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Abstract
We exploit the quasi-random settlement of refugees in Sweden between 1985 and 1994 to examine characteristics of Swedish voters who showed a disproportionately negative response to increased migration inflows, and we assess whether these responses differed according to economic conditions when refugees arrived. We document that, on average, increases in migration inflows translated to lower support for immigration. These responses disproportionately stemmed from attitudinal changes in young males, those with less wealth, and people who worked in blue-collar occupations. Also, we find more support for immigration where employment increased and tax collection was lower when refugees arrived.

Introduction -- The film value chain. Global film: a changing world -- The film value chain -- Film development -- Green lighting films -- Sales and markets -- Film finance -- Users and the changing digital market. Co-production and changing European audiences -- Exhibition and the changing cinema experience -- Users, consumers and market research -- Traditional film marketing -- Digital production -- Digital distribution -- Film marketing through the internet -- Business and management strategies -- Business strategy -- Entrepreneurs and investers in the film industry -- The challenge of creative management -- Project management -- Business models 2.0 -- Case study interview: Simon Franks, Redbus Group -- Conclusion: the new looking glass-a changing wonderland

Canadians live by the rules. If the overriding myth of American history is that of rugged individualism and the conquest of the frontier, the story told of Canada is one of socialized, orderly engagement with and development of the north. This article probes the national image as it appears in the popular and the legal realms. The vehicles for this exploration are Canadian constitutional law and Canadian film. A species of case law–that dealing with the division of powers and, more specifically, with federal criminal jurisdiction–will be juxtaposed with a species of movie–the Canadian NorthWestern and, more specifically, The Grey Fox (1982). The imagery and national aspirations expressed in one medium help illuminate the equivalent motifs in the other. It turns out that if Canadians live by anything it is a code of continuous dissent, since the constitutional rules that govern national life are in an evolving state of debate.

The year 1968 saw the rise of a manifold protest movement among Italian university students that evolved well into the late 1970s and spread to all segments of society. Today, the memory of this collective experience represents one of the most haunting episodes of the 20th century. Torn between celebrating national events and giving in to cultural amnesia, the Italian cultural discourse around '68 appears deliberately opaque. In recent historiography, fiction, and film this momentous year appears to be condensed in a puzzle of contrasting snapshots that do not fit well together. On one hand, it is remembered as a watershed event that altered the course of the nation's history and the lives of individuals in radical ways. On the other hand, many '68 storytellers mourn the complete erasure of their experience from contemporary culture and criticize the moral wasteland that is associated with the current political arena when contrasted with the vanished hopes of the past. From Luisa Passerini to Guido Viale, from Erri De Luca to Giovanni Moro, a generation of protagonists and witnesses of those times raise through their work a number of urgent questions that deal with issues of periodization, selective perception, genealogical inheritance, and a paralyzing feeling of melancholia. Such questions do not seem to find answers within traditional historical or sociological approaches. At the same time, these accounts pose problems of their own, as they reflect a desire to simultaneously preserve and shatter the memory of 1968 as it has come to be celebrated in popular culture. My dissertation is in dialogue with a vast intellectual constellation that encompasses historical, theoretical, literary, and cinematic readings of 1968. As I investigate the existing narrative production around the '68 phenomenon, I question what lies at the heart of the possessive forms of memory that have come to characterize our present approach to that time. In doing so, I challenge the current widespread view that sees possessive memory as an obstacle to a proper understanding of the past. On the contrary, I argue that it is precisely by looking closer at the stumbling blocks that seem to hinder the flow of historical narrative surrounding '68 that we might get at the core of our collective attachment to that time, a bond that is shaped by the labor of forces and emotions that cannot yet be put to rest. My research pays particular attention to the ways in which the memory of '68 has been defiantly organized at the narrative level as an attempt to resist periodization. Thus, I interpret such resistance as a way to protract the presence of '68 beyond its temporal confines and ultimately deny the symbolic death of a groundbreaking collective experience. Through the analysis of the narrative figuration of the ghost, I explore the ways in which melancholia — the feeling of painful attachment to a lost ideal — can be taken to be an affirmative disposition that originates a form of critical agency on the part of the '68 storytellers. The imperative need "to begin with oneself" — to impose the primacy of subjective affect, understanding one's involvement in social phenomena as the merging of individual and collective expression — becomes a melancholic act of rebellion against the objectifying discourse of history. From this perspective, I take 1968 to be reactivated as a temporal category against which the present needs to be questioned in order for a future to be imagined anew.

This paper explores children's practices of social inclusion by focusing on their recruitment of peers into play activities. Utilizing data of naturally occurring interaction in Swedish and Japanese preschools, it details four episodes in which children deployed multimodal resources in recruiting peers to begin or join play. The analysis reveals how children can lay the groundwork for recruitments through pre-sequences aimed at securing peer attention and availability. It shows how, when faced with rejection, they can transform their recruitment strategies. The analysis also reveals how children collaborate in recruiting peers, and how they deploy certain strategies, such as the assignment of roles in ways that treat the peer as a willing participant. The findings are discussed in relation to peer inclusion as potentially having a reciprocal nature: in attempting to include someone, one also tries to be included in shared activity.

Este artigo apresenta uma leitura crítica do conteúdo de dois filmes que abordam o preconceito racial. Foram selecionados os filmes: Um grito de liberdade e Sarafina o som da liberdade, como fonte de pesquisa. O objetivo é investigar os aspectos culturais, econômicos, sociais e políticos da África, a fim de propor uma metodologia de análise fílmica, com base nos Estudos Culturais. De que maneira o cinema, ao mostrar os conflitos sociais gerados pelas leis raciais, pode contribuir para formar professores mais preparados e capazes de lidar com o racismo e o preconceito na sala de aula? No espaço escolar, esses filmes analisados na perspectiva de Douglas Kellner, Michel Foucault e Stuart Hall, podem ampliar a nossa compreensão sobre a lógica da dominação pela segregação racial e contribuir para mobilizar ações de valorização e de reconhecimento da história e cultura africana e afro-brasileiro.

'Optimism against all odds': Polish National Identity in War Films of Jerzy PassendorferUsing archival sources, movie reviews, secondary sources and films, this article examines the cinema of Jerzy Passendorfer, the founding father of action movies genre in People's Poland, but also the staunch supporter of Władysław Gomułka's 'Polish road to Socialism' and General Mieczysław Moczar's ultranationalist faction of the Partisans in the Polish United Workers' Party. It demonstrates how Passendorfer's blend of mainstream cinema and propaganda legitimized the party state and contributed to the construction of a new ethos, identity, and politics of history that enforced historical amnesia and syncretized past and present. It also argues that Passendorfer's promotion of nationalist and authoritarian state ideology, militaristic patriotism and Polish-Soviet alliance, commissioned by the regime, sat well with mass audiences, precisely because of the use of popular genres adopted from the West and the quench for optimistic visions of nationhood. Although Passendorfer's patriotic actions flicks faded away with the fall of Gomułka's regime, they constitute a model, which can be still emulated. "Trudny optymizm": polska tożsamość narodowa w filmach wojennych Jerzego PassendorferaOpierając się na źródłach archiwalnych, publikacjach naukowych i analizie filmów, niniejszy artykuł bada twórczość filmową Jerzego Passendorfera, ojca chrzestnego filmu akcji w PRL, zwolennika 'polskiej drogi do socjalizmu' Władysława Gomułki oraz sympatyka nacjonalistycznej frakcji generała Mieczysława Moczara w Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej. Passendorfer łączył w swoich filmach popularne kino gatunkowe z propagandową legitymizacją władzy partii. Współtworzył nowy etos i świadomość narodową oraz uprawiał politykę historyczną, która zsynchronizowała przeszłość z teraźniejszością, doprowadzając do swoistego rodzaju amnezji. Artykuł stawia tezę, że zaproponowana przez Passendorfera synteza nacjonalizmu, autorytaryzmu i militaryzmu cieszyła się sporą popularnością wśród masowego widza z powodu zapożyczeń z zachodniego kina gatunkowego oraz potrzeby optymistycznej wizji wspólnoty narodowej. Patriotyczne filmy akcji Passendorfera uległy zapomnieniu po upadku Gomułki, jednak w dalszym ciągu stanowią kulturowy model, który może być wykorzystywany na potrzeby polityki historycznej.

"Zu verschiedenen Zeiten gibt es in Kunst und Medien spezifische Heldenideale, die auf das Publikum interessant wirken. Fokus dieses Papers bildet der Film The Salton Sea. Betrachtet werden Identitäts- bzw. Selbstbildung sowie Wissens- bzw. Biographiemanagement im Zusammenhang mit der (Anti-)Heldenfigur und Narrationsstruktur, sowie am Rande das Zusammenspiel dieser Faktoren. Das Prinzip der Täuschung erzeugt hierbei Spannung." (Autorenreferat)

Whether as a material or a method, the documentary film is increasingly used in management research. An analysis of the filmic device used inMondovino– a film about the effects of globalization on the wine world – offers an opportunity to explore different politics at work in the documentary film. Based on the concept of politics as defined by Rancière, and the 'critical device' of Caillet, we show that the documentary film is a valuable resource for both the cinephile researcher and the filmmaking researcher engaged in critical research. We ascribe three political dimensions to the documentary film: (1) through its filmic device, it operates as an intervention or performance that concretely changes reality within its scope of action(filmmaking); (2) through its narrative, it builds a critical alternative that reconfigures our historical world(worldmaking); and (3) through making the filmic device visible in the cinematographic narrative, it enables the viewer to relate the political act of filmmaking to the critical issues in the narrative(worldmaking in filmmaking). ; Le film documentaire, en tant que matériau ou méthode, est un outil de recherche de plus en plus fréquemment mobilisé en management. L'analyse du récit et du dispositif filmique déployé dans Mondovino - un film sur les effets de la mondialisation dans l'univers du vin - est l'occasion d'explorer différentes politiques à l'œuvre dans le film documentaire. En nous appuyant sur le concept de politique chez Rancière, et celui de dispositif critique chez Caillet, nous montrons que le film documentaire constitue une ressource précieuse pour le chercheur-cinéphile comme pour le chercheur-cinéaste engagés dans une démarche de recherche critique. Nous identifions à cet égard trois dimensions politiques au film documentaire: par la mise en œuvre de son dispositif filmique, il opère comme une intervention ou performance qui modifie concrètement le réel là où il s'exerce (faire le film); par son récit, le film documentaire construit une alternative critique ...