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Sweden is usually ranking very highly in terms of global democracy and transparency indexes. The 2018 elections in Sweden were very divisive and bitterly fought, where there was an open conflict between the mainstream political establishment parties and the anti-political establishment Swedish Democrats. Mainstream Swedish media were not neutral bystanders in the election coverage, in the months before and after the September 2018 elections. The election coverage framing featured an idealised national myth that uses the notion of various acceptable fundamental values to define it, and an idealised Swedish society. Those actors whose values and norms that do not fit these ideals were subjected to attack and derision within a concept of consensus enforcement known as the opinion corridor, which is akin to the spiral of silence.

The effects of medium, communicator, & message content on the persuasiveness of a communication are examined. Groups of 2-5 students randomly assigned to one of 25 cells, totalling 318 students in all, received either a TV, radio, or written presentation, which either agreed or disagreed with their original position, from a communicator identified as either a political candidate, a representative, a former representative, or a newscaster. Both content & source had significant (.001 level) effects on attitude chance; political candidates & representatives were seen as less trustworthy & produced less attitude change. There was also significant interaction both between position & source (.001 level) & between source & medium (.01 level), TV being most effective for former representatives & newscasters & radio or written presentations being most effective for candidates. 3 Tables. Modified HA.

There is an elaborate and often invisible carnival that emerges alongside presidential campaigns as innumerable activist groups attempt to press their issues into mainstream political discourse. Sarah Sobieraj's fascinating ethnographic portrait of fifty diverse organizations over the course of two campaign cycles reveals that while most activist groups equate political success with media success and channel their energies accordingly, their efforts fail to generate news coverage and come with deleterious consequences. Sobieraj shows that activists' impact on public political debates is minima.

This is a conference paper. ; The comparative study of media systems and their relationships with political systems has received a substantial amount of attention in recent years, and made significant strides in understanding the diversity of mass communication around the world, along with its causes. Yet, while this systemic approach is important, it offers it offers only a partial insight into diversity of global media landscapes and, more generally, into the social implications of mass communication. To gain a fuller grasp of these implications, we need to start from the premise that socially significant communication extends well beyond the traditional domains of politics, and encompasses the mediation of basic cultural ideals and narratives, as well as the structuring of everyday practices and routines. These include the perceptions of private and public life, the understanding of the nation and its position in the world, the modes of organizing daily routines and everyday spaces, the historical events remembered and celebrated on a mass scale, and much more. To investigate these dimensions, this paper develops a conceptual and analytical framework that conceives of media cultures as patterns of ideas and practices that enable mass mediated meaning formation, and that have distinct spatial and temporal characteristics. These media cultures can vary on a number of dimensions, from the extent to which they seek to serve public or private goals, the degree to which they are open to transnational exchanges, to their modes of engaging with the past, present and future. This framework can be applied to different media and cultural forms, and in diverse political and cultural contexts. By way of illustration, the paper outlines how the framework can be used for the comparative study of (analogue) television cultures.

This study examined symptoms of Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) in children indirectly exposed to September 11 via television, the Internet, and printed media. Approximately 1 month after the attacks, 179 students in Grades K-5 at four Southeastern elementary schools and their parents were surveyed about their experiences and reactions. The Pediatric Emotional Distress Scale (PEDS), the Parent Report of Post-Traumatic Symptoms (PROPS), and the Children's Report of Post-Traumatic Symptoms (CROPS) were used to assess for PTSD symptoms. More PTSD symptoms were reported in children who saw reports on the Internet (vs. television/printed media), saw images of death or injury, or feared that a loved one might have died in the attacks. There was no measurable benefit to seeing heroic or "positive" images. Older children and boys had greater media exposure and more trauma-specific PTSD symptoms. Implications for those striving to deliver appropriate amounts and types of information to children and families following disasters are discussed.

The media is one of the most important institutions in society. It is a reality that media play very substantial role in the production and social distribution of knowledge. In addition to that, mass media provides the greatest communication opportunities to the people. Also, contemporary media provides very distinctive weapons to obtain power, wealth and prestige in the society.Is the media, especially Turkish media voice, eyes and ears of the public or is it voice and operating arms of powerful dominant groups in the society? Is it heard the voice of public to the political elites or is it the major and very affective weapons of politicians helping them by manipulating social-economical problems of society and canalizing the interest and energy of the public to different subjects? The major objective of this study is to search all these and this kind of questions, In addition to that, this paper will concentrate on the matter of homogeneity and social consensus among Turkish media elites Also, political identity and religious affiliations of Turkish media elites will be examined. ; The media is one of the most important institutions in society. It is a reality that media play very substantial role in the production and social distribution of knowledge. In addition to that, mass media provides the greatest communication opportunities to the people. Also, contemporary media provides very distinctive weapons to obtain power, wealth and prestige in the society.Is the media, especially Turkish media voice, eyes and ears of the public or is it voice and operating arms of powerful dominant groups in the society? Is it heard the voice of public to the political elites or is it the major and very affective weapons of politicians helping them by manipulating social-economical problems of society and canalizing the interest and energy of the public to different subjects? The major objective of this study is to search all these and this kind of questions, In addition to that, this paper will concentrate on the matter of homogeneity and social consensus among Turkish media elites Also, political identity and religious affiliations of Turkish media elites will be examined.

Throughout this study we have attempted to identify how the media approached the protests from the period 2017-2019, protests which showed a massive change for the better concerning Romanian civic engagement and shaped a culture of protest characterized by a highly creative and humorful approach. In order to attract the attention of mass-media and to maximize the impact of their actions, protesters made use of modern communication tools and resorted to intricate choreographies and symbols. Social media played an important role in the organization and promotion of the protests, facilitating the transmission of information and acting like a catalyst of the popular discontent.

Historic and recent evaluations of voters' information needs, and reasons to study ways of allocating media coverage to candidates' issue positions and character; US.

Abstract Background A national multimedia campaign was launched in January 2010, to increase the proportion of young people tested for chlamydia. This study aimed to evaluate the impact of the campaign on the coverage and positivity within the National Chlamydia Screening Programme (NSCP) in England. Method An interrupted time series of anonymised NCSP testing reports for England for a 27 month period (1st April 2008 to 30th June 2010) was analysed. Reports were assigned to a pre-campaign, campaign and post campaign phase according to the test date. Exclusion criteria included tests for clinical reasons, contacts of known cases, and tests returned from prisons or military services. Negative binomial and logistic regression modelling was used to provide an estimate for the change in coverage and positivity, during, and after the campaign and estimates were adjusted for secular and cyclical trends. Results Adjusting for cyclical and secular trends, there was no change in the overall testing coverage either during (RR: 0.91; 95% CI: 0.72-1.14) or after (RR: 0.88; 95%CI: 0.69-1.11) the campaign. The coverage varied amongst different socio-demographic groups, testing of men increased during the campaign phase while testing of people of black and other ethnic groups fell in this phase. The positivity rate was increased during the campaign (OR: 1.18; 95% CI 1.13-1.23) and further increased in the post-campaign phase (OR: 1.40; 95% CI 1.30-1.51). The proportion of chlamydia infections detected increased for all socio-demographic and self-reported sexual behaviour groups both during and after the campaign. Conclusion The uptake of chlamydia testing rose during the campaign; however, this apparent increase was not maintained once overall trends in testing were taken into account. Nonetheless, once secular and cyclical trends were controlled for, the campaign was associated with an increased positivity linked to increased testing of high risk individuals groups in the target population who were previously less likely to come forward for testing. However, our study indicated that there may have been a disparity in the impact of the campaign on different population groups. The content and delivery of ongoing and future information campaigns aimed at increasing chlamydia screening should be carefully developed so that they are relevant to all sections of the target population.