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International audience This article investigates the impacts and implications of the imposition of national boundaries across islands that were unified and homogenous prior to political partition by western colonial powers. The article explores these aspects with regard to two politically divided Caribbean islands : Quisqueya (shared between Haiti and the Dominican Republic) and the Island of Saint-Martin/Sint Maarten (whose different spellings reflect the French and Dutch ownership of separate parts of the Island). The article examines the creation of 'Otherness' on either side of the borders and the manner in which territorial 'Others' sharing the same island space develop mechanisms for both separation and interaction.

By analysing Amartya Sen's writings, the dissertation aims at answering the following question: is a rational ethics of economics possible? The first aspect of the answer is epistemological: what were the arguments in favour of the exclusion of value judgements from economics in the first half of the 20th century and what was Sen's position on it? Secondly, I analyse the ethical propositions that emerge from Sen's writings. The main hypothesis here is that Sen's conception of capability was developed as an alternative to welfarism and utilitarianism as a way of introducing value judgements into economics analysis. Finally, the third part of the thesis examines the limits of Sen's ethics by comparing it with three normative theories that were particularly influential: social choice theory, the Rawlsian theory of justice and Martha Nussbaum's capability approach. This comparison shows that the incompleteness of Sen's ethical propositions results from a tension between two contradictory norms. The first one, which requires normative frameworks to be based on better ethical foundations and the second one which limits the normative content of this framework by requiring it to be pluralist, i.e. to allow different value systems, sometimes conflicting with one another. ; Cette thèse analyse la contribution des travaux d'Amartya K. Sen à l'économie normative, à partir de la question suivante : une éthique économique rationnelle est-elle possible ? La thèse éclaire tout d'abord la réponse épistémologique apportée par Sen à cette question, à la lumière des débats qui traversent l'économie normative de la première moitié du XXe siècle : quels ont été les différents arguments pour justifier, ou au contraire exclure, les jugements de valeurs de la théorie économique. On étudie ensuite, la conception de l'évaluation de Sen en tant qu'elle représente une réponse aux failles de l'économie normative. A travers sa critique constante de l'utilitarisme et par le développement de l'approche par les capabilités, Sen propose un ensemble de normes pour évaluer le bien-être, élaboré en dialogue constant avec la philosophie politique et morale contemporaine. Enfin, la thèse analyse les limites de l'approche par les capabilités à partir du miroir que forment trois théories qui l'influencent plus particulièrement: la théorie du choix social arrowienne, la théorie de la justice de John Rawls et l'approche par les capabilités de Martha Nussbaum. Cette confrontation permet de montrer que la forme inachevée de l'approche par les capabilités provient d'une tension entre deux normes en partie contradictoires : une exigence de libéralisme d'une part et le souhait de renouveler l'économie normative par une définition du bien-être plus adéquate, de l'autre.

The present study deals with the birth of a European diplomacy from the Polish point of view. Throughout the history of the European construction, the aim is to analyze the progress towards the establishment of the European External Action Service (EEAS). Launched in 2010 under the authority of the High Représentative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and the Security Policy, it had to reform in depth the external relations of the European Union (EU) and allow it to assert itself as an actor on the international stage. The Polish approach enables to grasp more concretely the political and stratégie issues related to the création of a common EU diplomacy. Two aspects of this European diplomacy are studied : its face and its apparatus. This study examines the successive developments of the EU external représentation in the context of the emergence of European diplomacy networks. It demonstrates that the EEAS has caused tectonic movements in the European institutional architecture and within national diplomatie services. ; La présente étude est consacrée à la naissance d'une diplomatie européenne sous le regard polonais. À travers l'histoire de la construction européenne, il s'agit d'analyser la marche vers la mise en place du Service européen pour l'action extérieure (SEAE). Lancé en 2010 sous l'autorité du Haut Représentant de l'Union pour les affaires étrangères et la politique de sécurité, il devait réformer en profondeur les relations extérieures de l'Union européenne et lui permettre de s'affirmer en tant qu'acteur sur la scène internationale. Le regard de la Pologne permet de saisir plus concrètement les enjeux politiques et stratégiques liés à la création d'une diplomatie commune de l'UE. Deux aspects de cette diplomatie européenne sont étudiés : son visage et son appareil. Cette étude s'intéresse aux développements successifs de la représentation extérieure de l'UE dans la perspective de l'émergence d'une diplomatie européenne de réseaux. Elle démontre que la création du SEAE a provoqué des mouvements ...

Soutenue le 22 novembre 2002 ; Determining who can emit what quantity of greenhouse gas raises the question of international justice, and of justice between generations. Justice is both the cause and the solution to the existing conflict. In order to find a partial answer, this thesis has been developed into three sections. The first section aims to establish how the problem has been constructed, and places it in its proper context. It shows that industrialism, a paradigm that emerged during the 19th Century in the Western hemisphere and that became widespread throughout the 20th Century, meets two objections : growing inequalities, and environmental degradation. These objections carry large consequences. The second section takes a critical look at the three theories on justice that are currently available : the anarchy of States, the ethics of natural right, and cosmopolitan neoliberalism. It points to the fact that the aspects that relate to nature are weak, even perhaps nonexistent, whereas the international dimension is incomplete. The third section tries to establish the base for a theory that can overcome the main difficulties raised in the previous sections. After having reconstructed the concept of nature, we examine the ethic of nature and the question of development. Recognizing that a theory on justice cannot be satisfactorily achieved in any theory, we achieve the analysis by opening it up to the political sphere. This thesis would like to show that the environmental crisis takes root in two types of justice that have been overlooked: justice with respect to distance, both spatially and temporally (nations, future generations), and justice towards non-human living beings. The environmental crisis contributes to renewing the question of justice by raising four aspects of the question of freedom : the extent and content of liberties, the definition and the qualification of the cultural and technical institutions which may play a role in the implementation of these liberties, and the identification of ...

This book considers the recent growth of tourism in transitional societies in Latin America and the Caribbean. Research in Cuba, Mexico, Nicaragua, and Peru reveals that tourism often takes up where social transformation leaves off and may even benefit from the formerly off-limits status of nations that have undergone periods of conflict or rebellion.

This PhD thesis considers how community-based action research can further new research orientations towards sustainable development. The thesis is empirically situated in the area of upstream public engagement where new forms of bottom-up citizen participation are developed to engage local residents, sustainability resear- chers and practitioners in deliberating on how future research can meet societal challenges of urban sustainability. Based on the research project Citizen Science for Sustainability (SuScit) I analyse how orientations towards sustainability can be understood and challenged through a theoretical conceptualisation of democratic sustainable development. In this framework sustainability is understood as the immanent and emergent ability of ecological and social life, continuously to renew itself without eroding its own foundation for existence. Consequently societal sustainability cannot be invented but only supported (or eroded) by science, thus contrasting scientific progress perceived as intellectual commodity production driving the knowledge economy. In this perspective, social environmental problems represent societal, cultural and democratic challenges, calling for processes of mutual learning. On this basis I analyse how the SuScit initiative can be understood in terms of social learning between researchers and citizens. It is found that the process en- abled a particular social arena, a free space, for citizens to articulate marginalised un-sustainable aspects of urban everyday life, confronting academic concepts of sustainability. This process not at least calls for reflexivity among researchers facing the challenge how science can further sustainability through community engagement. To conceptualise this dynamic I propose the concept of creation and doubling of free space as an emerging action research methodology challenging inherent systemic rationales of science, by enabling free spaces both in everyday life and in academic contexts. I conclude that that this methodological approach holds potentials for furthering science for democratic sustainable development by building on a scientific and democratic double-orientation of research. ; This PhD thesis considers how community-based action research can further new research orientations towards sustainable development. The thesis is empirically situated in the area of upstream public engagement where new forms of bottom-up citizen participation are developed to engage local residents, sustainability resear- chers and practitioners in deliberating on how future research can meet societal challenges of urban sustainability. Based on the research project Citizen Science for Sustainability (SuScit) I analyse how orientations towards sustainability can be understood and challenged through a theoretical conceptualisation of democratic sustainable development. In this framework sustainability is understood as the immanent and emergent ability of ecological and social life, continuously to renew itself without eroding its own foundation for existence. Consequently societal sustainability cannot be invented but only supported (or eroded) by science, thus contrasting scientific progress perceived as intellectual commodity production driving the knowledge economy. In this perspective, social environmental problems represent societal, cultural and democratic challenges, calling for processes of mutual learning. On this basis I analyse how the SuScit initiative can be understood in terms of social learning between researchers and citizens. It is found that the process en- abled a particular social arena, a free space, for citizens to articulate marginalised un-sustainable aspects of urban everyday life, confronting academic concepts of sustainability. This process not at least calls for reflexivity among researchers facing the challenge how science can further sustainability through community engagement. To conceptualise this dynamic I propose the concept of creation and doubling of free space as an emerging action research methodology challenging inherent systemic rationales of science, by enabling free spaces both in everyday life and in academic contexts. I conclude that that this methodological approach holds potentials for furthering science for democratic sustainable development by building on a scientific and democratic double-orientation of research.

In outlining the priorities for the EU at the Florence Summit in June 1996 the President of the Commission Jacques Santer echoed the view of the late Froncois Mitterand and suggested that reducing unemployment had to become the major policy objective for the Union. Mitterand believed that enthusiasm for the principles of the EU was in decline and had to be regained. Reducing unemployment was therefore essential if the EU was to be of direct relevance to the people of the EU. However, there are major disagreements between the EU strategy for reducing unemployment and that being preferred by nation states. Even at the conference in Florence for example the President of the Commission failed to get agreement to use the projected underspend from agriculture for infrastructure projects, instead nation states preferred to use the funds to reduce their own national public sector deficits. The UK Prime Minister John Major, speaking to The Turning Back Group Conservatives on 3 February 1995 echoed the objectives the Governor of the Bank England. The latter ahd suggested that the EMU criteria which tended to concentrate on monetary policy had also to include unemployment as a condition for economic convergence. Whilst the levels of unemployment do represent a major policy challenge to Europe the central concern of this chapter is whether unemployment as an issue is likely to become a major political priority for Europe in the 1990s. It the unemployed are not to become a major social excluded category from European citizenship the objective of reducing unemployment must become a major policy objective for Europe. ; peer-reviewed

Major economic, technological and demographic forces are combining to influence the ways in which the very structures of people's lives are changed by the work they do. The major defining features of life course, including patterns of entry to and exit from work, are shifting, as is the very nature of jobs and careers. In this multidisciplinary collection of essays, forty-eight social scientists from seven countries examine changes in the organization of work and their impact on people at various stages of the life course. In seeking to consolidate and advance life course theory, the four editors of this volume have sought out and encouraged a wide range of approaches to life course theorizing, methodologies, and research designs. The contributing scholars examine the influence of economic, technological, and demographic forces on public, corporate, and union policies concerning the organisation of work. The topics covered include: education, labour market change, and transitions in the earlier and middle stages of the working life course; later life transitions in relation to the restructuring of work, and retirement transitions; and various aspects of the relationship between individual biography and social structure, with close attention to gender and family issues over the life course.

"This book is written in memory of Avril McDonald, who passed away in April 2010. Avril was an inspired and passionate scholar in the fields of international humanitarian law, international criminal law, human rights law and law in the field of arms control and disarmament. What in particular made Avril's work special was her strong commitment to the human aspects throughout. Fourteen prominent scholars and practitioners have contributed to this book, which contains a rich variety of topics in her fields of expertise. The common thread is that they deal with the human perspectives in their relevant area of expertise. They concentrate on the impact of the developments in international law on humans, whether they are civilians, victims of war or soldiers. This human perspective of law makes this book an appropriate tribute to Avril McDonald and at the same time a unique and valuable contribution to international legal research in present society." - Provided by publisher.

Norbert Elias has been described as a great sociologist and over recent years there has been a steady upsurge of interest in his work. Yet despite the fact that he was active for nearly sixty years from the 1920s to the 1960s it was only in the 1980s that English translations of his works became widely available and the importance of his contribution to the sociological endeavour was fully recognised in the English speaking world. This book provides a comprehensive and accessible introduction to the key aspects of Elias's work and then applies an Eliasian approach to key topics in contemporary sociology such as race, class, gender, religion, epistemology and nationalism. The editors have brought together a distinguished group of international sociologists and this book will not only change the course of Elias studies but be a valuable resource for both students and scholars alike

Imbalances and inefficiency fostered by the policies of the previous South African government necessitate changes to reduce the imbalance of the past and enhance the inclusiveness and competitiveness of the agricultural industry. Against this background, the policy of land reform was initiated. In theory, the agricultural land reform policy might appear effective; given that agriculture is a major contributor to rural economic growth and development. Broadening the economic activities of previous disadvantaged individuals through the acquisition and cultivation of land will help to rebuild and strengthen the rural communities. However, the outcomes of this policy has to date not seen the desired results regarding rural economic development and poverty reduction. Many of the foreseen positive aspects of the land reform policy are also contributors to the potentially negative outcomes of the policy. This makes this specific policy controversial and subject of heated debate. Transfers of land in the various agricultural sectors will impact differently on social- and economic factors. Unless a proper understanding of the impact of transferring land in the different agricultural sectors is established, the controversy around the potential impact of land reform will continue. To obtain a better understanding of this impact, the study employed a Social Accounting Matrix (SAM) based partial equilibrium model. Results from the model revealed that the negative impact of the land reform policy largely overshadows the positive effects. Moreover, transfers within the larger agricultural sub-sectors will result in more significant social and economic impacts. Thus, the implementation of the agricultural land reform policy needs to be radical and calculative; otherwise it will result in false expectations, hardship and poverty. ; http://www.academicjournals.org/ajar/PDF/pdf2011/19th%20Sept/Cloete%20et%20al.pdf ; http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/AJAR11.468

The objective of the article is twofold: 1) to give an empirical picture of the state of affairs with regard to socio-economic and wider socio-cultural and political inclusion of immigrants in the Danish welfare society; 2) to discuss and theorise over the links and possible dilemmas posed by the politics of redistribution and the politics of recognition with the Danish case as a point of departure. In a comparative perspective, the Danish welfare state and the 'Nordic Welfare model' are in many aspects – redistribution, unemployment, poverty reduction, gender equality and economic competitiveness – regarded, if not as an ideal, then at least as a practical example of a society in which a comparatively (e.g. compared to the US and UK) high socio-economic equality and social citizenship standard is successfully combined with high market economic efficiency. However, with regard to the political discourse (right-wing anti-immigration populism has emerged since the nineties), legal rights and wider socio-cultural and socio-economic inclusion capacity of immigrants and refugees, the 'rosy' picture of the inclusive character of the Danish welfare society has been seriously challenged in recent years. Stricter policies on immigration have been implemented, and the Danish social security and employment policy measures in relation to immigrants and refugees have been changed. On the one hand, these changes have been driven by a strong 'work first' and 'dependency culture/incentive' discourse which has led to a reduction of the duration and level of social benefits and increased poverty among immigrants. On the other hand, other policy changes have pointed towards a more inclusive direction in such fields as education policy, active labour market policy measures and in innovative empowerment programmes in deprived urban districts.

Every political ideology has a distinct conception of various aspects of human life such as reason, purpose of life, free-will, liberty, freedom, autonomy, democracy, sovereignty and moral rights and obligations of the citizen. But the fundamental purpose of a political ideology is to define the purpose of the state and its role in providing a political system to its citizen in which individuals can live their social and political life according to the moral values and ethical principles of that political ideology. This paper only elucidates the purpose of the state according to ancient, Liberal, Marxist and Feminist standpoints. To understand the viewpoint of each political ideology, it is necessary to understand the political thought of its founders. It is pertinent to mention that all political thinkers have one ultimate aim in describing the purpose of the state which is the "ultimate good" of the citizen though they may differ with each other. The viewpoint of one ideology about the purpose of the state may be at odds with another ideology. For example, liberals demand freedom and equality while accepting the capitalist state but Marxist reject the capitalist state in totality, however they also demand freedom and equality of man. Hence, all these political ideologies of these great political thinkers have developed into political movements and later into the formation of political parties which resulted in the modern day civic political system.

Purpose– Being territoriality a distinctive feature of mafia groups, the purpose of this paper is to study how the production of space contributes to the reproduction of such organisations by reinforcing their norms and values.Design/methodology/approach– The paper provides an ethnographic account of the regeneration of space for the establishment of legal worker cooperatives in previous mafia territories. It aims to illuminate, by contrast, how space reflects the social construction of the mafia governance.Findings– The account of non-compliant spatial practices of legal worker cooperatives in the area of Caserta (aka Gomorrah) elucidates how mafia groups set great value on space, making sense of the societal dimension of territoriality for Italian organised crime.Research limitations/implications– Compared to the current literature, this paper explores the link between space and organised crime not only in ecological terms but also in cultural ones. Furthermore, it suggests an alternative methodology for accessing the unspoken of the mafia phenomenon.Practical implications– The account of the reterritorialisation process provided in this paper raises several policy implications for the fight against the mafia.Originality/value– The paper focuses on territoriality for a more comprehensive understanding of the mafia phenomenon, attempting to conciliate the idiosyncratic aspects of Italian criminal networks with a more general framework of analysis for the study of organised crime. It also bridges between the organised crime topic and the sociology of space.

PurposeThe paper aims to explore the relationship between rough sleepers, welfare and policy in the city of Liverpool, taking Liverpool City Council's Homelessness Strategy 2008‐2011 as a starting point. The paper takes as its premise the notion of rough sleepers as among the most vulnerable and marginalised in society, and questions how well they are protected by policy.Design/methodology/approachThe approach used is analysis and contextualisation of the strategy document in terms of welfare and criminological perspectives.FindingsThe paper posits that the city's European Capital of Culture Status for 2008 has acted as a springboard for further consumerist and regeneration‐driven aspirations, facilitated by restriction of entitlement to access city space for groups such as rough sleepers. The piece explores responses to rough sleepers and other "undesirable" city centre space users in Liverpool and contends that their behaviour and activities are criminalised. Ultimately, it is argued that the city, whilst it prioritises its goal of becoming a "world‐class city", fails to deliver in terms of its welfare obligations.Originality/valueIt is argued that the failure of the strategy to adequately consider the direct needs of rough sleepers renders them subject to other approaches, namely criminalisation. The article is valuable to both academics interested in aspects of social justice and practitioners engaged in policy making, in that it highlights some of the ways in which policy can fail to meet its basic requirements.