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AbstractWhile European governments have pursued illegalized migrants for decades, the techniques through which they do so have taken a more radical turn since 2015. Focusing on the particular case of Belgium, this paper documents how its Federal government has increasingly tried to "police" migrants into the European refugee regime, while migrants and citizens have continued to resist these efforts through a series of "political" actions. Drawing on ethnographic work with the Brussels‐based Citizen Platform for the Support of Refugees, I pursue two aims: first, I demonstrate how the Belgian state has consciously produced a humanitarian crisis as part of a broader "politics of exhaustion"; and second, I explore the specific forms and types of humanitarian action that emerge from citizens' response to these policies. I do so by describing three moments in which these opposing logics of policing and politicization conjure.

No abstract is available for this article.

Purpose
This paper aims to investigate the mechanisms for managing coordinated benchmarking projects and the outcomes achieved from such coordination. While there have been many independent benchmarking studies comparing the practices and performance of public sector organisations, there has been little research on initiatives that involve coordinating multiple benchmarking projects within public sector organisations or report on the practices implemented and results from benchmarking projects. This research will be of interest to centralised authorities wishing to encourage and assist multiple organisations in undertaking benchmarking projects.


Design/methodology/approach
The study adopts a case study methodology. Data were collected on the coordinating mechanisms and the experiences of the individual organisations over a one-year period.


Findings
The findings show successful results (financial and non-financial) across all 13 benchmarking projects, thus indicating the success of a coordinated approach to managing multiple projects. The study concluded by recommending a six-stage process for coordinating multiple benchmarking projects.


Originality/value
This research gives new insights into the application and benefits from benchmarking because of the open access the research team had to the "Dubai We Learn" initiative. To the authors' knowledge the research was unique in being able to report accurately on the outcome of 13 benchmarking projects with all projects using the TRADE benchmarking methodology.

Improving state compliance with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) can be supported by monitoring and measurement. Current approaches to monitoring state compliance with the UNDRIP are qualitative and non-standardized, which limits comparability across time and across geopolitical lines. In this article, we introduce a novel approach to monitoring compliance with the UNDRIP and human rights more generally. This work highlights the potential advantages of using a performance improvement framework to clearly identify gaps in compliance, monitor state compliance with the Declaration over time, and effectively assess and compare state compliance. We describe the development of a standardized UNDRIP compliance assessment tool and report the process and findings of a pilot test of the tool. The pilot assessment utilized the UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples' (SRRIP; Anaya, 2014) findings on the situation of Indigenous Peoples in Canada in three thematic areas: (a) self-government and self-governance; (b) consultation and free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC); and (c) land and natural resources. While insufficient for a fulsome assessment of Canada's compliance with the UNDRIP, we restricted ourselves to the report for two reasons: first, to test the applicability of the tool for quantifying qualitative data; and, second, to evaluate the degree to which the UN monitoring mechanism for Indigenous rights adheres to the Declaration's Articles for monitoring and reporting. We discuss implications and opportunities for improving human rights monitoring and state implementation efforts.

AbstractThis study examines the demand and supply dynamics of entrepreneurship support services for new immigrant women in the Toronto Census Metropolitan Area (CMA), Ontario, Canada. Empirical evidence presented in this study reveals significant unmet needs for entrepreneurship support services. Major reasons for the inability of settlement agencies to meet the entrepreneurship needs of new immigrants include prioritization of other support services and lack of funding. The study identifies unfamiliarity with the Canadian environment, discrimination, business regulations that are difficult to satisfy, and unlikely tendencies of the immigrants to ask for support as some of the key challenges to entrepreneurship among immigrant women. However, these challenges may be ameliorated with enhanced entrepreneurship and language training, information awareness campaigns and more funding, among other factors. The findings have practical implications for accountable governments and non‐governmental organizations as they design and/or redesign immigration and settlement policies to facilitate integration of new immigrants.

The bulk of literature on the security dilemma has examined the phenomenon within the context of rivalry between great powers of roughly equal strength (for instance, the United States-Soviet nuclear arms race). Yet no study has examined the implications of power asymmetry between a strong power and a weak one when they are facing the security dilemma in their interaction. This manuscript shall examine how the asymmetry of interaction in the United States-North Korean security dilemma has presented repeated obstacles for the United States in seeking the denuclearization of North Korea. The asymmetry of their rivalry has significant implications for how Washington and Pyongyang view one another in their interaction. This asymmetry has created challenges for Washington as well as Pyongyang, as illustrated through this empirical case study's analysis of how successive United States White House administrations since 1993 have responded to North Korea's nuclear ambitions. In this regard, it is possible the asymmetry of their interaction has become so deeply internalized that North Korea is, effectively, past a "point of no return" insofar as its nuclear program is concerned.