Suchergebnisse

The illegal wildlife trade has come to the forefront of global politics, driven by concerns about biodiversity loss, illicit markets, and animal-borne infectious diseases. Yet, poaching remains common in many countries. The persistence of illegal hunting is attributable to (among other factors) poverty and poor labor market opportunities, which leave individuals in some communities with few viable alternatives to wildlife crime. Foreign aid that alleviates poverty and unemployment may, therefore, lead to a reduction in illegal hunting. However, cross-national research on aid and economic development offers mixed findings, suggesting a conditional effect. Against this backdrop, I theorize that aid reduces the economic pressures that contribute to poaching, but only in countries with representative political institutions. I test a corresponding hypothesis using data on elephant poaching in African and Asian countries. My findings show that aid is accompanied by a reduction in elephant poaching in democracies, but not in authoritarian countries.

While the global environment faces increasing pressure on its living resources, total bans on exploitation may not always provide a practical or preferable solution for their protection. This is especially true for international fisheries and wildlife such as leopards and elephants. In this context, quotas have arisen as a compromise between protection and unbridled exploitation. They seek to ensure the sustainable utilization of threatened resources. Wildlife quotas, adopted largely through the CITES regime, restrict the rights of countries to trade internationally threatened national resources. Internationalfisheries quotas limit the right to exploit national and open access resources. Quotas have, however, led to mixed results. Yet the distinction must be made between thefailure of a quota per se and the failure of an environmental protection regime through which quotas are implemented. If the correct conditions exist, including accurate determination, enforcement, and international cooperation, quotas can still provide a valu able tool for environmental management.

A sobering account of a disenfranchised American working class and important policy solutions to the nation's economic inequalities. One of the country's leading scholars on economics and social policy, Isabel Sawhill addresses the enormous divisions in American society--economic, cultural, and political--and what might be done to bridge them. Widening inequality and the loss of jobs to trade and technology has left a significant portion of the American workforce disenfranchised and skeptical of governments and corporations alike. And yet both have a role to play in improving the country for all. Sawhill argues for a policy agenda based on mainstream values, such as family, education, and work. While many have lost faith in government programs designed to help them, there are still trusted institutions on both the local and federal level that can deliver better job opportunities and higher wages to those who have been left behind. At the same time, the private sector needs to reexamine how it trains and rewards employees. This book provides a clear-headed and middle-way path to a better-functioning society in which personal responsibility is honored and inclusive capitalism and more broadly shared growth are once more the norm.

Ecosystems deliver a range of services that are important for human well-being. Although Ecosystem Services (ES) assessments have been carried out worldwide in different geographical areas, islands are still under-represented. This research presents the first set of indicators developed for Mapping and Assessment of Ecosystems and their Services (MAES) provided by the ecosystems of Cyprus, as required by the EU Biodiversity Strategy, along with the rationale behind the selection criteria. In total, 269 potential indicators were assessed in terms of data availability at the national/subnational level and their suitability for MAES and were classified using a "traffic light" system on the basis of overall suitability (i.e. conceptually and in terms of datasets). The results showed that 89 indicators (Green indicators) can be directly used for assessing ES in Cyprus. Amongst these 89 Green indicators, 28 are considered to be new additions to the EU MAES list, since they were proposed solely for Cyprus ecosystems, as a result of consultation with local stakeholders. Provisioning and cultural services could be adequately mapped, but lack of data was observed for several regulating services (e.g. erosion, pollution, carbon sequestration). Not all Green indicators, identified herein, are relevant for assessing ES provided by ecosystems in Cyprus, whereas Green indicators which measure similar ES might be redundant. For a given geographical context, there might be relevant (and important) indicators which are not included in the MAES list and this is why consultation with stakeholders is advisable. Knowledge gaps and needs for further improving MAES on the island are also discussed.

A statistical modelling of PM10 concentration (2006–2015) is applied to understand the behaviour, to know the influence of the variables to exposure risk, to treat the missing data to evaluate air quality, and to estimate data for those sites where they are not available. The study area, Castellón region (Spain), is a strategic area in the framework of EU pollution control. A decrease of PM10 is observed for industrial and urban stations. In the case of rural stations, the levels remain constant throughout the study period. The contribution of anthropogenic sources has been estimated through the PM10 background of the study area. The behaviour of PM10 annual trend is tri-modal for industrial and urban stations and bi-modal in the case of rural stations. The EU Normative suggests that 90% of the data per year are necessary to control air quality. Thus, interpolation statistical methods are presented to fill missing data: Linear Interpolation, Exponential Interpolation, and Kalman Smoothing. This study also focuses on testing the goodness of these methods in order to find the ones that better approach the gaps. After analyzing graphically and using the RMSE the last method is confirmed to be the best option ; This work has been funded by the Generalitat Valenciana through the Subvenciones para la realización de proyectos de I+D+i desarrollados por grupos de investigación emergentes program (GV/2019/016). Sergio Trilles has been funded by the postdoctoral programme PINV2018–Universitat Jaume I (POSDOC-B/2018/12)

Among Western European countries Switzerland currently has the most restricted, and most insecure, access to the EC Single Market. How can one explain this uncomfortable position? In contrast to the widespread interpretation that focuses on the blocking role of core domestic political institutions, this study provides a more nuanced analysis of the sources of variation in foreign policy making, carefully examining the influence of perceptions on the design of policy lines. Switzerland's stance toward the process of European integration, from the late 1950s to the late 1990s, has been the result of trade-offs between perceived risks and opportunities, with no clearly predetermined outcome from domestic political structures. Misperceptions about the range of feasible options at the external level have often reinforced domestic political difficulties and even at times overshadowed them. Domestic institutional reform is not a prerequisite to marriage with the EC in the near future. But there is an urgent need for a government with a firm steering capacity and willingness. (West European Politics / FUB)

This is a new volume in the successful and long-running CEA Series. The Asian Economy with one common Asian Money is a frontier topic of study in supranational macroeconomics. If the Europeanization of Europe has become a historic reality, the Asianization of Asia cannot be far behind. The paradigm of the European Union (EU) has become a learning model for other continents, especially Asia. In Asia, the process was initiated following the Asian financial crisis of 1997-98, when several newly industrialized Asian economies suffered negative rates of growth of gross domestic product (GDP).The three (Japan, China, and Korea) plus five (Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, and the Philippines) came together to became the core members of a new regional group. Their annual meetings became an institutional feature of Asian economic cooperation and regional economic integration. In 2003, the group expanded to become the four (Japan, China, Korea, and India) plus 10 model (the original five plus Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos, Brunei Darussalam, and Viet Nam). The book examines the prospects of, the justification for, and the implications of the development of a common Asian currency

ADB strategic objectives and priorities. The country partnership strategy (CPS) will foster diversified growth and wider inclusiveness with sovereign and nonsovereign financing for (i) priority infrastructure investments in transport, energy, and urban development; (ii) knowledge and policy-based assistance and investments for service delivery reforms in education, health, and financial services; and (iii) support for regional cooperation and integration (RCI). The Asian Development Bank (ADB) will continue ongoing projects in roads, energy, and urban transport, and prepare new infrastructure investments with effective implementation arrangements that encourage private sector participation and improve gender dimensions in service delivery. Finances will be mobilized and activities implemented to reduce risks from geophysical and weather hazards and raise climate resilience. To further RCI, ADB will undertake knowledge work and policy dialogue to help Armenia create a regional economic corridor. Analysis of trade and export competitiveness will inform ongoing efforts by Armenia to leverage its access to the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU), the European Union, and other markets.

The monetary integration of the acceding countries will proceed in several distinct steps, starting with membership in the European Union (EU), followed by participation in the so-called Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM) II and ultimately entry into the euro area. This paper addresses the question of whether a reduction of public deficits, such as imposed by the Maastricht fiscal criteria, is a necessary or useful step on the road to the adoption of the euro. The question is addressed by examining the interaction of monetary, fiscal and wage policies and their effects on prices in a monetary union hit by economic shocks. The theoretical model shows that fiscal activism is related with both entry in monetary union and with structural di¤erences in the national labour markets, and analyses in detail the effect of both factors. As for acceding countries, the conclusion is that the process of deficit reduction should be completed before entry, as suggested by the Maastricht criteria. The chapter also suggests that fiscal constraints on government deficits appear essential in a monetary union when the wage formation is taken into due consideration.

The publication aims to familiarize students of public policy with the precautionary principle, which plays a vital role in the European Union's approach toward regulating risks. The precautionary principle contends that policy makers should refrain from actions having a suspected risk of causing harm to the public and/or the environment. However, the precautionary principle only provides guidance to policy makers but does not prescribe specific policy responses. Therefore, there should be variation in the way the principle is applied. Furthermore, precautionary measures are, in principle, of a provisional nature, suggesting that they are likely to be subject to changes over time. This book is thus interested in shedding light on how the precautionary principle is put into practice and to what extent precautionary measures become modified. Empirically, it focuses on how the EU has regulated the use of growth hormones in meat production, the cultivation of genetically modified corn and the use of Stevia-based sweeteners in foods and beverages. The main theoretical argument advanced by this study is that the way in which the original regulatory standards were formulated affects whether and how they are changed. By placing particular emphasis on the relevance of scientific evidence for the (re-)definition of precautionary measures, the book is expected to appeal to both academics and practitioners

Die deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen befinden sich in einem Zustand von Dauerkonflikt und wechselseitiger Entfremdung. Eine Trias von Problemfeldern belastet der­zeit das Verhältnis: die von Warschau erhobenen Forderungen nach Reparationen, Differenzen in der Reaktion auf Russlands Krieg gegen die Ukraine sowie Unstimmigkeiten in der Europapolitik. Das polnische Regierungslager hat gegenüber Deutschland eine harte Gangart eingeschlagen und betreibt eine antagonisierende Politik mit dem Ziel, den westlichen Nachbarn einzuhegen. Da 2023 die polnischen Parlamentswahlen anstehen, sind in dem Land bei Themen mit Deutschlandbezug weitere Zuspit­zungen zu erwarten. Rehistorisierung, ein manifester "security divide" und Divergenzen in wichtigen EU-Fragen sollten aber den Blick auf Deutschlands Interessen in Bezug auf Polen nicht verstellen. Gerade in Zeiten von Krieg und externen Heraus­forderungen gilt für das bilaterale Verhältnis ein Konsolidierungsimperativ.

Die Auslandseinsätze der Bundeswehr sind ein immer wieder kontrovers diskutiertes Instrument des deutschen Krisenmanagements. Wie in einem Brennglas lassen sich an den Diskussionen die "Reifungsprozesse" sowie die Bruchlinien deutscher, europäischer und transatlantischer Sicherheitspolitik ablesen. Zwar dürften Auslandseinsätze noch lange notwendig bleiben, sie sind jedoch einem erkennbaren Wandel unterworfen. Die Rahmenbedingungen für ihre Weiterentwicklung lassen sich entlang von drei Dimensionen nachzeichnen: dem Wandel des Kriegsgeschehens, den Veränderungen des internationalen politischen und rechtlichen Kontexts sowie schließlich dem Wandel des institutionellen Rahmens für diese Einsätze. Mit all diesen Herausforderungen muss die deutsche Politik umgehen und kann gleichzeitig nur begrenzt Einfluss auf den beschriebenen Wandel nehmen. Grundsätzlich werden Entscheidungen über Auslandseinsätze in einem Dreieck aus Problemdruck (Krisen und Konflikte), Verantwortung (völkerrechtliche Verpflichtungen, Bündnisse, politische Bindungen) sowie der politischen Situation und Stimmung in Deutschland selbst getroffen. Die Entwicklungen, welche die Handlungsspielräume in diesem Dreieck bestimmen, mögen schwer abzusehen sein. Doch die schlechteste aller Lösungen wäre, sich nur anlassbezogen und kurzfristig mit den beschriebenen Herausforderungen auseinanderzusetzen, zumal sie nicht allein Auslandseinsätze betreffen. Mit den Leitlinien zum Krisenmanagement von 2017 und dem Weißbuch 2016 hat die Bundesregierung einen Rahmen für das deutsche Engagement gesetzt, den es nun zu füllen gilt. Zudem sind die Erwartungen der Partner Deutschlands in EU, Nato und UNO größer geworden, was auch weitere militärische Beiträge erfordern wird. (Autorenreferat)