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Tami Amanda Jacoby investigates the constraints and opportunities for women's civic engagements in zones of conflict through a case study of three women's political movements in Israel: Women in Green, The Jerusalem Link, and the lobby for women's right to fight in the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF).

IN AN EXAMINATION OF AMERICA'S POLICY TOWARD CHINA AND TAIWAN, THE ARTICLE DISCUSSES THE INTERNAL POLITICAL SITUATION IN TAIWAN; TRACES US POLICY SINCE 1972; AND DISCUSSES AMERICA'S OBLIGATIONS TO TAIWAN, PARTICULARLY AS EXPRESSED IN THE JOINT 'MUTUAL DEFENSE TREATY' (WHICH TERMINATED AT THE END OF 1979).

1 p. A typed news release of University News Bureau letterhead reporting on a student petition presented to president Robert D. Clark against the actions of some students who used violence as a means of political protest.

Статья посвящена изучению развития политической системы Чечни в 1924-1934 гг. Именно в этот период в Чечне были проведены выборы в местные Советы, произошел переход от чрезвычайных органов власти к выборным. Также политически значимым событием данного периода явилось присоединение г. Грозного и Сунженского округа к Чеченской автономной области. Такие процессы советского строительства свидетельствовали о постепенном решении задач укрепления местных органов советской власти и широком вовлечении в их деятельность горских масс. ; The article studies development of the political system of Chechnya in 1924-1934. During this period there were elections to local councils of Chechnya, the extraordinary authorities were replaced by the elective ones. Also, accession of Grozny and Sunzhensky district to the Chechen Autonomous Region was a politically significant event of the period. Such processes of the Soviet state building indicated gradual solution of the tasks associated with strengthening of the local Soviet authorities and broad involvement of highlanders in their activities.

Статья посвящена рассмотрению возможностей использования государством экономических инструментов в целях обеспечения политических выгод России. ; This article focuses on the possibilities to use economic instruments one of the ways to achieve the political benefits to Russia in the context of globalization.

Often forgotten but simmering "frozen conflicts" continuously mark the political map of Europe. All located in South Eastern Europe, the Black Sea area and Transcaucasia, these conflicts run along ethnic, national, cultural and linguistic lines, separating communities. This insightful book offers a rare critical analyses of the cases of Northern Cyprus, Transnistria, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Nagorno-Karabakh, Kosovo, and Crimea. The constructive dealing with the negative consequences of 'frozen conflicts' in Europe requires taking into account the peculiarities of each case. These unresolved conflicts poison not only the regional security but impede the attainment of a united, free, peaceful, secure and prosperous Europe. The call for pragmatic solutions to promote reconciliation has as of yet remained unheard. Offering comparisons between the cases and recommendations for dealing with the conflicts, the international legal perspective on less than universally recognized states and two positive European examples of post-conflict reconciliation are provided.

It is well recognized how the modern social sciences, particularly in the United States, fed off and contributed to a nuclear state associated with the military-industrial complex. But it is less known that the thermonuclear revolution also constituted a productive moment for critical theories of (nuclear) techno-politics. In this article, we recover a strand of the latter by focusing on Günther Anders (1902–1992), a German philosopher of technology for whom thermonuclear weapons symbolized the self-destructive capacity embedded in a disenchanted modernity. We stress the techno-political dimensions of Anders' philosophy by approaching it through his concept and metaphor of metabolism. Anders sought to update Marxist thinking to the age of technology to reawaken his readers to the realities and power dynamics of the nuclear condition and the ways in which these were consistently obscured. He pondered the grotesque human ability to live with a monstrous and suicidal weapon, while highlighting the dynamics of extraction and consumption that characterized both modern 'mass' society and nuclear techno-politics. Anders' quest for emancipation focused on a nurturing of the imagination of modern human beings. We stress the critical, global and activist orientation of his analysis and discuss its merits and contemporary relevance.

We know what we know about current international events through the media. The media (with their instantaneous transmission of images and sound across great distances) inform us of everything from the train bombings in Madrid and London, to human rights abuses in Darfur, to the fall of Saddam Hussein's Iraq. Yet the media do not simply communicate raw information; they selectively filter, define and give shape to the events that they cover — in terms of what is happening, whether it is appropriate, and how relevant international actors should and do respond. The media thus are the nerves of the international system, and, as mass communicators, they perform critical functions in the international legal process. The media's effects on societies and individuals have been studied from a gamut of academic and political angles. In international legal scholarship, however, the media tend to be discussed briefly or in certain limited contexts, such as the use of the media to disseminate propaganda or the regulation and control of the media. There has not been any comprehensive study on the media's functions in the international legal process. The lack of scholarship in this regard is likely attributable, at least in part, to the facts that the media are unconventional participants, and that they oftentimes operate "behind the scenes" — as messengers for other actors and at deep levels of the public subconscious. If anything, however, these characteristics increase, rather than decrease, the media's influence. This Article examines that influence. In Part I of this Article, I put in context the question of the media's influence in the international legal process. That process is characterized by significant communicative gaps that the media help fill. In Part II, I analyze the media's functions at every stage of the international legal process — from the prescription of international law, to its codification, invocation, application and even termination. In Part III, I address systemic factors that impede media ...

We investigate whether foreign aid affects the probability of incumbent's re-election and then the Schumpeterian quality of democracy in developing countries. We present a simple theoretical framework, which captures the competitiveness of elections through the Tullock's approach based on the Contest Success Function. We obtain an ambiguous theoretical effect of foreign aid on the incumbent probability to be reelected: Foreign aid increases the prize of the electoral contest stimulating the challenger to increase his campaign effort; But, the incumbent may divert part of the aid, improving his advantage and reducing political competition. We investigate empirically this effect using panel data from 60 aid-recipient countries between 1980 and 2005. Our analysis shows that foreign aid increases the incumbent's re-election probabilities. However, this effect depends on recipients' democratic level and on the nature of foreign aid, consistently with our theoretical framework. While financial aid increases the probability of incumbent's re-election, political aid, especially through assistances in developing competitive electoral systems, reduces this probability.

We investigate whether foreign aid affects the probability of incumbent's re-election and then the Schumpeterian quality of democracy in developing countries. We present a simple theoretical framework, which captures the competitiveness of elections through the Tullock's approach based on the Contest Success Function. We obtain an ambiguous theoretical effect of foreign aid on the incumbent probability to be reelected: Foreign aid increases the prize of the electoral contest stimulating the challenger to increase his campaign effort; But, the incumbent may divert part of the aid, improving his advantage and reducing political competition. We investigate empirically this effect using panel data from 60 aid-recipient countries between 1980 and 2005. Our analysis shows that foreign aid increases the incumbent's re-election probabilities. However, this effect depends on recipients' democratic level and on the nature of foreign aid, consistently with our theoretical framework. While financial aid increases the probability of incumbent's re-election, political aid, especially through assistances in developing competitive electoral systems, reduces this probability.

When EU member states signed the Treaty of Lisbon in 2007, they did not anticipate the manifold crises in store for them over the following years. Instead of the intended consolidation of a Union which had just gone through its most profound modernisation and biggest round of enlargements, the EU has since then had to weather a wide range of political, economic, social, legal, health and even military crises with major repercussions within and beyond its own territory. Indeed, this time of polycrisis has induced change on many levels: Across the continent and its many fora of European supra-, trans- and international collaboration, established institutions, rule systems and normative frameworks have been put into question and power balances have been shifting. Against this background, actors from social, political, economic and cultural life have sought new ways to overcome the manifold pressing problems of their time, be it through intensified collaboration or attempts to increasingly resolve issues at the national level. This volume offers a compilation of case studies on EU crisis responses, covering the most impactful of the various crises the EU has had to face in recent years. It provides theoretical and conceptual guidelines for the study of political actors' responses to crisis at all levels of the EU multilevel governance system and beyond

In 1954, Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev transferred the Crimean peninsula from the Russian SFSR to the Ukraine to "consolidate the Russian people's boundless confidence in […] the Ukraine people." Though this was a personal tragedy for many Russians in Crimea, decades later it turned out to be an instrument of influence for post-Soviet governments that has helped to keep independent Ukraine within the Russian world. In 2001 58 per cent of the Crimean population were still ethnic Russians, and Sevastopol, the largest port in Crimea, is still the naval base of the Russian Black Sea Fleet. But given that radical nationalist political forces in the Ukraine are opposed to Russia's role as an informal guarantor of the political, linguistic and cultural specifics of the peninsula, Russia should use more of its soft power to strengthen its influence in Crimea. (IFSH/Pll)

How should we explain change in cultural policy in Mexico and Argentina? Through a comparative historical analysis, this thesis shows the emergence, institutionalization and evolution of the cultural sector's public policy in these two Latin American countries, from 1983 to 2009. It addresses the changes induced by processes of decentralization, transnationalization and the rise of the private sector (both profit and non-profit) in Mexican and Argentinean cultural policy. The central hypothesis is that dynamics of change in cultural policy may be understood by taking into account these two countries' socio-economic and political "contexts", and by drawing on four analytical dimensions: actors, cognitive representations, institutional frameworks and public policy instruments. This comparative study thus combines a neo-institutionalist and cognitive analysis of change. ; ¿ Cómo explicar el cambio en las políticas culturales en México y Argentina ? A través de un análisis comparativo histórico, la presente tesis da cuenta de la emergencia, institucionalización y evolución de políticas públicas en el sector de la cultura en estos dos países latino-americanos, entre 1983 y 2009. Se interesa en los cambios que han surgido de los procesos de descentralización, de transnacionalización y de inclusión del sector empresarial y asociativo en las políticas culturales de Argentina y de México. La hipótesis principal de este trabajo es que se pueden entender las dinámicas del cambio en estas políticas culturales tomando en cuenta los "contextos" socio-económicos y políticos de México y de Argentina, para ello se utilizan cuatro dimensiones de análisis: los actores, las representaciones cognitivas, los marcos institucionales y los instrumentos de acción pública. Este estudio comparativo combina a la vez el análisis neoinstitucional y el análisis cognitivo del cambio. ; Comment expliquer le changement dans les politiques culturelles au Mexique et en Argentine ? À travers une analyse comparative historique, cette thèse rend ...

This is a text about a contemporary transformation in democratic politics: the rise of a new political field, techno-populism.

Assesses social, religious and political polarisation under the AKP of Recep Erdogan and the likely consequences for Turkey's evolution.