Suchergebnisse

Chapter 1 Four Paradigms -- Chapter 2 Culture: Four Paradigmatic Views -- Chapter 3 Religion: Four Paradigmatic Views -- Chapter 4 Revolution: Four Paradigmatic Views -- Chapter 5 Iranian Revolution: Four Paradigmatic Views -- Chapter 6 Ideology: Four Paradigmatic Views -- Chapter 7 Ideology of Iranian Revolution: Four Paradigmatic Views -- Chapter 8 Understanding Revolution: A Comprehensive View -- Chapter 9 Conclusion.

Political Corruption considers the different ways in which a metaphor of impurity, disease, and dissolution was deployed by political philosophers from the Renaissance to the early twentieth century. It argues that speaking coherently about political corruption in our present moment requires a robust account of the good regime.

1. Chapter 1: Introduction -- 2. Chapter 2: Situating Marx with Respect to Justice and Right -- 3. Chapter 3: Marx's Radical Critique of Liberalism and the Supersession of Bourgeois Rights -- 4. Chapter 4: The Normative Argument for Communist Legality -- 5. Chapter 5: Contemporary Responses to Marx's Critique of Liberal Justice -- 6. Chapter 6: Democracy and the Riddle of All Constitutions: Marx's Enduring Lessons -- 7. Chapter 7: Conclusion.

A review essay on a book by C. J. Nederman, Lineages of European Political Thought. Explorations along the Medieval/Modern Divide from John of Salisbury to Hegel (Washington: The Catholic University of America Press, 2009).

THIS ARTICLE BRIEFLY CONSIDERS TWO QUESTIONS. THE FIRST IS WHETHER SOCIALISM OR CAPITALISM IS THE MORE PRODUCTIVE ECONOMIC SYSTEM. IT CONCLUDES THAT HISTORY WOULD UNEQUIVOCALLY ANSWER THAT CAPITALISM IS A MORE PRODUCTIVE ECONOMIC SYSTEM. THE SECOND, MORE DIFFICULT, QUESTION IS WHETHER CAPITALISM OR SOCIALISM IS THE BETTER SYSTEM POLITICALLY, IN THE SENSE OF BEING MORE CONDUCIVE TO DEMOCRACY. IT ARGUES THAT ATTEMPTS TO ANSWER THIS QUESTION OFTEN ONLY COMPOUND CONFUSION. THOSE WHO GRAPPLE WITH THE QUESTION OFTEN SHOW TENDENCIES TO APPROPRIATE DEMOCRATIC LEGITIMACY TO HISTORIC "DEMOCRATIC" PRACTICE, AND TO CONFLATE DEMOCRACY AS SUCH WITH LIBERAL DEMOCRACY. ONCE THIS CONFLATION IS MADE, THE CORRELATION BETWEEN CAPITALISM AND DEMOCRACY IS EASILY ESTABLISHED, BUT ONLY ON THE BASIS OF AN ASSUMPTION THAT DEVALUES DEMOCRACY TO THE POINT OF JEOPARDIZING ITS STATUS AS AN EMANCIPATORY PROJECT.

Noting the failures of communism & capitalism in providing food for the world's hungry, a logical structure framework is used to review critiques of both systems regarding blueprints & their feasibility, realities, & reformability. In Maximizing Social Welfare of Institutionalizing Democratic Ideals? Commentary on Adam Przeworski's Article, Joshua Cohen (Massachusetts Instit of Technology, Boston) concentrates on Przeworski's analysis of capitalism's irrationality & socialism's infeasibility. While he agrees with much of the argument, four points of disagreement are expressed. In Market Incompleteness, Innovation, and Reform: Commentary on Adam Przeworski's Article, Zhiyuan Cui (U of Chicago, Ill) focuses on the same points in Przeworski's analysis, discusses socialism's infeasibilities, & describes the sources of capitalism's irrationality. Strategies for reforming socialism are also presented. 1 Table, 2 Figures. C. Grindle

The ideas of Adam Przeworski, a proponent of analytical Marxism (see, eg, Capitalism and Social Democracy, Cambridge: Cambridge U Press, 1985), are examined in detail against the goal of building new scientific foundations for classical Marxism & purging it of dogmatic elements. It is argued that the uncritical adoption of the scientific tools of neoclassical economics do not supply microfoundations, &, in fact, that the same inadequacies of orthodox Marxism, ie, its failure to base historical claims in micro-institutions, exist in analytical Marxism. In particular, Przeworski's explanation for the durability of capitalism & the passivity of its working class, & his insights on class formation & struggle are disputed. In Class, Production and Politics: A Reply to Burawoy, Przeworski argues that the role of production in class formation proposed by Burawoy is unsubstantiated. He argues instead that where workers' organizations are strong in capitalist societies, they do not need socialism, ie, nationalization of the means of production, because they have power over the labor market & influence over the state; where they are weak, they gain more by collective action, militancy, & nationalizing production. M. Malas

WHAT WE MAY BE WITNESSING IS NOT JUST THE END OF THE COLD WAR, OR THE PASSING OF A PARTICULAR PERIOD OF POSTWAR HISTORY, BUT THE END OF HISTORY AS SUCH: THAT IS, THE END POINT OF MANDKIND'S IDEOLOGICAL EVOLUTION AND THE UNIVERSALIZATION OF WESTERN LIBERAL DEMOCRACY AS THE FINAL FORM OF HUMAN GOVERNMENT. THE STRUGGLE FOR RECOGNITION, THE WILLINGNESS TO RISK ONE'S LIFE FOR A PURELY ABSTRACT GOAL, THE WORLDWIDE IDEOLOGICAL STRUGGLE THAT CALLED FORTH DARING, COURAGE, IMAGINATION, AND IDEALISM, WILL BE REPLACED BY ECONOMIC CALCULATTION, THE ENDLESS SOLVING OF TECHNICAL PROBLEMS, ENVIRONMENTAL CONCERNS, AND THE SATISFACTION OF SOPHISTICATED CONSUMER DEMANDS. IN THE POST-HISTORICAL PERIOD THERE WILL BE NEITHER ART NOR PHILOSOPHY, JUST THE PERPETUAL CARETAKING OF THE MUSEUM OF HUMAN HISTORY. PERHAPS THIS VERY PROSPECT OF CENTURIES OF BOREDOM AT THE END OF HISTORY WILL SERVE TO GET HISTORY STARTED ONCE AGAIN.