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What role might art exert in light of the challenges posed by climate change, resource depletion, and the diverse political and cultural crises our societies face in the twenty-first century? The hypothesis guiding this book is born of Félix Guattari's claim that in confronting the multi-faceted problems of our global political economy we need to develop a more complex analysis of nature, culture and technology, shifting from catastrophic, end-of-the world narratives to productive, generative, trans-species alliances for the sake of the sustainability of life on the planet. Because capitalism is no longer understood merely as a mode of production but as a system of semiotization, homogenization, and of transmission of forms of power over goods, labour and individuals, only the emergence of other relational subjective formations would be able to counteract the fixation of desire towards capital and its diverse crystallizations of power. New social practices, new aesthetic practices and new practices of the self in relation to the other are summoned to undertake an ethical-political reinvention of life. As Guattari argues, it is about reappropiating universes of value and paving the way for the emergence of processes of singularization involving a mutating subjectivity, a mutating socius, and a mutating environment. This book is engaged in thinking about the conjunction of the ecological turn in contemporary art and the attention given to matter in recent humanist scholarship as a way of exploring how new configurations of the world suggest new ways of being and acting in that world. Contributors investigate the means by which art can act as an existential catalysist, providing ways of changing our modes of relation beyond traditional modes of representation and, in doing so, instituting transformation.

This research studied about reviewing women's rights to the implementation of general election regulations (PKPU) No. 7 2013 in Parepare. It also studied about female candidates in fighting to be the list of legislative candidates. This study was conducted with qualitative research with a focus on case studies, using in-depth interview data and supporting data from KPU. The result of the study shows the regulations guarantee women's political rights, but still have hampering on implementations because of both cultural values of society and technical constrains. Thus, the recommendations from the results of this study are (1) political parties must have a commitment in preparing their female cadres to fight on the legislative political stage. (2) An open proportional election system needs to be revised because it has an impact on the powerlessness of the party to carry out its qualified cadres who have no an established fund. ; Studi ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji akomodasi hak perempuan pada implementasi Peraturan Komisi Pemilihan Umum (PKPU), No.7 Tahun 2013 di kota Parepare. Selain itu, mengidentifikasi kendala yang dihadapi bakal calon perempuan dalam memperjuagkan diri untuk masuk dalam daftar calon legislatif. Studi ini dilakukan dengan penelitian kualitatif dengan fokus pada studi kasus, dengan memakai sumber data wawancara mendalam dan data pendukung dari KPU. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa, regulasi yang menjamin hak-hak politik perempuan dalam implementasinya masih ditemui banyak keterbatasan dan kendala baik itu dari nilai-nilai budaya masyarakat maupun kendala teknis di lapangan. Maka rekomendasi dari hasil penelitian ini yaitu (1) partai politik harus memiliki komitmen dalam mempersiapkan kader perempuannya bertarung dalam panggung politik legislative. (2) Sistem pemilu proporsional terbuka perlu peninjauan ulang karena berdampak pada ketidakberdayaan partai untuk mengusung kader berkualitasnya yang tidak memiliki modal dana yang mapan.

This article explores a significant scientific problem and an actual issue of real politics, understanding the process and the specifics of the state identity politics. State identity politics is connected with symbolic politics and, in particular, the politics of historical memory. While much has been written on this topic, the lack of a reasonable unambiguous interpretation of such concepts as "state identity", "national and state identity", "civic identity" suggests that more can be said. This article provides information on the development of the theory of identity politics, describes the developmental directions of the concept of state identity politics, identifies the problems of constructing the basic matrix of state identity, identifies the problem areas for the formation of the political elite model of state identity, and discusses the hidden conflicting characteristics of state identity politics. The author focuses on developments on these issues of Russian political scientists. A separate point of discussion is the formation of state identity politics in the so-called "new" states, which have to use technologies including "post-truths" to prove the uniqueness and authenticity of the history of their states. The author believes that at present the financial, organizational and technical resources that a state uses to implement the identity politics are becoming the object of competition between various political forces and public opinion leaders from among civil activists. Attempts to create a unified model of state identity, which different layers of citizens would accept, is actually doomed to failure. This study was funded by RFBR and EISR; the research project № 19-011-31616 "State policy in the field of identity formation: conceptual foundations, technologies and prospects".

The aim of this article is to analyse the possible fields for the professional practice of anthropologists based on the critical review of my own experience of professional work in a Non-Governmental Organization (NGO): "The Foundation". The purpose of this study is to contribute to the wider debate around the political dimensions of professional practice. In the first instance, there will be a brief historical overview of NGOs and their emergence as political actors from an anthropological perspective. Then, on a more empirical level of analysis, some of the characteristics of NGOs are studied in the Argentine national context of the 2001 crisis. Finally, in the conclusions some questions are pointed out tending to rethink the possible relationships between theory and practice, as well as the ethical and political dimensions of intervening in the social world. ; El objetivo del este trabajo es reflexionar en torno a los ámbitos posibles para la práctica profesional de los antropólogos a partir del análisis de mi propia experiencia de trabajo profesional en una Organización No Gubernamental (ONG): "La Fundación". El propósito de este estudio es realizar una contribución al debate más amplio en torno a las dimensiones políticas de la praxis profesional. En primera instancia, se realizará un breve recorrido histórico de las ONG y su surgimiento como actores políticos desde una perspectiva antropológica. Luego, en un plano más empírico de análisis, se estudian algunas de las características de las ONG en el contexto nacional argentino de la crisis de 2001. Finalmente, en las conclusiones se apuntan algunas cuestiones tendientes a repensar las posibles relaciones entre teoría y práctica, así como también las dimensiones éticas y políticas de intervenir en el mundo social.

The article describes the division of the Ukrainian community of Canada in the interwar period into a number of public and political organizations. The focus is on the national and patriotic bloc, which opposed the communist one. The basis of this bloc constituted liberal the Ukrainian self-reliance league of Canada, nationalist the Ukrainian war veterans association in Canada, the Ukrainian national federation of Canada, conservative the Ukrainian catholic brotherhood of Canada, and the United hetman organization. The basis of the various conflicts in the bloc, including differences in ideological postulates of liberal, nationalist and conservative societies and views on the religion of Orthodox and Greek Catholics who were members of the organizations mentioned above are analyzed in the study. It is described how opposing parties resisted against each other, and what role the press played in those conflicts. The article also enlightens attempts of agreements between public organizations and mentions joint actions to support the Ukrainian issue in the world. The common goal could reconcile the national and patriotic public associations at the time of the formation of the Ukrainian Canadian Committee on November 7, 1940, which marked a new stage in the social and political life of the Ukrainian Diaspora, as it was emphasized in the article. The reasons that hindered Ukrainian societies from reaching a mutually acceptable consensus and promoted further aggravation of relations were elucidated. The main consequences of conflicts in the environment of national and patriotic public organizations were identified, namely how it was reflected in the social and political life of the Ukrainian diaspora during the interwar period, how it was perceived by the ruling circles of Canada, and how it was used by the communist groups.

The relevance of the questions raised in the article is due to the 100th anniversary of the events of the Russian Revolution, as well as interest in the problems of national-state construction in Soviet Russia against the background of political transformations that have occurred in the Russian state since the late 1980s. The article with the involvement of reliable source material, analytical use of accumulated historiographic experience, materials of documentary publications for different years, sources of personal origin, mainly of reminiscences, highlights the complex process of revolutionary events in Dagestan after October 1917. It is shown how the formation of associations of various political and ideological orientations occurred, the first Soviet authorities were created, and radical changes were carried out in the conditions of the opposition of its supporters and opponents, who organized or tried to organize their authorities on the ground. These issues are considered in the context of events related to the Civil War and foreign intervention, the struggle against the Denikin's Volunteer Army and the victory of the Soviet government in a multinational area.Particular attention is paid to the creation in Dagestan of temporary emergency authorities - revolutionary committees (revcoms), transfer from them to elected authorities - the Soviets, the Emergency Congress of the Peoples of Dagestan and the proclamation of the Soviet autonomy of Dagestan in Soviet Russia, the formation of the Soviet government and the adoption of the decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on the formation of the Dagestan Soviet Socialist Republic of the RSFSR. The article shows that the Soviet autonomy of Dagestan is one of the forms of national statehood, and state-building in a multinational region, despite regional peculiarities, is part of the all-Russian political, economic and social process.

The article is devoted to reflection on the role of the Aryan discourse in the research of Slavophiles of the 19th century. Traditional studies on the ethnogenesis of the Slavs conducted by historians on the basis of ancient "scraps" and incomplete sources did not give the answer that would satisfy the political ambitions of the Poles. The inclusion of ethnographic and linguistic methods into the Slavic studies helped create the narrative in which the journey, made by the early Slavs from the Land of Aryans, became a full history of the people's origin. The conviction about the Indo-Iranian origin of the Slavs shaped the mythical thinking and attempts to create a story legitimizing the right to self-determination and the historical significance of this group. The belief in ancient Aryan heritage considerably changed political orientation and the pursuit of a new identity – free of inferiority complex with respect to the West and ready to dictate its own conditions. Discussing the issues related to race and racial differences between particular peoples, including the ones belonging to the Slavic family, showed the authors' political views and the future of the nation they envisaged. It also deepened the split within the Slavic studies. The sources available and studied by the Slavic history researchers did not provide clear answers to the question whether the Slavs are direct descendants of the Aryans, therefore the research and texts that are examined in the article have creational and commentary nature and serve the function of creating narratives shaping the community. The aim of this approach will be to reflect on how scientific discourse creates the foundations for identity myths.

Entrepreneurship, traditionally seen as a male preserve, has witnessed increasing participation from females in recent years. Across the world, the number of enterprises being run by women is growing exponentially. Nepal is not an exception to this emerging trend. However, there are embedded structural and socio-cultural constraints which pose a challenge to the growth of women entrepreneurs and the stability of the entrepreneurial ecosystem in Nepal. Through qualitative research, this article attempts to study the phenomenon of the entrepreneurship of women and explore the status-quo and the policy framework for female entrepreneurs in Nepal. This article explores the current entrepreneurial environment for Nepalese women, as well as the issues and challenges associated with it. This study was conducted within the Kathmandu valley and samples of the study were drawn from various stakeholders comprising of financial institutions, government agencies, I/NGOs, venture capitalists and women entrepreneurs. The data required for the study was obtained via in-depth personal interviews, key informants' interviews and literature reviews from a variety of well-researched journals and articles. The six-factor model, inclusive of social, economic, competitive, facilitating, locational and political aspects identified by Bulsara, Chandwani and Gandhi (2014), has been assessed to understand the inherent challenges. Additionally, a political, economic, social, technological, environmental and legal (PESTEL) framework has been used to analyse insights from current women in the Nepalese entrepreneurial ecosystem. This study revealed that the process of lengthy documentation, bureaucratic hassles, political uncertainty, unconducive business environments, corruption, strikes, and unionization are the concurrent factors affecting the entrepreneurial environment in Nepal. On the policy side, though an amendment has been made in the Nepal Enterprise Act to support the entrepreneurship of women, the effectiveness of the policy support is still questioned.

[only abstract in English; full article and abstract in Lithuanian]
The main goal of this article is to describe the establishment of the first Lithuanian Republic in 1918 as an ideological project. The focus here is on three ideological systems that are usually treated as closely linked to modern Lithuanian statehood – nationalism, Romanticism and conservatism. First, I deal with the question of nationalism (mostly treated as a form of ethnic nationalism) being the main grounding point for an independent Lithuanian state. I defend the thesis that the discourse of a national-state-building process and nationalism as a main ideological form is too narrow and one-dimensional. It can't shed light onto the ideological polysemy and the quarrels that took place in 1918 and afterward. The argument is based on the interpretation of nationalism as a thin-centered ideology as it was described by Michael Freeden. The second thesis stresses that collective (national) self-understanding is undeniably important, but this interpretation does not predispose any state-building attempts. It requires a radical reinterpretation and transformation of known political reality, and this can only be achieved with political Romanticism as was described by Carl Schmitt. Finally, I introduce in the question of the place of conservative ideology in the state-building process. Modern Lithuanian statehood was reached through a radical reform of an old political system. That is why conservative thought, which usually stands for traditions and the established order, seems like an unnatural ideological ally for a new Lithuanian state. But if one would treat conservative thought as an ideology dealing with the issue of change and pointing to a natural community and history, it is then possible to find some specific traces of conservative imagination.

This study presents an analysis of the course of the agrarian conflicts that existed in Brazil, from 1940 to 2015, which placed the political-ideological centrality of the forces existing in the Brazilian rural sphere. The study is divided into two issues. a) The first, Social division of labor (Mészáros 2004) in the rural area due to the expansion of big rural properties, transforming the land for work into a land for business, opening a sequence of conflicts with peasants. b) The second refers to the analysis of data collected and organized by the Pastoral Land Commission (CPT in Portuguese), identifying agrarian conflicts in Brazil since 1985. The data offered until the year 2015 served as a meeting point to the history of Brazil, marked by its contradictions and memories, which at the same time, remaining alive, as if it is willing to continue to be an eternal present (Jameson 2002), through its structures of spoliation and conflict. Brazil entered the 21st century with large debts to be paid related to the 19th century. One of the biggest debits is the land issue. A question derived from these struggles, and not very simple to answer, is: does the number of families and areas involved in the conflicts change the national land structure in its productive and political aspects? Nowadays, these actions are organized by historical subjects, transforming individual demands into collective proposals in which social subjects perceive themselves as a political force and consolidate knowledge in a permanent educational process. Conflict data registered by the CPT (1985-2016) indicate that there was no change in popular demands for land property and use, and this may also indicate that there was no change in the Brazilian land structure

AbstractIt is widely accepted that law is essential for economic growth. Prominent economists in China have repeatedly called for strengthening the legal system so that the economy can continue to grow. Nevertheless, the fact that China has been able to achieve rapid economic growth while the law is weak seems to cast doubt on the significance of law. It is even suggested that China is a counter-example to the importance of law and, more provocatively, it is argued that China's economy grew rapidly not "in spite of," but "because of," weak law. To gain a richer and deeper understanding of law in China's economic growth, this paper conducts a case-study of China's stock market by examining its growth history and legal development. It is found that China has built from scratch a complex legal and regulatory system governing the stock market, which actually played a critical role in supporting the growth of the market. However, the trajectory of development was law following market growth, which was in turn caused by ideological and political liberalization. On the other hand, the market did not grow to its full potential and currently it faces serious challenges to fulfil the task of supporting the development of the economy, and the fundamental reason is political and ideological restrictions; likewise, the improvement of law for investor protection has not been sustained, for which similarly politics and ideologies offer an explanation. The experience of the stock market suggests that, while law is indispensable for sustaining China's economic growth, political and ideological liberalization is fundamental in that it is not only necessary to free up the economy so that it can continue to grow in the first place, but also crucial to further strengthening the whole legal system.

Bureaucratic reputation has been defined as a set of beliefs about a public organization's capacities, roles, and obligations that are embedded in a network of multiple audiences (Carpenter, 2010). Although one of the most important audiences in a democracy is the citizenry, very little empirical investigation has looked at citizens' beliefs about specific government agencies and what individual or contextual factors influence these beliefs. To examine this question, this study analyzes data from a unique 2013 Pew Political Survey that represents the responses of 1500 US citizens on the reputations of 12 federal agencies. Results demonstrate that citizens view the reputations of some agencies (such as the CDC and NASA) much more favorably than other agencies (such as the IRS and the Department of Education). In regression analyses, findings suggest that the reputation of federal agencies varies according to citizens' general level of trust in government and their political ideology, but that demographic, socioeconomic and regional differences also shape reputation judgments. These findings provide some preliminary empirical understanding of the reputation of government agencies in the eyes of the citizenry and may have implications for agencies seeking to manage their relationship with the public.Points for practitionersBureaucratic reputation has important implications for public administrators because of its influence on a government agency's autonomy, power, and legitimacy. Our study examines the reputations of 12 US federal government agencies and identifies individual and contextual determinants of citizens' reputation ratings. We demonstrate that reputations differ between agencies and that certain factors – especially political ideology and trust in government – shape how the public views an agency's reputation. These findings can help practitioners understand better how to strategically manage their agency's reputation given an increasingly critical citizenry.

[EN] The history of built environment reflects the rise and fall of political systems, their conflicts, social contradictions and ultimately, the state of being of particular civic societies over time. Former symbols of power, such as ancient monuments, palaces and churches still express their symbolic, economic, cultural and political value which constituted in different ages the motivation for their being. Today these are replaced by new symbols of contemporary economic forces which through skyscrapers express global tendency and power shifts. While such edifices are recognizable embodiments of power and political systems of their time, less visible, yet equally potent, are the shifts and voids in power relations. To fully comprehend the role of architecture in expressing and supporting power structures, it is important to question the concept of architecture as a mere act of presence (construction) and consider instead the void and its complementary aspects: absence, erasure and ideological need for demolition, as expressions of power. This paper considers power within the parameters of void, which extend beyond the notion of "tabula rasa" that has characterized many urban transformations. By considering the emblematic case of Via dell' Impero, analyzing various 'iconic' works of architecture for their role in expressing power of institutions and individuals, and identifying dispersion as an underhanded way of exercising power, this paper proposes a more complex reading of urban transformations. It offers moments of reflection and a shift in research focus in terms of how the void is used today to express and support present power relations. ; Mancini, F.; Glusac, T. (2018). Void of Power. En 24th ISUF International Conference. Book of Papers. Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València. 453-461. https://doi.org/10.4995/ISUF2017.2017.6172 ; OCS ; 453 ; 461

Since 2015, the management of refugee and migration movements has been high on the agenda of the European Union (EU) and its member states. Great hopes are being pinned on development policy interventions that offer the people who are willing to migrate prospects in their home countries. This policy is accompanied by a strong focus on migration statistics. At the same time, the local contexts and regional dynamics of partner countries tend to be neglected. This is where this study comes in: What social, political, and economic processes do the EU's external migration policies encounter in African states? Which possibilities for cooperation are realistic? This study focusses on several countries that are governed in an authoritarian manner, albeit with strong variance in the degrees of authoritarianism: Egypt; the Maghreb states Algeria and Morocco; the Sahel state of Niger; as well as Sudan and Eritrea, which are linked together in a 'migration complex' at the Horn of Africa. The study analyses migration cooperation in countries with different degrees of proximity and interaction with Europe and examines whether - and to what extent - authoritarian rulers, in particular, benefit from this cooperation. The analysis shows that the impact of external EU migration policies varies according to the political, economic, and social contexts in partner countries. The respective degree of centralisation, assertiveness, creative drive, and regional ambitions of the regimes are decisive in determining whether European offers are perceived as a welcome influx of project funds or as an opportunity to pursue overarching political goals - or neither of the two. The interests in maintaining power and the legitimacy strategies of the elites play decisive roles in responding to offers of cooperation in all countries examined.

En el ámbito de la política, los estudios sobre el concepto de reputación como valor intangible organizacional han sido prácticamente inexistentes, por ser un área normalmente considerada como de exclusivo análisis en el campo empresarial. Nosotros contestamos este paradigma desde la perspectiva de la rendición de cuentas (accountability) a los grupos de interés, teniendo como referente o guía la reputación, y considerando que las conclusiones fundamentales sobre ésta en el campo empresarial pueden ser también válidas para las organizaciones políticas, matizando que en el caso del capitalismo de tipo ultraliberal la creación de buena reputación se obstaculiza e incluso impide. Para terminar, hemos revelado que para el caso español las formaciones políticas con mayor representatividad, y que se presentan como sustancialmente diferentes entre ellas, basan sus programas electorales en valores éticos (Valores), las verdaderas fuentes de reputación y, a veces, incluso en los mismos. ; In the political field, studies on the concept of reputation as an intangible organizational value have been practically non-existent, since it is an area normally considered as exclusive of the business area. We debate on this paradigm from the perspective of accountability to stakeholders, having as a reference or guide the reputation, and considering that the fundamental conclusions about it in the field of business can also be valid for political organizations, making it clear that in the case of ultra-liberal capitalism the creation of good reputation is hindered and even prevented. To conclude, we have revealed that, for the Spanish case, the most representative political parties, which are presented to citizens as substantially different between them, base their electoral programs on ethical values (Values), the true sources of reputation, and sometimes, even the same.