthean form of the Beatitudes, the "anawim model of holiness is described and codified as the ideal Ch'ris~ian character.' Father Gelin sur~marizes his study with these sigi~i~icant words: We b~ve tried to give a concrete description of this mystical lineage o{.:Israel, so anonymously eloquent in the psalter, but which also inciudes famous names like Jeremiah the author of the book of Job, and above all Mary, the lowly maid who at the threshold of the New Covenant recapitulates all the spiritual depths of the'. Old. Poverty thus understood is a modality of faith. It is abandoned, trusting and joyous, closely akin to humility~ It shows itself in an attitude of religious waiting'. Th~ beatitude of the poor in Matthew's Gospel is fo- Cused on this fundamental disposition, and its various aspects are continued in the critique of pharisaism so central in the . Gospel, as well as in the parable of the children, which is, as it were, the antithesis of this critique. These two poverties, effective poverty and spiritual poverty, are concretely connected. Historically the second is rooted in the first. As a matter of fact, to enable spiritual poverty to flourish, the Essenians bound themselves by a vow of poverty.~ And Christ confirmed what tradition had discovered. None of these biblical lessons were nor should be lost. Without pre-tending to extract from the Bible an economic treatise, we have no right to forget the social results of its religious principles. Jesus did not claim to organize the world, but he was actually speaking tomen of flesh and blood and we knox4"where His preferences led. Evangelical poverty, as He practiced it, continues in the ~William G. Heidt, O.S.B., The Book oI the Apocalypse (Col-le~ eville: Liturgical Press, 1962), p. 46. ~See Cross and Crown;~ 1959, pp. 278-91 (reprinted in Barnabas M; Ahem, C.P., New Horizons [Notre Dame: Fides, 1965], pp, 46- 61). ~ Albert Gelin, P.S.S., The Poor ol Yahweh (Collegeville: Liturgi-cal Press, 1964), p. 6. ,~ Church as an unmistakably clear sign of an understanding of His spirit.~ The sinner is truly a poor man, one who is in need of God's loving help. This loving help has merited the special word mercy. "God, be merciful to me a sinner," is the cry of this poor man. The tremendous need .which the sinner has of God:s help can be gathered from the traditional Christian pedagogy of speaking of sin in terms of death. This utter helplessness strikes us whene~er we kneel before the re-mains of a loved one. Only God could restore life to the stilled bodyI And the same is true of the one who is dead in sin; of himself he is powerless. For his revival he must become another son of Naim touched by' the love of mercy incarnate. No one seems to question the mortal sinner's need for God's mercy. But not a few seem to close their eyes to the need which all sinners have; that is, there seems to be a relu~c'tance to approach the sacrament of mercy unless one is guilty of something serious.It is hoped that a considera-tion of the sacrament of penance in .the spirit of the "anawim will brin. g about a certain reevaluation, or at least ~ome Second thoughts. Perhaps some of the i.nsensitivity to the' sacrament of penance can be traced back to a distorted notion of what a sinner really is. For some it seems that,, a sinner is synonymous with one who is guilty of sin. Th~ sense of guilt has clonded the sense of sinfulness. Could it be more than only slightly significant that the publican prayed, "God, be merciful to me a sinner," rather than, "God, be merciful to me because I have sinned?.~' The point that is trying to be made is t~ha, t although one may not be guilty of sin here and now h~ is still a sin'ner. Being a sinner is the very essence of our. human condv tion: "You know I .was born guilty, ~ Sinner from~the moment of conception" (Ps. 50). And St. John writes in his first letter: If we say we have no sin in u~, ,we are deceiving ourselves and refusing to admit the truth; but if we acknowledge our sins, then God who is faithful and just will forgive our sins and purify us from everything that is wrong. To say that we have never sinned is to call God a liar and to show that his word'is not in us." Father Louis Monden, S.J., in Sin> Liberty, and Law, has this to say regarding the sinful condition: Generally it is only when every support of" his own being falls away that man consents to abandon his reliance on self and to appeal to God in a liberating "Thou." Frequently the VOLUME 26, 1967 Ibid., pp; 111-3. 1 Jn 1:8-10. + George B. N intemann; ~ O .P . REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS brutal, humiliating shock of sin is for man the only way out of' the illusion of his complacency and the myth carefully nurtured by social conventions of his respectability and decency. But it is not the 'mere fact of sin which produces the shock, but the shattering impact of th~it fact on the illusion of virtue and irreproachability in which he was living and the ensuing awareness of sin. An awareness of sin which is at the same time the awareness of his own dereliction, the experience of his own inability to stand before God by his own power, the sense of his sinful involvement with the evil of the whole of humanity in which he is trapped, and the realization of his utter unworthiness to be loved by God. At the exact moment when he sins that awareness cannot be present. It would make sin impossible. Only detested sin, sin redressed by contrition, can feed that awareness and transform it into a conscious need for salvation and the welcoming of grace . That a man begins to feel himself more and more a sinner as be commits fewer sins is not based upon a pious exaggera-tion or illusion. It only demonstrates that sin is the lowest stage in a process of experiencing his distance from God and his unholiness in the presence of God's love which in the saint turns in a more undivided way. But this is an accepted despair which involved a total expropriation of self and a complete submersion, in the midst of one's helplessness, in the saving and sanctifying mercy of Gbd. Thus no one has been more deeply aware of the need for redemption, no one further removed from every kind of pharisaical pride, than lvlary, who was wbolly without sin. Precisely because of her spotless purity she was the most completely surrendered to God and became likewise the most fully understanding of all human dereliction, the "refuge of sinners." ~ It is worth repeating that being a sinner and being guilty of sin are not the same. One who is guilty of sin is obviously a sinner but the reverse is not necessarily true. The sinner-condition, in the wide sense in which we are thinking of it, is simply the creature-condition. What follows then is that one is in need of God's mercy not ?nly until he is washed of his sins in the sacrament of penance but until he is completely raised with Christ in glory. We ~a~re.in 'need of God's mercy until the day of final resurrecuon. The whole man, body and ;Soul, must enter into the Passover mystery. A confusion on this point seems to be evident in the way in which many penitents approach the sacrament of penance and make their accusation. Most often it is a matter of what one has done rather than what he is be-cause of what he has done. The idea seems to be prev-alent that sins are forgiven rather than the sinner. Sins seem to be looked upon as some sort of undesirable baggage which 0n~ leaves in the confessional rather than a change in one's personal relationship with his heavenly Father. And the resultant forgiveness is looked upon as the taking away of sins in the sense that one's garbage is taken away rather than the gesture of our heavenly ~ Louis Monden, S.J., Sin, Liberty, and Law (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1965), pp. 149-50. Father loving us even though we are sinful. The figure of the father in the parable of the prodigal , son imme-diately comes to mind; he,loved his son in spite of his wretchedness and with his unfaithfulness, he loved him simply because he was Iris son; he forgave and overlooked his past but he did not change it! This is God's attitude toward us in the sacrament of penance: He accepts us with our sins and sinfulness~ the very mystery of divine forgiveness. Our heavenly Father loves us simply because we~ are, His sons. The notion which we are "trying to express is closely associated with the scriptural ~notion of hamartia. Father Bernard Hiiring, C.Ss.R., explains it well: The biblical, hamartia is no~ merely the single sinful act, but also the evil condition resulting from it, the state or condition of perdition, the, evil disposition and attitude which is estrangement from God. What is dreadful is not merely the sin as an act, but the personal root, the evil disposition from which further individual sins (of course, through free consent of the will) grow. Conversion means conquest of the old man of sin, held captive by sin (this is the carnal existence, the existence through the flesh, the sarx), in order to attain a new ahd spiritual (pneumatic) form of life created and guided by the spirit of God. The convert must renounce every sin, not merely any and every sinful act, and every habitual sinful action, but first and foremost the whole mpde of his existence. His heart must be changed. He must be entirely transformed in disposition and inner attitude. Obviously man is not equal to this task if he relies on. his own resources: one who is estranged from God, far off from Him, dan be brought ,back to God only if God Himself comes to him with His grace. Hence, to turn from perdition, from the loss of God and the loss of salvation, which are inherent in the state of sin, one must unreservedly accept the dominion of God which comes to man in Christ through the spirit of God. ~ The first thing that man can contribute toward his con-version is the acknowledgement.that he has not merely done evil deeds, committed sins, but that he hirhself is evil; that he stands in need of redemption and complete spiritual trans-formation? It is no understatement to say that many Christians lack a proper understanding of sin and sinfulness. For too many of them Christ is not really seen as a Savior, at least a Savior here and now; it is more an attitude of He will sav