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DOI : . ; The principal component of a European social model was considered to be convergence of social outcomes toward the top. However, the latest economic and social trends are no longer characterized by a steady narrowing of the gap between the more and lesser advanced countries. While all European countries were affected by the economic crisis of 2008 and a coordinated response was put into place in 2009, since 2010, we see a growing divergence between two groups of countries in Europe. The first group, mainly in the North of Europe, concentrated around Germany, Austria, the Nordic countries, along with certain Eastern European countries having close economic ties to Germany, has steadily emerged from the crisis and resumed a positive economic and social path. The second group, however, comprised mainly of the Southern and Eastern periphery, remains stuck in negative economic and social situations following the crisis. This chapter demonstrates the initial economic convergence, followed by a stark divergence in certain economic and social outcomes after the crisis of 2008. It reviews the various explanations for these divergences. Finally, it considers the political outcomes of this economic and social dualization. We argue that despite the seemingly uniform rise of populist anti-EU challengers across Europe, these challengers differ significantly in the grievances they raise. Radical right parties are dominant in the center, while radical left parties outperform the radical right in the periphery, a dynamic that constitutes a second, political, dualization of Europe.

This paper deals with the failures in the promotion of the rule of law in the six countries of the Western Balkans that are in different stages of their EU accession process. Drawing on concrete examples from more than two decades of rule of law promotion through the enlargement circles, the paper identifies the different evolutionary stages of this undertaking. It finds that the current dominant paradigm of rule of law conditionality concerning the benchmarking of progress in the areas of Chapters 23 and 24 of the acquis fails to tackle state capture as the main structural obstacle to the rule of law in the Western Balkans. The paper proposes that this situation is to be improved by re-imagining rule of law promotion as an effort focused not merely on standards but on building a rule of law constituency. Four different approaches to rule of law promotion that have been less frequently used so far are offered: legal mobilisation, institutional strengthening, the politicisation of anti-corruption, and economic development. The paper concludes with reflections on the realistic reach of the proposed interventions into efforts to promote the rule of law, arguing that while imperfect they remain necessary in order for the project to succeed.

This study examines factors influencing public service career choice in developing countries through case studies and a survey. Based on the results of these case studies and survey, I conclude that job security, public service motivation, social recognition and status, and the opportunity for career development are important determinants in why individuals in developing countries choose a public service career. Bureaucratic power and family-related factors also play a role and reflect the high power distance and collectivist culture of developing countries.

Bu çalışma, sınırlı bir ekonomik işbirliği örgütü olarak ortaya çıkan Avrupa Birliği'nin kendisine atfedilen ?Ekonomik Dev, Siyasi Cüce? kimliğini değiştirmek için ortaya koyduğu politikaları içermektedir. Ayrıca, Soğuk Savaş sonrası Avrupa güvenliğine yönelik tehlikelerden olan yasadışı göç ve küresel terörizm, özellikle Akdeniz ve Ortadoğu ülkeleri başta olmak üzere Avrupa Birliği için ciddi tehlikeler oluşturmaktadır. İşte bu yüzden Avrupa Birliği özellikle Akdeniz ve Ortadoğu ülkelerinden gelen bu tehlikelere karşı Karl Deutsch'un ortaya attığı ?Güvenlik Toplum Modeli?ni bu ülkelerde uygulamaya çalışmaktadır. Bu siyasi teorinin ana felsefesi Avrupa kıtası ve çevresinde bir barış ve istikrar düzeni yaratmaktır. İşte bu yüzden Akdeniz ve Ortadoğu Bölgesi, başta ekonomik yönden olmak üzere siyasi ve sosyal açılardan AB'nin kendi güvenliğini sağlaması ve demokratik istikrarın sağlanabilmesi AB için hayati bir önem taşımaktadır. İşte bu çalışmada tüm bu soruların cevapları bulunmaya çalışılmıştır. ; This study includes that policies EU which is emerged as a limited economical organization of cooperation put forward to change his identity referred to him as ?economical giant, political midget? Moreover after the World War II, illegal migration and global terrorism which are dangerous against security of Europe causes serious dangerous especially first Mediterranean and Middle East countries and European Union Therefore EU tries to carry out ?Model of Security Community? which Karl Deutsch set forth in these countries against the dangers stemming from especially Mediterranean and Middle East countries. The main philosophy of this political theory is to create a peaceful and steady order in the continent of Europe and its around. Henceforth, Mediterranean and district of Middle East is of serious importance for Europe to provide its security and democratic steadiness in the sense of firstly economic political and social. In this study it is aimed to find answers to all these questions.

While analysis of the impact of threatening events has moved from bit player to center stage in political science in recent decades, the phenomenon of pandemic threat is widely neglected in terms of a systematic research agenda. Tying together insights from the behavioral immune system hypothesis and standard political science models of emotional processing, we evaluate whether exposure to the COVID-19 pandemic threat is related to authoritarian attitudes and which emotions do the work. Using 12 samples with over 12,000 respondents from six European countries at two time points (2020 and 2021), we argue that pandemic threats can generate disgust, anger, and fear. Our analyses indicate that exposure to the COVID-19 pandemic threat particularly activates fear, which in turn is linked to authoritarian attitudes.

The literature on ethnicity and nationalism notes the centrality of language in group formation. Developments connected to globalization have simultaneously propitiated learning more than one language and the emergence of post‐national and pan‐ethnic identifications. This article brings the literature on ethnicity and nationalism to bear on the analysis of these changes to assess the causal relationship between multilingualism (ML) and European identification (EI). Sociology and social psychology provide solid theoretical arguments for why they should be related. The article tests this relationship with Eurobarometer data from 2010. I show that ML has a causal impact on EI and that interaction helps mediate this relationship. The effect of language on EI is modest, however, and interaction does not appear to be the main mechanism mediating it. The article concludes with speculation as to the role of low relative cross‐national mobility in Europe as the main explanation for some of the findings.

In her "farewell letter" to EU-Council President Tusk, UK Prime Minister (PM) May stated that the UK "wants to make sure that Europe is capable of projecting its values and leading in the world." What exactly this means for British engagement in European external relations and development cooperation (DC), is still unclear. Furthermore, the Brexit White Paper presented by the British government in February has failed to establish clarity regarding substantial issues. Merely three weeks after handing over the notification of the British withdrawal from the Union to the European Council on 29 March and officially triggering the negotiations under Article 50 TEU, PM May called for a general election in Britain to be held on June 8. This paper discusses possible consequences of Brexit for UK and EU cooperation with developing countries. A central recommendation is to protect development policy as far as possible from the trade-offs of the negotiation gamble and place common goals and values beyond dispute. In more detail, EU development policy faces the following challenges: short-term problems regarding existing legal obligations, looming budget shortfalls and the securing of business continuity as well as the longer-term realignment of EU development policy following the departure of the United Kingdom (UK). There is also the problem of the UK's succession in international treaties and mixed agreements in which both the EU and the member states are partners, such as trade agreements and memberships of international organisations, global development financing and representation in multilateral forums or negotiations. Against the background of what is known about the positions of both sides, this paper addresses three subject areas: 1. Brexit diminishes the influence and shaping power of both sides, the UK and the EU. Issues of security, migration and, above all, trade dominate the debate on post-Brexit external policies. The form and conditions for further involvement of the UK in EU development policy have yet to be defined. Overall, EU-UK cooperation will become less structured, less predictable and more strongly subjugated to national interest. The weakening of Europe's stature, its DC capacity and economic power might result in a series of negative effects for international cooperation and multilateral processes. 2. The development agenda plays a subordinate role in the Brexit negotiations as well as in British politics, and risks being instrumentalised as a bargaining chip. The political forces that gained the upper hand in the UK with the Brexit referendum give rise to fears that a shift in political culture and a reduction in the significance of DC in British politics could come to pass. The general elections on 8 June will most likely further strengthen the government's Brexit-mandate and positions. 3. The effects of Brexit will also be felt on trade with developing countries, presenting these with uncertainties as well as specific challenges and problems. However, the situation presents the occasion to improve existing trade and partnership agreements. Brexit should be viewed as an opportunity and inspiration for reforms to enhance the coherence of EU trade and development cooperation as well as other policy areas. More effective cooperation at EU level could partially compensate for the loss of the UK.