Das Werk zeigt Möglichkeiten der dezentralen Durchsetzung des WTO-Rechts in der EU auf, die trotz der vom EuGH abgelehnten unmittelbaren Anwendung des WTO-Rechts bestehen. Dem liegt der praktische Nutzen zu Grunde, dass allein solche Möglichkeiten der Privatwirtschaft die Durchsetzung des WTO-Rechts erlauben. Denn obwohl das WTO-Recht auch eine auf den Schutz von wirtschaftlichen Individualrechten angelegte Zielrichtung hat, steht privaten Akteuren im welthandelsrechtlichen Mehrebenensystem das zentrale WTO-Streitbeilegungsverfahren nicht zur Verfügung. Die dezentralen Durchsetzungsmöglichkeiten werden, aufbauend auf einer Strukturanalyse des WTO-Rechts und einem aus der EuGH-Rechtsprechung entwickelten juristischen Konzept der dezentralen Anwendung des WTO-Rechts in der EU, hergeleitet. Die Untersuchung veranschaulicht auch den funktionalen Zusammenhang zwischen den dezentralen Möglichkeiten und dem WTO-Streitbeilegungsverfahren und regt eine stärkere Verknüpfung der beiden Ebenen de lege ferenda an
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Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) have voluntarily formed transnational political groups and invariably follow the voting instructions of these groups. This is intriguing as there are few obvious incentives for doing so. Unlike national parties, for example, the political groups in the European Parliament are not punished by the electorate if they are divided on key issues, as citizens know very little about what goes on inside the European Parliament. This paper pieces together an explanation of why the European political groups exist and why they have become so powerful by looking at the determinants of group cohesion and by undertaking a spatial analysis of voting in the European Parliament. MEPs who share preferences on a range of issues on the European Union policy agenda have an incentive to establish a division-of-labour contract and to share the costs of collecting information. Once internal party policy specialization and agenda setting has been established, MEPs have incentives to follow the voting instructions of their group owing to the advantages of cohesion in a context of repeated voting.
Maģistra darbs ir veltīts koncesijas tiesiskā regulējuma pilnveidošanas jautājumiem Eiropas Savienībā un Latvijā. Darba mērķis ir noskaidrot koncesijas tiesiskā regulējuma būtību un principus, izanalizēt ar koncesijas pielietošanu praksē saistītās problēmas, kā arī izstrādāt tiesiskā regulējuma pilnveidošanas risinājumus. Lai sasniegtu maģistra darbā izvirzīto mērķi un apskatītu visas tēmas būtiskos jautājumus, ir izstrādāta atbilstoša darba struktūra, kas sastāv no trim nodaļām. Darba pirmajā nodaļā tiek noskaidroti koncesijas, valsts un privātās partnerības jēdzieni, izpētīta koncesijas attīstības vēsture, īpašu uzmanību veltot Latvijas pieredzei, noskaidroti koncesijas īstenošanas ekonomiskie un politiskie priekšnosacījumi, identificētas šī sadarbības modeļa atšķirības no citiem publiskās un privātās partnerības veidiem, noskaidrota pušu gribas izpausme un risku sadale koncesijas līguma slēgšanas procesā. Otrajā nodaļā tiek pētīts koncesijas tiesiskais regulējums ES, lai noskaidrotu, vai pastāvošais regulējums ir pietiekošs, lai koncesija sekmīgi attīstītos ES dalībvalstīs atbilstoši ES politiskajiem un ekonomiskajiem mērķiem. Darba trešā nodaļa ir veltīta koncesijas institūta tiesiskajam regulējumam Latvijā un tā pilnveidošanas iespējām. Nodaļā tiek analizēti spēkā esošie normatīvie akti, jaunais Publiskās un privātās partnerības likumprojekts, kā arī apskatīta tiesu prakse. Pamatojoties uz nodaļās aplūkoto, darbā tiek secināts, ka ES pasludinājusi valsts un privāto partnerību, tai skaitā koncesiju, par vienu no stūrakmeņiem ES iekšējā tirgus apvienošanas procesā, tomēr šī mērķa sasniegšanai nav izstrādāts tāds tiesiskais regulējums, kas nodrošinātu koncesijas viendabīgu piemērošanu dalībvalstu praksē un veicinātu tās attīstību. Līdzīga situācija ir arī Latvijā, kur spēkā esošais Koncesiju likums nespēj efektīvi līdzsvarot publiskā un privātā sektoru intereses, veicinot to savstarpējo sadarbību. ; The Master's Paper is dedicated to issues of improving the legal regulation of concessions in the European Union and Latvia. The objective of the Paper is to clarify the nature and principles of the legal regulation of concession, to analyze the problematic issues related to its application, as well as to elaborate proposals for the improvement of the legal framework. In order to achieve the objectives set in the Master's Paper and to research the key issues of the theme, a corresponding structure has been elaborated consisting of three chapters. Chapter I examines the concept of concession and public-private partnership, studies the historical evolution of concessions, emphasizing historical development of concessions in Latvia, analyzes the economic and political preconditions for the implementation of concessions, clarifies the difference between this cooperation model and other types of public-private partnership, deals with issues of free will and distribution of risks in the process of negotiating concessions. Chapter II examines the legal regulation of concessions in the EU in order to establish, whether the existing legal framework is sufficient for concessions to be successfully developed in the EU member states in accordance with the political and economic objectives set by the EU. Chapter III deals with the legal regulation of concessions in Latvia and possible ways of its improvement. The Chapter analyzes the laws and regulations in force, the new draft law "On Public-Private Partnership" and the case law. Basing on the issues addressed in the Paper, the author concludes that the EU has announced public-private partnership, including concessions, to be one of the cornerstones in the process of unification of the EU internal market. Nevertheless, there has been no such legal regulation of concessions elaborated yet to insure homogeneous application of concessions in practice and their promotion. Latvia is in a similar situation as the Concession law in force cannot efficiently balance the interests of the public and private sectors and to promote their mutual cooperation.
Contrary to what is implied by the so called "Washington consensus", Stiglitz (2003) has argued that in the least developed countries border taxes are superior to VAT. However, supported by much respectable research, the IMF and World Bank's recommend that developing countries substitute VAT for border taxes. The present paper provides an easy to implement parameterised general equilibrium model which may be used as the basis for empirical research, required to reach a consensus opinion within the profession on the issue. The model allows for the fact that different tax systems are associated with different administrative costs, and represents the informal sector as a parameterisation, the CES-UT, of a utility function with explicit representation of the use of time. By means of a quantitative example, it illustrates, on the one hand, that a large informal sector in itself does not justify the use of border taxes, but, on the other hand, when administrative costs of taxation are taken into account, that the size of the informal sector, as claimed by Stiglitz (2003), is indeed important for whether the use of border taxes is desirable or not.
Information technology is a factor of sustainable economic and social development for both developed and developing countries. In recent years, special attention is given to developing countries with rapidly growing economies and with significant influence on regional and global markets - the BRICS countries. The article presents a comparative analysis of the development of information technologies and its impact on economic growth; the article also analyzes the similarities and peculiarities of IT development in the BRICS countries and state support for the IT sector in these countries. The study is based on comparative analysis and correlation analysis of data. The basis for the study is data from the World Bank, the World Economic Forum (WEF), The Total Economy Database, and other public sources. Information technologies in the BRICS countries are developing quite rapidly, and each country has its peculiarities. It should be noted a significant backlog of India in almost all indexes. In this country, it is necessary to solve the problems with access to technology, at the same time India is a well-known supplier of IT services. Russia has a well developed infrastructure and a high level of education, but it does not make it the leader in the competitiveness and economic development. China is known as a supplier of IT products, and more and more of it is a product of own R&D. South Africa and Brazil are the leaders in the ratio of preparedness of population and companies to use information technology. In all BRICS countries, government is supporting IT industry. Particular attention is given to export support and tax incentives for businesses to make it invest in education. At the moment, the BRICS countries should analyze the experience and the strengths of each other, to be able to implement joint projects in the IT sector and engage private investment.
In: Schriften des Zentrum für Europäische Integrationsforschung, Center for European Integration Studies der Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Bonn 33
In this study, the authors explore the ways that new forms of labor politics emerge in civil society in the era of flexible labor markets and fragmented workplaces (through outsourcing and subcontracting). First, a theoretical framework is developed that accounts for the formation processes of three modes of irregular, non-standard labor politics: politics of influence, politics of substitution, and politics of occupation. Each of these delineates positional politics of issue-specific threats and alliance, unions' functional replacement of local civic governance, and unions' takeover of the state's institutional space. Then, using unique qualitative field interviews of labor activists and union leaders, a comparative case study is conducted to examine three instances of non-standard workers' struggles against their employers in South Korean labor politics in the 2000s and the 2010s: the Hyundai Motors Irregular Workers' Union, the Hope Union, and the Youth Community Union. The study highlights grassroots-based community activism and the institutionalized civil-society space within the state as newly arising forms of labor politics, and discusses their implications in relation to the state, civil society, and partisan politics.
Cada vez es más frecuente el uso de indicadores subjetivos para el estudio de la calidad de vida, por el interés que genera conocer no solo lo que tienen sino también lo que sienten los ciudadanos en diferentes ámbitos de su vida. El objetivo de este trabajo es construir indicadores sintéticos subjetivos que cuantifiquen la calidad de vida en los distintos países de la UE-28, con los datos de la Encuesta de Calidad de Vida (EQLS) en los años 2007, 2011 y 2016. Se construirá un indicador sintético general utilizando dos metodologías, basados en formulaciones claramente diferentes: análisis de Mazziota-Pareto (IMP) y análisis de componentes principales estandarizado (IACP) en los tres períodos. El estudio en varios años permite analizar la evolución de la calidad de vida en la UE-28 en el tiempo. Mediante ambos procedimientos se obtienen resultados similares en la clasificación de los países.
Maģistra darbs aplūko ES un NATO darbību krīžu noregulējuma jomā, cenšoties rast pamatojumu sadarbības problemātiskajiem aspektiem. Teorētiskajā daļā dots ieskats starptautiskās sistēmas izmaiņu specifikā, krīžu noregulējuma būtībā un starptautisko organizāciju lomā krīžu noregulēšanā. Darbam izvirzītais mērķis ir noskaidrot apstākļus, kas nosaka NATO un ES sadarbības iespējas krīžu noregulēšanas jautājumos. Darbā izvirzīti uzdevumi: aplūkot starptautisko organizāciju lomu krīžu noregulēšanā, izvērtēt NATO un ES mehānismus krīžu noregulējumam, izvērtējot misijas Kosovā un Somālijā, noteikt abu organizāciju krīžu noregulējuma pieejas atšķirības un izvērtēt iespējamos sadarbības problēmu cēloņus. Tā kā darbā tiek aplūkota divu starptautisko organizāciju darbība, tad sadarbības problēmu noskaidrošanai tiek izmantota salīdzinošā metode. Atslēgvārdi: krīžu noregulējums, Eiropas Savienība, NATO, misija. ; Master thesis examines the actions of European Union and NATO in the field of crisis management and tries to find the problematic aspects of cooperation between organizations. Theoretical part gives an insight into specifics of changes in international system, essence of crisis managment and the role of international organizations in crisis management. The aim of the paper is to clarify the conditions which determine the chances for cooperation between NATO and EU. There are following tasks to be fulfilled: to examine theoretical aspects and role of international organizations in crisis management, to analyze EU and NATO actions in Kosovo and Somalia missions, to define the possible causes of cooperation problems between EU and NATO. The existence of two variables defines neccessity to use comparative method to fulfil the aim of thesis. Keywords: crisis management, NATO, European Union, mission.
