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A bstract: Our magazine publishes a series of articles on shale gas in different countries. This article is about Germany, a main importer of Russian natural gas, so a perspective of exploitation of local shale gas resources is of a clear practical importance for Russia. We discuss external and internal factors which determine position of the German government concerning the shale gas excavation: policy of the USA and the EU, positions of German political parties, influence of the lobbying communities and civic associations. The article contains rich information on vast variety of interests of actors in the domestic discussion. Taking into account the importance of civil society for political decisions, the author rests upon public relations of big companies, their methodic and results. The article summarizes data on reserve estimation and current geological projects, as well all the officially published reports concerning environmental threats cased by fracking technology. On the base of the above analyze, the author predicts possible evolution of the federal government policy.

This article examines the experience of democratic participation during the European Community's most undemocratic era, 1948-1973. An important segment of European activists, a suffrage movement of sorts, considered European-wide elections as the most effective technique of communicating European unity and establishing the EC's democratic credentials. Going beyond strictly information dissemination, direct elections would engage citizens in ways pamphlets, protests, and petitions could not. Other political elites, however, preferred popular democracy in the form of national referendums, if at all. This article examines the origins and implications of incorporating the two democratic procedures (national referendums and direct elections) into the EC by the end of the 1970s. It also identifies a perceived deficit in democracy as a spectre that has haunted European activists since the first post-war European institutions of the late 1940s, a spectre that has always been closely related to an information deficit. Based on archival research across Western Europe, this article touches upon the larger historiographical issues of European democratization, political communication, and the role of elections in European unity.

This article exploresIrish migration, settlement, and commerce in theAtlantic coast ports ofFrance in the period between theGloriousRevolution of 1688–9 and theJacobite uprising of 1715. Drawing on extensive archival material and using current methodologies, this study suggests that the composition of society was vital in the development of international associations. This is particularly pertinent in a period characterized by warfare, religious fervour, and the rise ofJacobitism. Common allegiance toCatholicism and support for theStuart dynasty in bothIreland andFrance provided a framework conducive to international cooperation, but theIrish who settled inFrance held bothCatholic andReformed beliefs, and were not necessarily products of theJacobite movement. Migration and integration, and commercial practices and successes, were not determined solely by religious or political affiliation, but were influenced by the composition of society and the support and acceptance received by immigrants and traders therein. Through an analysis of theFranco‐Irish case study, it is concluded here that the social context of mercantile activity was just as responsible as the political or religious climate in governing the development of international commercial relationships in this period.

This paper focuses generally on the role of the mass media in Nigerian electoral process as it pertains to overall development of Nigeria. The background is the recognition of the central role of the media in political and social affairs as a natural outcome of its unlimited communicative strength and outreach. The statement of problem is anchored on the wide spread negative image of the media in electioneering campaigns in Nigeria's political history. The objective of this paper is to readdress media practice in Nigeria to its fundamental ethical journalistic foundation as basis for positive contribution to national integration. It is also aimed at the examination of both external (official) and internal obstacles that hinder the realization of the goal. This paper uses the method of comparative phenomenological analysis to examine the performances of the media in Nigerian electoral process with regard to its fundamental roles to inform, educate, entertain and monitor in the electoral process.UJAH: Unizik Journal of Arts and Humanities vol 14 (2) 2013

ABSTRACTThis article situates China's local policy experimentation in the broader context of policy experiments in decentralized political systems, through a case study which represents a local state response to China's transition to a market economy. With growing regional and urban–rural inequalities evident after the initial reform period (1978–1994), local party leaders of inland provinces devised strategies for addressing these inequalities and encouraging public–private sector mobility among party officials. County and township‐level leaders pursued local policy experiments in which they selected and sent officials to find private‐sector work in China's booming coastal cities. Initiated in the 1990s and peaking in the 2000s, these policy experiments and inter‐provincial transfers demonstrate the discretion that local officials possess to conduct programmatic/policy experiments in a unitary political system and show how officials resort to extra‐institutional strategies in order to bridge perceived knowledge gaps. The ultimate demise of these programmes illuminates the challenges to extra‐institutional policy innovations in transitioning states.

The widely spread view on magical beliefs in modern industrial cultures contends that magical beliefs are a bunch of curious phenomena that persist today as an unnecessary addition to a much more important set of rational beliefs. Contrary to this view, in this article, the view is presented, which suggests that the belief in magic is a fundamental property of the human mind. Individuals can consciously consider themselves to be completely rational people and deny that they believe in magic or God despite harboring a subconscious belief in the supernatural. Research also shows how engagement in magical thinking can enhance cognitive functioning, such as creative thinking, perception and memory. Moreover, this article suggests that certain forms of social compliance and obedience to authority historically evolved from magical practices of mind control and are still powered by the implicit belief in magic. Finally, the article outlines areas of life, such as education, religion, political influence, commerce, military and political terror, and entertainment, in which magical thinking and beliefs of modern people can find practical applications.

In March 2013, China's so-called fourth generation of leadership stepped down. Upon taking office a decade ago, they launched a series of high-profile health reform programmes, which have often been touted as a prime example of their commitment to prioritizing social welfare. However, throughout their period in power the reform remained remarkably unsuccessful at delivering as promised. This paper explains the failure. Unlike most of the existing literature which hinges upon issues within the health sector, this paper places the country's political economy at the centre of the analysis. In particular, it highlights the role of neoliberalism. It argues that rather than improving the population's health, the primary purposes of the health reform were to, first, accommodate socio-political unrest that was caused by neoliberal policies implemented prior to the early 2000s, and, second, facilitate further neoliberal economic restructuring. Moreover, anti-welfare neoliberal tenets, which run counter to improving health outcomes, were deeply imbedded in the formulation of health reform policies.

The security community concept generally inhabits a rather small niche in the study of International Relations, as the logic of community fundamentally challenges the prevailing logic of anarchy. In this article, it is argued both on ontological and theoretical grounds that the concept's intellectual heritage and depth transcends the boundaries of existing theories. In this sense, the concept of security community serves as a via media by linking different strands of International Relations theory together and by bridging various theoretical gaps. This argument will be developed in two steps. Firstly, it will be shown that the security community framework developed by Karl W Deutsch is deeply rooted in International Political Theory without belonging to one particular branch. By locating the concept in International Political Theory, an exercise that has been neglected by the security community literature; it will be secondly demonstrated that the concept of security community takes the middle ground between specific strands of International Relations theory, as these strands are ultimately based on concepts of moral philosophy.

The period between the two world wars was formative for the emergence of anti-colonialism on a conceptual and organizational level. This article takes a closer look at the role Berlin played in that process during the First World War and the Weimar era. During that time emigres from different parts of Africa and Asia found a temporary home and political space in the German capital to promote their demands for national self-determination. Contrary to most studies on metropolitan anti-colonialism focusing on a particular national group this article uses the presence of a multitude of migrants from different imperial contexts to emphasize the coherence of anti-colonialism as a political field shaped by transnational and transimperial links. By asking what kind of interactions Berlin made possible or required of these migrant activists the article aims to contribute to the history of early anti-colonialism and, at the same time, add a transnational perspective to the established assessments of German society and politics between 1914 and 1933.

AbstractThis article argues that it is fallacious to promote the Turkish democratic experience under the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) as a model for the emerging Arab democracies. Despite the early political reformism of the AKP, an empirical analysis of the government's recent crackdown on basic rights and freedoms demonstrates that the "Turkish model," defined as a marriage of Islam and liberal democracy, cannot respond to the demands of Arab reformers. In this regard, the article falls into three sections. In the first section, assets of the "Turkish model" according to various actors are examined, which casts doubt on the emancipatory discourse underlying the promotion of the model. The second section proposes the term "leader democracy"—or, more specifically, "Erdoğanism"—as a way of denoting the governmental structure of Turkey as of early 2014. The final section depicts the current Turkish democracy in terms of the state of checks and balances and of basic political and social rights.

The health of Canada's children when placed in comparative perspective with other wealthy developed nations is mediocre at best. Much of this has to do with the social determinants of children's health (SDCH) in Canada being of generally lower quality and more inequitably distributed than is the case in most other wealthy developed nations. The SDCH are of two kinds: (a) those to which their parents are exposed, and (b) those specifically related to societal support for early child development. In both cases Canada's support of the SDCH through the making of health promoting public policy is lacking. Much of this has to do with the political ideology of ruling governments consistent with Canada being identified as a liberal welfare state where intervention in the unbridled operation of the market system is frowned upon. There are means of improving the situation. These involve a wide range of activities from more responsive clinical practice through to advocacy and political action.

Sobre el papel la Unión Europea recoge entre sus señas de identidad el respeto al pluralismo, a las minorías y a la diversidad cultural. Sin embargo, el futuro de la propia Unión en lo que respecta a ese paradigma culturalmente plural depende de decisiones políticas, tendencias jurídicas y hechos sociales. Este trabajo analiza algunas de las propuestas teóricas de construcción europea así como una selección de hechos sobre los que apoyar una respuesta al interrogante que sirve de título: ¿hay realmente un horizonte cultural en la UE? ; At least in theory, the European Union includes among its hallmarks the respect for pluralism, minorities and cultural diversity. However, the future of the Union itself in regard to this culturally plural paradigm depends on political decisions, legal trends and social facts. This paper analyzes various theoretical proposals for European integration and a selection of social, political facts and legal background to support an answer to the question that serves as the title: is there really an intercultural horizon in the EU?

This article follows the short, but intense, political and intellectual career of Juan Crisóstomo Lafinur (1797-1824). It focuses on the difficulties encountered by this Argentine philosopher due to his inclinations towards a republican agenda that was clearly influenced by the French sensualist tradition. Given the clear anti-clerical tendencies of this school of thought, as well as the radical political views implicit, Lafinur found himself constantly clashing with Church and government authorities in both Chile and Argentina. ; Este artículo analiza la corta, pero intensa, carrera política e intelectual de Juan Crisóstomo Lafinur (1797-1824). Se centra en las dificultades que atravesó este filósofo argentino debido a sus inclinaciones en favor de un itinerario republicano fuertemente influenciado por la tradición sensualista francesa. Dadas las connotaciones claramente anti-clericales de esta corriente de pensamiento, y por su implícita tendencia radical, Lafinur se encontró enfrentándose a menudo con autoridades de gobierno y de la iglesia tanto en Chile como en Argentina.

Religion is not merely value-resources which influence its adherents' ideas and attitudes, but it respectively functions as an inspiration and transformation of cultural and political values that have been inherited by subsequent generations as well. This writing scrutinizes the root of Islamic social thoughts from the classical era, when the texts of the Holy Book have become 'public constitution,' in which the texts have been interpreted by countless theological school of thoughts in the form of 'reaction-action' towards arbitrage (tahkīm) involving in between 'Alī b. Abū Tālib and Mu'āwiya. This 'reaction-action' previously dealt with an issue of whether a person is a Muslim or kāfir, and later on, rose to reach the political questions—and it unconsciously has experienced the incubation epochs of social basis of Islamic thought until recent days. The emergence of hard-liner groups like Usamah bin Ladin, who fought on behalf of Islam, can be traced in this modern period from the immeasurable theological streams residing in the past phase.

Nigeria like several other countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America depicted the picture of a 'praetorian state' or what Leo Dare called the 'praetorian trap'. The reason for this nomenclature is not far fetched. The polity alternated between civilian and military administrations since her 'flag independence' in October 1960. The only respite so far is the uninterrupted civilian administration since May 29 1999, when the nascent democracy was inaugurated. Even at that, the risk of military intervention has not completely evaporated from the political firmament. The thrust of this paper, however, is an in-depth analysis of the role(s) of the military in democratic political transitions in post-colonial Nigeria. This study becomes imperative in the context of the military superimposed democratic transitions in Nigeria. In a nutshell the paper recognizes the fact that much as the military as an institution had been promoting democracy, they have also been truncating same – a kind of contradictory compatibility – thus making Nigeria laboratory for testing military role(s) in democratic transitions.