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This paper explores the relationship between human rights and social analysis within the main historical and theoretical perspectives adopted by social sciences. In particular, religious freedom will be analysed as one of the central issues in the recent engagement of the social sciences with human rights. After examining current narratives and mainstream approaches of the social sciences towards the right to religious freedom, this article will then underline the importance of a social epistemology which goes beyond a normative and legal perspective, bridging the gap between the framework of human rights and the social roles of religion in context. Within this framework, religious freedom represents a social construct, whose perception, definition and implementation dynamically evolves according to its influence, at different levels, in the lived dimension of social relations. The second part of the article proposes a context-grounded analysis of religious freedom in the Republic of Moldova. This case study is characterised by the impressive growth of Orthodoxy after the demise of the Soviet Union and by a complex and contradictory political approach towards religious freedom, both as a legal standard and as a concept. Emerging through the analysis of local political narratives and some preliminary ethnographical observations, the social importance of religion will be investigated both as a governmental instrument and as an embodied means of dealing with widespread socio-economic insecurity, creating tensions between religious rootedness and religious freedom. The local debate on religious freedom will then be related to the influence of geopolitical borders, the topic of traditional identity and the religious form of adaptation to the ineffectiveness of the new secular local policies, with orthodox institutions and parishes having new socio-political roles at both a global and local scale.

The objective of this study is to follow the composite theory approach to analyze the effect of social capital on self-rated mental health in rural and urban China. Our nationally representative sample includes 10,968 respondents from 130 county-level communities. Two-level random-coefficient linear regressions, which model individual and community variations in subjective mental health, were estimated by taking the hierarchical structure of the dataset into account. We found that a significant proportion of the total variations in self-rated mental health were explained at the community level. We also found an association between low contextual civic trust and poor self-rated mental health after adjusting for individual social capital and individual socioeconomic-demographic variables. The study also revealed that: (1) in rural areas a positive relationship between civic and political trust and mental health existed both at the individual and the community level, respectively ; and (2) in urban areas, only political trust at the individual level contributed to better mental health. In addition, the individual and community level political participation exhibited a positive impact on mental health measures in both rural and urban China. The individual level civic participation was positively associated to the outcome variable. However, the community-level civic participation seemed to negatively impact mental health in urban area. Our findings emphasize the importance of both individual and community-level healthcare interventions in China. Finally, this study also found that human capital covariates remained important predictors of self-rated mental health status even after controlling social capital both at individual and community levels. This study suggested that the composite thesis could provide a more convincing narrative than other theories in explaining the effects of both human and social capital on health.

International audience Even if agroecology and ecosystem services are multidimensional framework concepts, recognizing the technical, social, and ecological dimensions of agriculture, they have developed from different traditions (conservation biology for ecosystem services, agronomy for agroecology). We compare in a specific French region how these frameworks are interpreted through two different instruments of French agricultural policy inspired by ecosystem services (the agroenvironmental measures of the common agricultural policy) and by agroecology principles (the economic and environmental interest groups of the French national policy for agroecology). After having analyzed the theoretical and political foundations of these instruments, we focused on their spatial and political consequences. We conclude that the contrast between the agroecology and ecosystem services approaches tends to fade when we analyze how each of these instruments is put in place. Even if the two instruments obey a different logic (compensate for failure to protect sensitive areas for ecosystem services, trigger a shift in the dynamics of agriculture for agroecology), even if they are driven, funded, and involving different players, even if they locally occupy different places, the changes to agriculture brought by the two instruments tend to converge toward the same result. They try to limit the impacts of agriculture, are part of the greener farming movement, and they are driving a process of opening up agriculture to other sectors. They also aim at increasing farmers' income by offsetting the failures of an insufficiently remunerative market and capturing some of the production margins. By the end, these instruments are designed to help conventional systems move toward greater integration in the socio-political territories in which they operate, toward greater autonomy and less dependence on phytosanitary products.

El objetivo del este trabajo es reflexionar en torno a los ámbitos posibles para la práctica profesional de los antropólogos a partir del análisis de mi propia experiencia de trabajo profesional en una Organización No Gubernamental (ONG): "La Fundación". El propósito de este estudio es realizar una contribución al debate más amplio en torno a las dimensiones políticas de la praxis profesional. En primera instancia, se realizará un breve recorrido histórico de las ONG y su surgimiento como actores políticos desde una perspectiva antropológica. Luego, en un plano más empírico de análisis, se estudian algunas de las características de las ONG en el contexto nacional argentino de la crisis de 2001. Finalmente, en las conclusiones se apuntan algunas cuestiones tendientes a repensar las posibles relaciones entre teoría y práctica, así como también las dimensiones éticas y políticas de intervenir en el mundo social. ; The aim of this article is to analyse the possible fields for the professional practice of anthropologists based on the critical review of my own experience of professional work in a Non-Governmental Organization (NGO): "The Foundation". The purpose of this study is to contribute to the wider debate around the political dimensions of professional practice. In the first instance, there will be a brief historical overview of NGOs and their emergence as political actors from an anthropological perspective. Then, on a more empirical level of analysis, some of the characteristics of NGOs are studied in the Argentine national context of the 2001 crisis. Finally, in the conclusions some questions are pointed out tending to rethink the possible relationships between theory and practice, as well as the ethical and political dimensions of intervening in the social world.

ÖZ 1917 Bolşevik İhtilalından sonra Türkistanlı siyasi aydınların bir kısmı Türkiye'ye gelmeye başladı. Türkiye'ye doğrudan gelenler arasında eski Buhara Cumhurbaşkanı Osman Kocaoğlu, Avrupa üzerinden gelenler arasında ise dönemin Orta Asya Müslümanlar Avami Cemiyetleri İttihadı Başkanı Zeki Velidi Togan ve eski Hokand Muhtariyet Reisi Mustafa Çokayoğlu'dur. 1925'de İstanbul'da bir araya gelen Türkistanlı aydınlar, oluşturdukları mücadele ve yazar kadrosuyla Sovyetlerin pençesinde kalan Türkistan halkının bağımsızlık mücadelesinin öncüsü oldular. Bunun için yurt içinde ve dışında (Türkistan'da, Türkiye ve Avrupa'da) çeşitli siyasi gazete ve dergiler yayınladılar. Bu gazete (Birlik Tuvi, Uluğ Türkistan vs.) ve dergiler (Yeni Türkistan ve Yaş Türkistan) o dönemi (1917-1924) anlamak ve yazarları tanımak için son derece önemli kaynaklardır. Çalışmamız; bu gazete ve dergilerin yayın editörlüğünü üstlenen başta Mustafa Çokayoğlu olmak üzere Osman Kocaoğlu ve Zeki Velidi Togan'ın yazılarından hareketle Türkistan'ın bağımsızlık hareketini içerecektir. ABSTRACT The Political and Publishing Struggle of Turkistani Intellectuals: Mustafa Çokayoğlu and those around him After the Bolshevik revolution in 1917, some of the Turkistani political intellectuals started to come to Turkey. Among the ones who directly came to Turkey was former Buhara President Osman Kocaoğlu, and among those coming over Europe were Zeki Velidi Togan, the President of Awami Muslims League in the Middle East of the period and Mustafa Çokayoğlu, former head of Hokand Autonomy. The intellectuals with their writerscame together in 1925 and became the pioneer of the struggle for the independence of the Turkistani community who were in the clutches of the Soviets .Therefore, they published several political newspapers and journals both in the country and abroad (in Turkistan, Turkey and Europe). This newspaper (Birlik Tuvi, Uluğ Turkist an,etc.) and journals (Yeni Turkistan and Yaş Turkistan) are really significant resources so as to understand the period ...

Zusammenfassung
Soziale Dienstleistungen werden auf Märkten und im Wettbewerb zwischen Leistungserbringern erbracht, wie spezifisch diese Märkte im Einzelnen auch gestaltet sind. Der Wettbewerb ist zwingende Konsequenz garantierter Wahlrechte. Wie sich dieser Wettbewerb im Einzelnen auswirkt, hängt davon ab, wie die Rahmenbedingungen durch die Sozialpolitik gestaltet werden. Auf diese Gestaltung versuchen Wohlfahrtsverbände im Rahmen ihres Lobbyings Einfluss zu nehmen. Um dabei glaubwürdig zu sein, brauchen sie eine ordnungspolitische Orientierung, dies bedeutet, sich am Einzelnen und an gemeinsamen politischen Interessen der Bürger zu orientieren, die potenzielle Nutzer sozialer Dienstleistungen sind. Ein offen gestaltetes Sozialrechtliches Dreiecksverhältnis verbindet staatliche Verantwortung mit Wahlrechten der Bürger und einem eigenständigen Gestaltungsspielraum für Wohlfahrtsverbände. Die Spannungen, die zwischen ihrem anwaltschaftlichen Anspruch und den Anforderungen der Behauptung im Markt bestehen, sind auszuhalten, bewusst zu gestalten und ehrlich zu kommunizieren.
Abstract:
Welfare Organisations between Market Settings and Socio-Political Mission
Social services are provided in market settings, however specific these settings may be. Competition is the inevitable consequence when users have the right to choose the service they prefer among a variety of service providers. Which effects this competition may have in detail depends on the framework set by social policy. Welfare organisations try to influence the framework by way of their lobbying activities. To do this credibly, welfare organisations need an ordo political orientation considering the interests of individual citizens as well as the common political interests of the general public, who are all potential users of social services. An open triangular market setting (a specific market setting for social services in Germany with a tripartite relationship between the State, service providers and users) combines public responsibility with the users' right to choose und the freedom of welfare organisations to follow and fulfil their own mission. Tensions will unavoidably arise for welfare organisations wanting to act as advocates for people in need, while at the same time struggling to operate successfully in market settings. Welfare organisations should stand up to and tackle these challenges, and communicate them openly and honestly.
JEL-Klassifizierung: H42, H53, J18

In Switzerland, recent changes in legislation have reformed special needs education; more children with special needs are now integrated into mainstream schools. Health professionals such as occupational therapists are not embedded in the Swiss education system, but pediatric occupational therapists are starting to work at schools, with the aim of enabling children's full participation as school students. This is bringing a change to the practice of pediatric occupational therapists. Cultural, political, and social factors differ in many ways from those of other countries where most of the current research on pediatric occupational therapists in mainstream education has been conducted. The need for school-based research that is situated within the political, structural, and cultural context of a country has been stressed in different studies. This qualitative study employed narrative analysis to explore the practice experiences and clinical reasoning of Swiss pediatric occupational therapists when working with children with special needs in the school context. Three main themes were identified in the narratives: "bringing in an occupational therapy perspective," "focusing on school-related occupations," and "collaborating with different inclusion players." These represent three different aspects of the therapists' emerging practice. The participants highlight different approaches for children with special needs to enable their participation in everyday life at school through learning, playing, and being with their peers. The findings are discussed in relation to current international research and with respect to European countries with a similar political and structural context, thus complementing approaches to school-based occupational therapy. ; publishedVersion ; Copyright © 2019 Angelika Echsel et al. This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Olajumoke Yacob-Haliso is an associate professor of Political Science at Babcock University in Nigeria. She holds a PhD in Political Science from the University of Ibadan, Nigeria. Olajumoke's research over the years has explored the positions of women in conflict and postconflict situations in Africa, with a particular focus on refugee and displacement concerns. She has conducted extensive fieldwork in Liberia, and some in Nigeria and Geneva. Olajumoke has also researched broader issues in relation to the comparative politics of African states. She has co-edited four books and is also an editor and co-editor of two journals. Dr. Olajumoke Yacob-Haliso currently serves as the acting Dean of the Veronica Adeleke School of Social Sciences at Babcock University, where she also teaches courses in international relations, peace and conflict studies and comparative politics. In fall 2018, Dr. Yacob-Haliso took part in the Visiting Professor/Practitioner Program, hosted by the Rapoport Center for Human Rights and Justice. ; How do international structure and African agency constrain or propel the search for truly "durable solutions" to the African refugee situation? This is the central question that I seek to answer in this paper. I would argue that existing approaches to resolving refugee issues in Africa are problematic, and key to addressing this dilemma is a clear and keen understanding and apprehension of the phenomenon as grounded in history, states' self-interested actions, international politics, and humanitarian practice. I suggest that these cardinal features of the African and international political system are the key obstacles to progress in the search for alternatives to African refugee trajectories, and that durable solutions have no chance of being truly durable if the current configuration of international and regional politics, actors, and policies persist. ; Law

La democracia se ha constituido como uno de los temas de gran interés y debate paralas ciencias sociales, y en particular para el campo de la sociología política en AméricaLatina. El trayecto histórico que ha tenido la esfera de lo público, se ha convertido enun espacio epistémico encargado de reconfigurar las relaciones socio-políticas queexisten entre la ciudadanía y el Estado en el marco de los procesos endógenos/exógenosque constituyen la democracia en su concepción de lo público. Así pues, elpropósito del presente artículo consiste en realizar un breve análisis sobre la discusiónde la democracia en el marco del imaginario de los grupos subalternos, que ejercenuna mirada crítica sobre los procesos hegemónicos fomentados por los grupos dominantes,los cuales instituyen un modelo propio de la democracia moderna/liberal queestá en función de un orden político en el plano vertical que genera actores marginadosen la región. ; Democracy has become one of the topics of great interest and debate for the socialsciences, and particularly in the field of political sociology in Latin America. The historicaltrajectory of the public sphere has become an epistemic space in charge of reconfiguringthe socio-political relations that exist between citizens and the State within theframework of the endogenous / exogenous processes that constitute democracy in itsconception of the public. Thus, the purpose of this article is to conduct a brief analysisof the discussion of democracy in the framework of the imaginary of subaltern groups,which exercise a critical view of the hegemonic processes fostered by the dominantgroups, which establish a typical model of modern / liberal democracy that is a functionof a political order in the vertical plane that generates marginalized actors in the region.

Purpose of the study is to determine the range of ideological apparatuses used by the Russian state, the applied set of methods of ideological influence, as well as the features and causes of the ideological orientation of the ruling elite. The work analyses such ideological apparatus of the state as the mass media (newspapers, magazines, TV and radio channels); educational institutions (schools, state educational institutions of higher and secondary vocational education); political parties, public associations, trade unions; film industry (producing and distributing television and film), as well as people of art (filmmakers, writers, artists); church; press and PR services. The features of their relationship with the ruling establishment and the type and content of the used ideological influence are determined. For example, the majority of the media belongs to the media holdings, which in turn are controlled by the economic and political establishment (the state). In addition, there are examples of ideological influence in textbooks, films, public actions. It also briefly describes the "trolling" organizations ("troll factories"), whose activities are aimed at the consciousness of the Internet users. The ruling establishment actively and effectively uses all the possibilities of the ideological apparatus in their class interests. The reason for the lack of a clear and non-vague ideology (like the Soviet one) is, first, the social heterogeneity of the ruling establishment, which also gives rise to different ideological positions, and, second, the opposite situation would only aggravate the legitimacy crisis of the existing political regime. None of the worldview models of the modern ideological spectrum is able to ensure the legitimacy of the ruling establishment, on the one hand, and to eliminate the discrepancies between the declared and social practices, on the other hand.

1936 brought a lot more than the re-election of president Franklin Delano Roosevelt. It was also a year which brought a broad and radical challenge to the New Deal reform policies. American democracy demonstrated its com­plexity and unfinishedness. The conflict between FDR and the Supreme Court has many dimensions: institutional – conflict between the govern­ment (the president, Congress and the Administration) and the US Supre­me Court over the range of powers of each actor; political – regarding the accountability of political elites; socio-economic – regarding the direction of development of American democracy; philosophical – over the meaning of liberty; legal – regarding the separation of powers between the levels of government; personal – between persons and personalities represen­ting divergent visions of power; and historical – reviving the constitutional debates from the early republic. For some, the clash between FDR and the USSC touched the very essence of the representative democracy. After a year, the level of tensions subsided and all parties were scarred, yet the po­litical system as such demonstrated its resilience. Its outcome to these days serves as a pretext for deliberations about the relations between leaders and followers. Events in America may be useful for all countries where the auto­nomy of the judicial branch of government becomes a political issue. ; Rok 1936 przyniósł w USA znacznie więcej niż reelekcję prezydenta Fran­klina Delano Roosevelta. W przestrzeni publicznej zaistniał w skali dotąd niespotykanej ostry konflikt o program reform zwany Nowym Ładem. Amerykańska demokracja zaprezentowała swoją złożoność i niedookre­śloność. Konflikt ten miał wiele aspektów: instytucjonalny - spór między rządem (prezydentem, Kongresem i Administracją) a Sądem Najwyższym odnośnie zakresu kompetencji instytucji władzy; polityczny – dotyczący odpowiedzialności elit politycznych przed społeczeństwem; społeczno -ekonomiczny – odnośnie kierunku rozwoju amerykańskiej demokracji; filozoficzny – spór ...

Ovaj diplomski rad bavi se razdobljem pozitivizma u Poljskoj koje je trajalo od 1863. do 1890. godine. U radu se opisuje društveno-politička situacija u Europi i njezin utjecaj na Poljsku koja je još 1795. bila podijeljena na austrijski, pruski i ruski dio. Objašnjavaju se zatim temeljni pojmovi programa poljskog pozitivizma. Osim društveno-političke scene, riječ je i o pozitivizmu u poljskoj književnosti, o vrstama književnosti kao što su tendenciozna i agitacijska književnost, te o cenzuri. Pozitivizam u sociologiji utemeljio je Auguste Comte u svome djelu "Zakon triju stadija". Poljski pozitivisti preuzeli su neke vrijednosti i prilagodili pozitivizam svojim potrebama. Promjene u Europi potaknule su politička previranja u Poljskoj: želju za asimilacijom Židova, ali i rast antisemitizma te emancipacija žena i seljaka. Prikazani su također problemi društvenih skupina koje nisu imale status poljskog plemstva. ; This graduate thesis deals with the period of positivism in Poland (1863 – 1890). The theisis addresses the socio-political situation in Europe and its impact in Poland, which was divided in 1795 into Austrian, Prussian and Russian part. The basic concepts of the Polish positivism program are explained. Apart from the socio-political scene, it is also about positivism in Polish literature, about types of literature such as tendentious and agitational literature, and about censorship. Positivism in sociology was founded by Auguste Comte in his work "The Law of the Three Stages". Polish positivists have taken on some values and adapted positivism to their needs. Changes in Europe have fueled political turmoil in Poland: the desire to assimilate Jews, but also the rise of anti-Semitism and the emancipation of women and peasants. Problems of social groups that did not have the status of Polish nobility are also presented.

The paper analyzes the significance of energy infrastructure for the concept
of energy security, the basis of energy security dilemma concept that relied
on the need for the protection and strengthening energy infrastructure and
the effects of such a dilemma as well. The central hypothesis refers to the
positive outcomes of the energy security dilemma, i.e., the assumption that,
unlike the classical security dilemma, the energy security dilemma
encourages states to cooperate instead of refraining them from doing so.
Hence, the focus of authors? attention contains the analysis of three Balkan
countries? energy arrangements - Bulgaria, Greece and Yugoslavia -
undertaken in order to strengthen their own energy security. The period of
research covers the end of the 19th and the entire 20th century highlighting
the Cold War period. Comparative historical approach to this topic implies
observing the envisaged subject of research in a given historical and
political context, especially due to the fact that these countries have
changed their borders and status several times throughout history. In that
sense, it is necessary to highlight key historical, political and economic
characteristics of the countries that marked the appropriate period and made
(im)possible undertakings in the field of energy security. The conclusion
reached by the authors suggests that the main initiator of the development
of energy infrastructure was the increased need of these countries for
energy in order to meet their own needs due to accelerated industrialization
and urbanization. In addition, within the analyzed case study of Bulgaria,
Greece and Yugoslavia, conclusion remarks refer to the fact that energy
infrastructure, as well as the need for its protection and strengthening,
can contribute to the connection of states, both physically and
institutionally, despite their political classification during the Cold War.

The Qharaqhara Federation was one of the largest political groups of the Southern Andes during the sixteenth century. This article offers a reinterpretation of the pre-Hispanic and early colonial history of some groups that appear to have integrated that federation, which were traditionally considered as ethnic groups or chiefdoms. Re-reading early "cédulas de encomienda" but also other documents, this article proposes some hypotheses and essential questions. On the one hand, it argues that some of these political entities that have usually been conceived as pre-Hispanic, were actually forged during the early period of European colonial domination. Secondly, it offers hypotheses around some chiefdoms absent in the earlier documentary sources. Finally, it presents new thoughts regarding the concept of "cabecera", which was a usual place of residence of indigenous political authorities. ; La Federación Qharaqhara constituyó uno de los mayores colectivos políticos del sur andino en el siglo XVI. Este trabajo ofrece una relectura sobre la existencia prehispánica y temprano colonial de algunas entidades que habrían integrado esa federación, tradicionalmente, concebidas como grupos étnicos o jefaturas. A partir de la consulta de las tempranas cédulas de encomienda pero también de otros documentos del siglo XVI, este artículo propone algunas hipótesis y preguntas que consideramos centrales. Por una parte, afirmamos la posibilidad de que algunos de estos agrupamientos políticos que se presuponen prehispánicos se forjaran durante la dominación colonial europea. En segundo lugar, ofrecemos hipótesis en torno a algunas jefaturas ausentes en los registros documentales más tempranos. Por último, presentamos una reflexión en torno al concepto de "cabecera", en tanto lugar de residencia de las autoridades políticas indígenas.

This article explores a significant scientific problem and an actual issue of real politics, understanding the process and the specifics of the state identity politics. State identity politics is connected with symbolic politics and, in particular, the politics of historical memory. While much has been written on this topic, the lack of a reasonable unambiguous interpretation of such concepts as "state identity", "national and state identity", "civic identity" suggests that more can be said. This article provides information on the development of the theory of identity politics, describes the developmental directions of the concept of state identity politics, identifies the problems of constructing the basic matrix of state identity, identifies the problem areas for the formation of the political elite model of state identity, and discusses the hidden conflicting characteristics of state identity politics. The author focuses on developments on these issues of Russian political scientists. A separate point of discussion is the formation of state identity politics in the so-called "new" states, which have to use technologies including "post-truths" to prove the uniqueness and authenticity of the history of their states. The author believes that at present the financial, organizational and technical resources that a state uses to implement the identity politics are becoming the object of competition between various political forces and public opinion leaders from among civil activists. Attempts to create a unified model of state identity, which different layers of citizens would accept, is actually doomed to failure. This study was funded by RFBR and EISR; the research project № 19-011-31616 "State policy in the field of identity formation: conceptual foundations, technologies and prospects".