Search results

This book assists the reader in determining storm risks, focussing on sandy coasts and cliff coasts in the context of expected sea level rise from littoral transformation and climate change. It examines storm impacts through matrixes concerning physical parameters, socio-economic activities, ecological and historic resources, and it presents the Coastline Risk to Storms Index as a single numerical measure of the risk for a given area. The methodology is described and tested against two coastal areas: one in the Caribbean Sea (Cartagena, Colombia) and the other on the coast of the Atlantic Ocean (Cadiz, Spain). Both areas record an important flow of tourists associated with the ℓ́ℓsun, sea and sand marketℓ́ℓ which represents an economic recourse for the hinterland too. Chapters describe this℗ℓapproach and explore three particular types of variables: i) the forcing variables contributing to storm-induced erosion, ii) dynamic variables that determine the resilience to erosion (Susceptibility) and iii) the vulnerable targets grouped in three different contexts (socio-economic, ecological and heritage). These are combined into two separate indices, the Hazard Index (combining forcing and susceptibility) and the Vulnerability Index, which together constitute the Coastline Risk to Storms Index. Maps created using this semi-quantitative approximation method can help to determine the causes, processes and consequences of storm-related processes. This book is therefore important to anyone considering coastal development programs, especially decision-makers: the work presented here can assist in the development of preventative management strategies for the most vulnerable areas

This article focuses on the phenomenon of men's engagement with gender equality and what scholars in the field of critical studies of men and masculinities (CSMM) have called profeminist antiviolence activism. The main aim of profeminist antiviolence men's groups is to raise gender awareness among men in order to involve them in the making of a more egalitarian society. Their primary action is aimed at eradicating male violence against women. This article presents how this type of collective engagement is emerging in the contexts of contemporary Italy and Spain, and draws upon research conducted by the author among the members of the Italian men's network Maschile Plurale http://www. maschileplurale.it/ and the Spanish men's Asociación de Hombres por la Igualdad de Género (AHIGE) http://www.ahige.org/.

At least 100,000 retired UK citizens currently live in Spain. Under EU law, they are entitled to access the Spanish National Health Service (NHS) with minimum administrative difficulty. What will their legal position be under a ?no-deal Brexit?? This is a question of Spanish law. The worst case scenario is that they will have to reapply for their residence permits under the Spanish legislation applicable to non-EU/European Economic Area citizens, with all the administrative inconvenience and cost entailed. If they successfully reapply, their personal health care costs will be considerably higher than at present, should they choose to remain in Spain. Very obvious questions of capacity planning arise. The Spanish system will potentially need to gear up for a significant administrative effort. Given the distinct possibility of a ?no-deal Brexit?, the UK NHS should prepare to welcome significant numbers of pensioners home.

This study explores changes in attitudes towards Catalan, Spanish, and English over a two-year period, on the part of secondary education students of immigrant origin residing in Catalonia. It aims to provide new data by adopting a longitudinal design and by focusing on the immigrant population, which has raised new challenges for the Catalan society and education system. Data was collected from 72 secondary education students who answered a language attitudes questionnaire twice, at a twoyear interval. The instrument chosen has been successfully used in the area previously (Huguet, Janés, and Chireac 2008; Madariaga, Huguet, and Lapresta 2013). Findings showed that attitudes towards Catalan improved, while attitudes towards Spanish and English remained stable, based on which we discuss the strength of language attitudes in this particular context. Furthermore, the socio-demographic and affective variables traditionally investigated as determinants of language attitudes were not found to influence the processes of attitude change ; This work was supported by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness [grant number EDU2014-54093-R] and the Agency for Management of University and Research Grants – AGAUR of the Government of Catalonia [grant number 2014 SGR 208].

Drawing upon a vast array of primary sources, this article focuses on a key period of modern Spanish history: November 1918-April 1919. In the aftermath of WW1 and spurred on by the Allied victory, demands by Catalonia's political elites for greater autonomy seized the country's agenda. However, the political tussle between the centre and the Catalan elites ended a few months later with their mutual defeat. The upsurge of labour agitation and the hopes of the proletariat generated by the Bolshevik Revolution combined with bourgeois fear resulted in the question of national identity being superseded by bitter class conflict. This article conveys the thesis that these crucial months crystalized the organic crisis of the ruling liberal regime. Indeed, the outcome of these events proved its fragile foundations, dashed hopes for a reformist and negotiated solution and constituted a dress rehearsal for the military coup of 1923, a clear example of the reactionary backlash which swept across Europe in the interwar years.

"This book brings together recent research by a group of specialists in history and sociology to provide a new reading of the late Franco dictatorship, especially in relation to its political culture. The authors focus on the election of local, trade union and national representatives, the work of the first Spanish sociologists, the struggle over administrative reform, the role of the media and the intellectuals, as well as the evolution of the dictatorship's political class and its response to the regime's decline. Not only are the politics of the late dictatorship scrutinised, but also the mechanisms that were deployed to control the fast-changing society of the 1960s and 1970s. In examining the late Franco period, the contributors do not believe that it contained the seeds of Spain's later democratization, but maintain that certain sectorial regime initiatives - electoral and political changes, an evolving discourse and an interest in political processes outside Spain - made many Spaniards aware of the dictatorship's contradictions and limitations, thereby encouraging its subsequent political and social evolution. This transformation is compared with the latter stages of the parallel dictatorship in Portugal. The great majority of Spaniards felt that the embrace of democratic freedoms and integration into the European Community was the only way forward during the Transition. But the shift from dictatorship to democracy from the 1960s onwards in Spain needs to be understood in relation to the multitude of political and social changes that took place - despite the opposition of Franco and the 'bunker' mentality of the regime"--

Compares the civil wars in Finland, Spain, & Greece, covering fascism, breakdowns of democracy, & revolutionary alternatives. The settings of these civil wars are described, & internal problems & international pressures that led to civil war in each situation are examined. Revolutions inspired by dreams of egalitarianism are addressed, as are the counterrevolutions that emerged in response. It is argued that in each country, the Right tried to destroy the Left, with the Spanish crisis resulting in fascist victory, the Finnish war ending in independence, & the Greek confrontation leading to a more democratic way of life. It is noted that, while the Finns & Greeks benefited from outside intervention, the Spanish did not. D. Weibel

AbstractSince the return to democracy, the negotiations on decentralisation of policies and decision-making developed with the framework of Comunidades Autónomas had been intended as a way of dealing with the existent tensions between Spanish and regional nationalisms. However, the escalation of the tension between regions reached a new level with the unofficial referendum in Catalonia over potential independence from Spain in October 2017 together with the increase in support for the first time in 40 years for a Spanish extreme right-wing party, VOX. The reasons behind both the support for VOX and the support for Catalonian independence can be linked to the degree of discontent over regional and Spanish nationalistic ideas respectively.

The functional diversification of coastal fishing communities has been a central objective of the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP) since the early stages of its implementation. A large part of the initiatives financed throughout Europe have been linked to the creation of synergies between the fishing sector and tourism. This paper analyses the opportunities for the development of fishing tourism at the regional level, considering the investments of European and regional funds on the development of fishing tourism in Galicia. Special attention is given to the incorporation of the territorial perspective and Community-Led Local Development (CLLD) for the sustainable development of fishing areas. The results show limitations of this form of tourism in terms of employment and income, especially those developed by fishermen, despite the significant support of the regional government for this activity. This situation allows a critical reflection on the opportunity to convert fishermen into tourist guides, based on the need to diversify the economy and income of fishing communities ; SI