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The author analyzes the discussion, enactment and characteristics of the Linguistic Policy Act adopted by the Catalan Parliament in 1998, from the point of view of normative political theory. The main theoretical question is whether its provisions promoting the Catalan language are compatible with the liberal political tradition, considering its different streams. The discussion shows that the main arguments are not different from those used by scholars dealing with issues of national and cultural pluralism in Western democratic societies. Thus, the opponents of the Act tend to rely upon various individual rights-based arguments taken from classical liberalism. Its advocates, on the other hand, accuse them of neglecting the value of cultural membership, asserted by influential authors within the liberal tradition. Ultimately, the author concludes that this law neither promotes nor allows illiberal practices

The title encapsulates the argument advanced in this paper. The author argues that the associative link between child protection concerns and poverty, although well accepted, is not incorporated into practice with families. The paper presents the results of a small scale qualitative study undertaken in the two North Queensland regional cities of Townsville and Mackay. The author undertook interviews with ten (10) Family Services Officers (FSOs) in the Department of Families (DoF).Interviews revealed that FSOs agreed that family poverty is a stressor for child maltreatment. Participants differed in the extent to which they ascribed personal or societal responsibility for these family circumstances. The paper concludes with four recommendations to deal with family poverty in a child protection practice and policy context. The paper argues that more can and should be done to help children and families in this regard.

Standard indicators of human capital endowment — like literacy, school enrollment ratios or years of schooling — suffer from a number of defects. They are crude. Mostly, they refer to input rather than output measures of human capital formation. Occasionally, they produce implausible effects. They are not robustly significant determinants of growth. Here, they are replaced by average intelligence. This variable consistently outperforms the other human capital indicators in spite of suffering from severe defects of its own. The immediate impact of institutional improvements, i.e., more government tolerance of private enterprise or economic freedom, on growth it is in the same order of magnitude as intelligence effects are.The senior author is responsible for picking a 'politically incorrect' topic, i.e., analyzing the impact of IQ or average intelligence. The junior author has done the data compilation and the computations.

During the 20th century, many researchers studying heredity sought to apply their findings in the arena of mental health and human (mis)behavior. Many of these have examined, from the perspective of heredity and genetics, the desire to drink and its consequences. In this paper, the author examines hereditary explanations of alcoholism in two historical snapshots: the early decades of the 20th century and in the 1990s. Two things come to light. First is the persistence of an"entrepreneurial spirit,"and second is a remarkable failure to take into account the many-leveled heterogeneity in causes of alcoholism. The author describes some sources of this heterogeneity and showshow epistemological problems that arise from it suggest the failure of genetic accounts to consider the social dimensions of disease classification, observation, and diagnosis that form the very basis of the designation "alcoholic."

This study examines the United Nations' efforts to effect Palestinian refugee compensation through its lead agency for resolving the ArabIsraeli conflict, the United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine (UNCCP), from 1949 to 1966. It highlights the progressive shrinking of the UNCCP's role from overall conciliation to bringing about agreement on compensation to a tertiary status conducting technical studies. Examining in particular the ambitious twelve-year program for identifying and evaluating refugee property carried out by the UNCCP's Technical Office, the author details the vast land records used and generated by that office and publishes for the first time compensation estimates buried in the archives. In analyzing the reasons for UNCCP's ultimate failure in realizing its mission, the author highlights first and foremost the negative impact of the United States's undeclared but strict "red lines" for resolving the crisis.

The author briefly examines the European response to the changing security environment and the opportunities presented by the European Security and Defense Policy Expeditionary Force. As he correctly observes, the establishment of a European expeditionary force will be no easy matter, will require substantial investment, and will take years to complete. However, it is the right course for Europe to take. The European Union (EU) cannot manage emerging security issues using Cold War legacy forces because they are too ponderous to deploy. A lighter, more nimble expeditionary force is critical to EU policy. The author also points out that the United States must remain involved in the EU initiatives. Europe cannot go it alone and will need advice and perhaps even material support if it is to realize its ambitious agenda. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1809/thumbnail.jpg

This article carefully defines the concept of a constitution & then goes on to delineate ways in which such a legal code could be created & utilized by the current European Union. Concerns & outright fears voiced by those opposed to a European constitution are thoughtfully analyzed. Although it is apparent the author views the formation of a European constitution as a wise move, he does fairly well at presenting arguments both for & against such a legal structure. After explaining why such an idea should become a reality instead of remaining a 'phantom' or fantastic notion, the author clearly lists the advantages of such a constitution. Moreover, the future implications of a European constitution are carefully analyzed. The article concludes with the fervent hope that further discussion regarding a European constitution will ensue. 132 References. A. Simms-Clark

The author asserts that there has been a profound shift in power away from legislatures & toward courts & other legal institutions. This shift, which has been called judicialization, has become more or less global in its reach. The article carefully examines this constant ebb & flow, this constant shift in the role played by courts & judges in judicializing politics (the greater participation of judges & courts in political matters) & by the various political actors in politicizing the law (the growing participation of politicians in judicial matters). The author distinguishes at least three ways in which courts have taken on new & important roles relative to legislatures. Therefore we find ourselves with the transformation of political questions into legal ones. And this means that legal/constitutional considerations & rhetoric assume new & sometimes decisive importance in ordinary legislative policy making. Adapted from the source document.

Non-discrimination in the right of political participation is essential for the protection of the interests of all minority groups - both minorities by force and minorities by will. This article considers some of the measures necessary to ensure effective participation by minorities in the deliberative and decision-making processes of the democratic state. For minorities by will, what the author calls ethno-cultural minorities, the right of political participation, within a deliberative understanding of democratic government, also implies the need to introduce special measures, including where necessary the introduction of autonomy regimes, to protect and promote the minority culture. The author then goes on to examine this proposition in the second half of the article, paying particular attention to the provisions set out in the 'Lund Recommendations' on Effective Participation of National Minorities in Public Life. (ECMI)

Several political scientists have argued that the presidential recourse to public rhetoric as amode of political influence in the twentieth century represents a significant departure from apre-twentieth-century institutional norm where "going public" was both rare and frowned upon.This article looks specifically at the changes in the substance of rhetoric that have accompanied thisalleged institutional transformation. Applying computer-assisted content analysis to all the inaugural addresses and annual messages delivered between 1789 and 2000, the author identifies andexplores five significant changes in twentieth-century presidential rhetoric that would qualifiedlysupport the thesis of institutional transformation in its rhetorical dimension: presidential rhetorichas become more anti-intellectual, more abstract, more assertive, more democratic, and more conversational. The author argues that these characteristics define the verbal armory of the modern rhetorical president and suggest areas for further research.

This article evaluates the potential impact that the use of hair analysis may have on the drug prevalence estimations derived from survey research that has relied upon urinalysis as an indicator of the accuracy of self-reported drug use. The paper reviews the history and nature of the DUF and ADAM programs, the relationship between self-report drug use and urinalysis results for arrestee populations, and the outcome of a pilot study employing hair assays in lieu of urinalysis. The author concludes that hair analysis may have a significant impact on the estimations of drug use for cocaine, heroin, and amphetamines and is less likely to have an effect on estimations of marijuana use. The author recommends consideration of periodic use of hair analysis within the ADAM system to more accurately and effectively monitor drug use.

Global-city scholars have drawn attention to urban development in places such as New York, London, and Miami, claiming that some features of that development respond more to global economic conditions than to local or national ones. Focusing on cities that are major international financial centers, researchers have paid less attention to the specifically global aspects of economic change in cities that are not financial centers. The author discusses the patterns of economic globalization in Philadelphia, using the city as a case study of how globalization plays out in a less prominent city. Tracing the simultaneous rise in the 1980s and 1990s of foreign direct investment and an organization of corporate elites dedicated to promoting a political strategy of regionalism, the author argues that globalization has had both economic and political ramifications for the city and the surrounding region.

The author served as the political affairs officer of the United Nations International Commission of Inquiry (ICOI) during its most recent tour (May through November 1998). (The political affairs officer is not responsible for the investigation's findings, which were the responsibility of the commission's chairman and members.) The author argues that to understand the work and findings of the commission, one must first place it within the broader context of the UN Security Council's failure to respond appropriately to the genocide in Rwanda. He concludes that despite appearances to the contrary, there was little enthusiasm to see ICOI succeed in fulfilling its mandate. The commission is another example of the unwillingness of the United Nations and the international community to take meaningful action toward Rwanda specifically and the Great Lakes region generally.