Suchergebnisse

Egyptian President Abdel Fatah al-Sisi has consolidated his authoritarian regime in recent years. This has been accompanied by a significant increase in Cairo's foreign debt, which more than tripled between June 2013 and March 2022. The country's debt policy was directly linked to the presidential centre of power. The government managed a well-choreographed mix of incentives, threats, and concealment that made it possible to take out more and more new loans. The Egyptian military, on whose support President Sisi is dependent in order to assert his claim to power, is the main beneficiary of the debt policy. External debt helped to protect the revenues and assets of the armed forces, to finance major projects in which they could earn significant money, and to pursue an expansive military build-up. The instrumentalisation of debt policy for power politics increases the risk that Egypt will no longer be able to service its liabilities in the future. Above all, however, the misallocation of scarce financial resources under­mines the socio-economic development of the country and promotes police-state repression. The latter, in turn, favours the political instrumentalisation of debt policy for power politics, as it prevents any control of govern­ment action. In the future, Germany and its European partners should therefore tie bi­lateral lending as well as support for Egypt in its negotiations with international financial institutions to two conditions: firstly, the dismantling of military economic activities - whereby the assets of the armed forces must also be disclosed - and secondly, concrete steps towards ending police-state repression. (author's abstract)

It seems very difficult for anyone who wants to study the life and work of Louis-François Bertin, says Bertin the elder, (1766-1841) to separate the three aspects that characterise them, journalism, politics and culture, as they form a whole, as they prove to be the guiding axis of his old. By focusing on the period from the First Empire to the Second Republic, we try to clarify Bertin's elder contribution in the various fields of the press, politics and culture, focusing on its conceptions, relations with its contemporary times, and its historical role. In doing so, we discover his journalistic innovations, supporters and oppositions to successive authorities, his political development, his victories and disappointments, his actions outside the newspaper. ; Il paraît bien difficile pour quiconque entend étudier la vie et l'œuvre de Louis-François Bertin, dit Bertin l'Aîné, (1766-1841) de séparer les trois aspects qui les caractérisent, le journalisme, la politique et la culture, tant ils forment un tout, tant ils se révèlent être l'axe directeur de sa vie.En privilégiant la période allant du Premier Empire à la Deuxième République, nous tentons de préciser la contribution de Bertin l'Aîné dans les différents domaines de la presse, de la politique et de la culture, nous attachant à ses conceptions, aux relations qu'il entretint avec ses contemporains, et à son rôle historique déterminant. Nous découvrons, ce faisant, ses innovations journalistiques, ses soutiens et ses oppositions aux autorités successives, son évolution politique, ses victoires et déceptions, ses actions en dehors du journal.

Отмечено, что с начала 1980-х гг. в связи с углублением политики реформ и открытости, а также со строительством социально-рыночной экономики в Китае, китайские женщины больше не рассматриваются как низший класс, а представляют собой отдельную, но пока еще весьма уязвимую социальную группу, в которой происходит дифференциация в зависимости от образования и социального положения, что еще более осложняет тендерный вопрос в Китае. Тендерная политика правосудия требует от женщины пользоваться равными с мужчинами возможностями в распределении политической власти, предназначенной для создания системы правосудия и социальной справедливости. Можно исследовать пути развития лестницы «Гендерная политика справедливости» с помощью изучения практики китайских женщин в политике и стадий развития общества. В политических системах партии и государства женщины получили юридически равные политические права с мужчинами, это формальное гендерное равенство может быть только первым шагом, т.к. низкий уровень целевого спроса с непрерывным улучшением требований демократизации политических прав женщин в политике неизбежен из ориентации политики в отношении правил и норм. Дело в том, что освобождение китайских женщин остановилось только на юридическом уровне, не дойдя до уровня официального освобождения. С точки зрения социального преобразования общества в Китае неполное освобождение женщин, в свою очередь, связано с тем, что социальная революция в Китае определяется на макроуровне. Строительство социально-рыночной экономики Китая стимулирует развитие социальной революции на микроуровне. Возникновение тендерного вопроса отразило особенности и противоречия преобразований, произошедших в китайском обществе. Поэтому изучение тендерного вопроса Китая имеет важное теоретическое и практическое значение для размышлений о структуре и изменениях китайского общества ; Since the early 1980s, with the deepening of economic reform, openness and construction of social-market economy in China, Chinese women are no longer treated as the lower class, but represent a separate, yet highly vulnerable social group in which there is a differentiation, depending on the education and social status, which further complicates the gender issue in China. Gender justice policy requires that women enjoy equal opportunities with men in the distribution of political power, designed to create justice and social justice system. You can explore the development ladder «Gender policy of justice» through the study of Chinese women in the practice of politics and society development stages. The political systems of the party and state women gained legally equal political rights with men; this formal gender equality can only be the first step, because the low level of the target demand continuous improvement of women's political rights democratization requirements in the policy orientation of the inevitable policy in relation to rules and regulations. The fact is that the liberation of Chinese women only stayed at the legal level, not reaching the level of social liberation. From the point of view of social transformation of society in China, the incomplete liberation of women, in turn, is due to the fact, that the social revolution in China is defined at the macro level. The construction of social market economy of China encourages the development of social revolution at the micro level. The emergence of the gender issue reflected the peculiarities and contradictions of the transformations that have occurred in Chinese society. Therefore, the study of gender China has important theoretical and practical significance for reflections about the structure and changes of Chinese society

In the present article some forecasts of technological, political, as well as social and economic development of the world are presented in a systematic manner. The author presents short-term (10-15 years), medium-term (20-50 years) and long-term (50-100 years) forecasts which are based on the theories of long cycles and related technological modes, as well as on the theories of production principles and production revolutions.

https://presses-universitaires.univ-amu.fr/ ; International audience ; This chapter focuses on the "truncated branch" of contemporary Spanish culture constituted by the republican exile of 1939 (in its senses of diaspora and cultural corpus). It proposes to study the process of its "reintegration" to the nation during the democratic Transition. The crisis of the Franco regime and the death of the dictator opened to exiles the possibility of return. The chapter analyzes thus the reception of these returns from exile in Transition Spain, and more precisely the public uses of the figure and the production of the exiled intellectuals by the determining actors of this process (governments, opposition groups and the media). The starting hypothesis is that these "returned" intellectuals posed the problem of taking the 1931 republican model into account in the elaboration of the post-Francoist project of state and society, a rupture model hardly compatible with the reform process finally designed. How was the return of the exiled republicans in Transitional Spain welcomed? What political and discursive strategies did the different actors of the transitional process use to integrate exile into their new logics of action? Under what conditions, and at what price, could the intellectuals and the exiled militants be integrated into the society, culture and political life of post-Franco Spain? ; Este capítulo de libro se centra en la "rama truncada" de la cultura española contemporánea que constituye el exilio republicano de 1939 (tanto en su sentido de diáspora como de corpus cultural); y propone estudiar el proceso de su "reintegración" a la nación en el momento de la Transición democrática. La crisis del régimen franquista y la muerte del dictador abren en efecto a los exiliados la posibilidad del retorno. El capítulo analiza la recepción de estos retornos del exilio en la España de la Transición, y más precisamente los usos públicos de la figura y la producción de los intelectuales exiliados por los actores determinantes de este proceso (gobiernos, grupos de oposición y medios de comunicación). La hipótesis de partida es que los intelectuales "retornados" planteaban el problema de la toma en cuenta del modelo republicano de 1931 en la elaboración del proyecto de Estado y de sociedad post-franquistas, un modelo rupturista poco compatible con el proceso reformista finalmente diseñado. ¿Cómo fue acogido el regreso de los republicanos exiliados en la España de la Transición, qué sentido y funciones se les atribuyeron en este momento de crisis? ¿Qué estrategias políticas y discursivas emplearon los distintos actores del proceso transicional para integrar el exilio a sus nuevas lógicas de acción? ¿Bajo qué condiciones, y a qué precio, os intelectuales y los militantes exiliados podían integrarse a la sociedad, a la cultura y a la vida política de la España post-franquista? ; « Usages publics de la figure des intellectuels exilés dans l'Espagne de la Transition démocratique » in Les Intellectuels espagnols en temps de crise (XIX e-XX e siècles). Études réunies en hommage à Paul Aubert, Elisabel Larriba, Eduardo González Calleja (coord.), Aix-en-Provence, Presses Universitaires de Provence, sous presse, à paraître au premier semestre 2021.Ce chapitre d'ouvrage se centre sur le « pan coupé » de la culture espagnole contemporaine qu'est l'exil républicain de 1939 (au double sens de diaspora et de corpus culturel) et se propose d'étudier le processus de sa « réintégration » à la nation au moment de la Transition démocratique. La crise du régime franquiste puis la mort du dictateur ouvrent en effet aux exilés la possibilité du retour. Le chapitre analyse la réception de ces retours d'exils dans l'Espagne de la Transition, et plus précisément des usages publics qui sont faits de la figure et de la production des intellectuels exilés par les acteurs déterminants de ce processus (gouvernements, groupes d'opposition et médias). L'hypothèse de départ est que les intellectuels exilés « retournés » posaient de façon aigue le problème de la prise en compte du modèle républicain de 1931 dans l'élaboration du projet d'État et de société alors en gestation ; un modèle rupturiste peu compatible avec le processus réformiste qui fut privilégié par les divers acteurs de la Transition. Comment fut accueilli le retour des républicains exilés en Espagne à la fin du régime franquiste, quel sens et quelles fonctions leur furent-ils assignés dans ce moment de crise ? Quelles stratégies politiques et discursives furent-elles mises en œuvre par les différents acteurs du processus transitionnel pour intégrer l'exil à leurs nouvelles logiques d'action ? À quelles conditions, et à quel prix, les intellectuels et les militants politiques exilés pouvaient-ils être intégrés à la société, à la culture et à la vie politique de l'Espagne post-franquiste ?

The article is devoted to the crisis of social democratic movements in Western Europe in the XXI century. Emphasis is placed on the evolution of the Social Democratic Party of Austria. Of great importance are the developments of such scientists who dealt with this problem, as K. Kholodkovsky, N. Rabotyazhev, A. Vilkov, G. Nidermyulbihler, G. Sidl, G. Moschonas. The structure of the article is as follows. The first part shows a tendency to reduce electoral support for socialist and social democratic parties in countries such as France, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Germany, Sweden, Austria and Greece. The general causes of the crisis of the Social Democrats are highlighted. Firstly, in the conditions of depopulation of the population and globalization of production, the working class is being eroded, conditions which supported decades social democrats across the whole Europe disappear. Secondly, social democrats, addressing target audience ceased to consider its specifics. Thirdly, owing to the crisis phenomena in the EU, migration crisis, deepening of inequality there is a radicalization as right and left electorate.The analysis of researches of the Austrian Institute of social researches and consulting of SORA indicates that the Social Democratic Party of Austria has ceased to be a «party of workers», its support base is currently voting more for the Austrian Freedom Party. Also the analysis of flows of voters between parliamentary parties (NET) of the last four electoral cycles in Austria states a steady trend of transition of bigger number of votes from social democrats to the right populists.In the second part in a chronological order four stages of modernization of ideology and complex organizational reform of the Social Democratic Party of Austria which captured the period from May, 2014 to November, 2018 are allocated and analysed. The main provisions of the new political program of the party, in which the Social Democratic Party of Austria offers voters their vision of solving the problems of the 21st century, as well as the structure and important points of the new organizational Statute, are considered. The key points of the new program are the digital revolution, the fair distribution of work and working time, resources and opportunities, as well as education, social security, a dignified old age, the expansion of non-commercial housing construction, forced migration, environmental problems, in particular global warming. Important points of the new Statute include the strengthening of the role of ordinary members of the party, the possibility of obtaining guest member status for one year with the right to become a permanent member of the party, the expansion of thematic and project initiatives.In conclusions major factors which acted as the trigger to fundamental updating of the Social Democratic Party of Austria, feature of this process are allocated. Results of a research can have a certain value for the scientists researching the social democratic movement and also subjects of party and political life. ; Статья посвящена кризису социал-демократических движений в Западной Европе в ХХІ в. Акцентировано внимание на эволюции Социал-демократической партии Австрии. Установлен основной круг авторов, которые занимались данной проблематикой. Исследование условно разделено на две части. В первой части показана тенденция снижения электоральной поддержки социалистических и социал-демократических партий Западной Европы, в том числе и в Австрии. Выделяются общие причины кризиса социал-демократов, специфика потери голосов Социал-демократической партии Австрии. Эмпирическую основу данной части статьи составляет официальная электоральная статистика и некоторые результаты исследований австрийского Института социальных исследований и консалтинга SORA. Во второй части в хронологическом порядке выделены и проанализированы этапы модернизации идеологии и комплексной организационной реформы Социал-демократической партии Австрии. Рассмотрены основные положения новой политической программы партии, структура и важные моменты нового организационного Устава. Выяснены основные факторы, которые выступили триггером к фундаментальному обновлению Социал-демократической партии Австрии, особенности данного процесса. Результаты исследования могут иметь определенную ценность для ученых, занимающихся исследованием социал-демократического движения, а также субъектов партийно-политической жизни. ; Стаття присвячена кризі соціал-демократичних рухів в Західній Європі в ХХІ ст. Акцентовано увагу на еволюції Соціал-демократичної партії Австрії. Встановлено основне коло авторів, які займалися даною проблематикою. Дослідження умовно розділене на дві частини.У першій частині показана тенденція зниження електоральної підтримки соціалістичних і соціал-демократичних партій Західної Європи, в тому числі і в Австрії. Виділяються загальні причини кризи соціал-демократів, специфіка втрати голосів Соціал-демократичної партії Австрії. Емпіричну основу даної частини статті становить офіційна електоральна статистика і деякі результати досліджень австрійського Інституту соціальних досліджень і консалтингу SORA. У другій частині в хронологічному порядку виділено і проаналізовано етапи модернізації ідеології і комплексної організаційної реформи Соціал-демократичної партії Австрії. Розглянуто основні положення нової політичної програми партії, структура і важливі моменти нового організаційного Статуту.З'ясовано основні чинники, які виступили тригером до фундаментального оновлення Соціал-демократичної партії Австрії, особливості даного процесу. Результати дослідження можуть мати певну цінність для вчених, що займаються дослідженням соціал-демократичного руху, а також суб'єктів партійно-політичного життя.

The debate on neoliberal discourse regarding economics has not acknowledged the market failure due to, among other factors, varying degrees of power anchored in commercial activity, uncertainty, external forces acting on production and consumption, and large-scale production, so the phenomenon seems to be open-ended. The Colombian case allows us to identify the general tendency to suppress social rights in Latin America, associated with the particular characteristics of the development of the internal armed conflict based on an old dispute between different social actors around the forms of wealth distribution, thereby revealing the axis on which the public sphere is built. The discursive practices and semiotic constructions that contribute to stabilizing the neoliberal model are identified in a Colombian presidential speech. The shift from the representation of the economic environment to the different areas of social life and its potential effects on the stabilization of a "semiotics of power" is examined. Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos inaugural address of August 7 2014 is analyzed. Different categories taken from critical discourse studies, semiotics, sociology and political science are used to illustrate the semiotization ways through which the representational systems underlying the neoliberal regime are stabilized in political discourse. ; La reflexión sobre el discurso neoliberal en torno a la economía ha eliminado el reconocimiento de fallas de mercado debidas, entre otros factores, a diversos grados de poder que se anclan a la actividad mercantil, la incertidumbre, las externalidades en la producción y el consumo, y la producción a gran escala; los límites del fenómeno parecen no existir. El caso colombiano permite identificar la tendencia general latinoamericana de la supresión de los derechos sociales, con las particularidades asociadas al desarrollo del conflicto armado interno, en cuya base se encuentra una vieja disputa entre distintos actores sociales en torno a las formas de distribución de la riqueza, permitiendo evidenciar los ejes sobre los que se construye lo público. Se identifican las prácticas discursivas y su construcción semiótica en la estabilización del modelo neoliberal en un discurso presidencial, en Colombia. Se aborda la traslación de representaciones del entorno económico a los diferentes ámbitos de la vida social y sus potenciales efectos sobre la estabilización de una 'semiótica del poder'. Se analiza el discurso de posesión del presidente colombiano Juan Manuel Santos del 7 de agosto de 2014. Se aplican categorías de los estudios críticos del discurso, la semiótica, la sociología y la ciencia política, para dar cuenta de las formas de semiotización a través de las cuales son estabilizados en el discurso político, los sistemas representacionales que fundamentan el régimen neoliberal. ; A reflexão sobre o discurso neoliberal em relação à economia eliminou o reconhecimento de falhas no mercado devidas, entre outros fatores, a diversos graus de poder que se ancoran na atividade mercantil, a incerteza, as externalidades na produção e no consumo, e a produção em larga escala; os limites do fenômeno parecem inexistir. O caso colombiano permite identificar a tendência geral latino-americana de supressão dos direitos sociais, com as particularidades associadas ao desenvolvimento do conflito armado interno, em cuja base se encontra uma velha disputa entre distintos atores sociais em torno à s formas de distribuição da riqueza, permitindo evidenciar os eixes pelos que se constrói a esfera pública. Identificam-se aqui as práticas discursivas e sua construção semiótica na estabilização do modelo neolilberal em um discurso presidencial na Colômbia. Aborda-se também a translação de representações do entorno econômico aos diversos âmbitos da vida social e seus potenciais efeitos sobre a estabilização de uma 'semiótica do poder'. Analiza-se o discurso de posse do presidente colombiano Juan Manuel Santos de 7 de agosto de 2014. Aplicam-se categorias dos estudos críticos do discurso, da semiótica, da sociologia e da ciência política para dar conta das formas de semiotização por meio das quais são estabilizados no discurso político os sistemas representacionais que fundamentam o regime neoliberal.

50 million Europeans face financial difficulties to heat, cook or light their homes. Households in energy vulnerability either limit the use of these services because they do not have sufficient income, or devote a disproportionately large part of their overall budget to paying energy bills. European legislation requires Member States to establish policies for measuring and resolving the problem. This objective is complex because energy vulnerability is at the intersection of a set of factors covered by different sectoral policies: the pricing of energy, the energy efficiency of housing, and social assistance.This thesis studies the emergence of energy vulnerability in national and local public agendas with an urban political ecology framework. I conducted a comparative survey in two cities (Porto and Barcelona), where the issue is important and treated in different ways. I analyze the factors that combine tocreate situations of energy vulnerability in these cities and which turn them into public problems, through media, legislation and local innovations. Policy analysis is complemented by study of the concrete conditions of energy vulnerability as they are experienced by households which are in touch with social assistance agencies and charities. The main result of the thesis is that situations of energy vulnerability are politicized by both new actors and traditional players in energy governance. I show how civil society activism gives rise to a right to energy, which is not enshrined in national legislation and which, under the pressure of new social movements, becomes an imperative for local communities. I then analyze the diffusion of programs targeting vulnerable households, based on a model that aims at reducing consumption and therefore limiting the number of unpaid energy bills. This experimental and inexpensive model meets the interests of organizations from civil society, local communities, energy suppliers and the households themselves who were already reducing their expenses. ; 50 millions d'Européens rencontrent des difficultés financières pour se chauffer, cuisiner ou éclairer leur logement. Les ménages qui se privent de ces services faute de revenus suffisants, qui consacrent une part importante de leurs budgets à ce poste de dépense, sont en situation de vulnérabilité énergétique. La législation européenne requiert des États membres qu'ils établissent des politiques de mesure et de résorption du problème. Cet objectif est complexe parce que la vulnérabilité énergétique est au croisement d'un ensemble de facteurs saisis par des politiques sectorielles distinctes : le prix de l'énergie, l'efficacité énergétique des logements, les aides sociales. Cette thèse pose la question des conditions d'émergence du problème des vulnérabilités énergétiques dans les agendas publics nationaux et locaux en mobilisant une approche d'Urban political ecology. L'enquête comparative est menée dans deux villes (Porto et Barcelone) où l'enjeu est important et traité de manières distinctes. Notre analyse propose d'étudier les facteurs qui se combinent pour créer des situations de vulnérabilité, et les faire émerger comme un problème public. Elle s'intéresse à la fois aux législations, aux innovations locales et au traitement médiatique du problème. Nous confrontons ces formes d'action collective avec une étude des conditions concrètes de vulnérabilité énergétique vécues par des ménages précaires accompagnés par l'assistance sociale et par des associations caritatives.Le principal résultat de la thèse est que les situations de vulnérabilités énergétiques sont politisées, ce qui implique à la fois de nouveaux acteurs et des acteurs traditionnels de la gouvernance de l'énergie et se traduit par deux types de réponses. Nous montrons aussi comment la militance de collectifs associatifs fait émerger un droit à l'énergie, qui n'est pas inscrit dans la législation nationale et qui, sous la pression de nouveaux mouvements sociaux, devient un impératif pour les collectivités locales. Nous montrons enfin la diffusion d'un modèle d'interventions auprès de ménages qui vise à réduire les consommations pour diminuer le montant des factures et limiter le nombre d'impayés d'énergie. Ce modèle expérimental et peu onéreux rencontre les intérêts d'organisations issues de la société civile, de collectivités locales, de fournisseurs d'énergie même s'il représente pour les ménages vulnérables une prolongation de leurs efforts de réduction de leurs factures d'énergie.

50 million Europeans face financial difficulties to heat, cook or light their homes. Households in energy vulnerability either limit the use of these services because they do not have sufficient income, or devote a disproportionately large part of their overall budget to paying energy bills. European legislation requires Member States to establish policies for measuring and resolving the problem. This objective is complex because energy vulnerability is at the intersection of a set of factors covered by different sectoral policies: the pricing of energy, the energy efficiency of housing, and social assistance.This thesis studies the emergence of energy vulnerability in national and local public agendas with an urban political ecology framework. I conducted a comparative survey in two cities (Porto and Barcelona), where the issue is important and treated in different ways. I analyze the factors that combine tocreate situations of energy vulnerability in these cities and which turn them into public problems, through media, legislation and local innovations. Policy analysis is complemented by study of the concrete conditions of energy vulnerability as they are experienced by households which are in touch with social assistance agencies and charities. The main result of the thesis is that situations of energy vulnerability are politicized by both new actors and traditional players in energy governance. I show how civil society activism gives rise to a right to energy, which is not enshrined in national legislation and which, under the pressure of new social movements, becomes an imperative for local communities. I then analyze the diffusion of programs targeting vulnerable households, based on a model that aims at reducing consumption and therefore limiting the number of unpaid energy bills. This experimental and inexpensive model meets the interests of organizations from civil society, local communities, energy suppliers and the households themselves who were already reducing their expenses. ; 50 millions d'Européens rencontrent des difficultés financières pour se chauffer, cuisiner ou éclairer leur logement. Les ménages qui se privent de ces services faute de revenus suffisants, qui consacrent une part importante de leurs budgets à ce poste de dépense, sont en situation de vulnérabilité énergétique. La législation européenne requiert des États membres qu'ils établissent des politiques de mesure et de résorption du problème. Cet objectif est complexe parce que la vulnérabilité énergétique est au croisement d'un ensemble de facteurs saisis par des politiques sectorielles distinctes : le prix de l'énergie, l'efficacité énergétique des logements, les aides sociales. Cette thèse pose la question des conditions d'émergence du problème des vulnérabilités énergétiques dans les agendas publics nationaux et locaux en mobilisant une approche d'Urban political ecology. L'enquête comparative est menée dans deux villes (Porto et Barcelone) où l'enjeu est important et traité de manières distinctes. Notre analyse propose d'étudier les facteurs qui se combinent pour créer des situations de vulnérabilité, et les faire émerger comme un problème public. Elle s'intéresse à la fois aux législations, aux innovations locales et au traitement médiatique du problème. Nous confrontons ces formes d'action collective avec une étude des conditions concrètes de vulnérabilité énergétique vécues par des ménages précaires accompagnés par l'assistance sociale et par des associations caritatives.Le principal résultat de la thèse est que les situations de vulnérabilités énergétiques sont politisées, ce qui implique à la fois de nouveaux acteurs et des acteurs traditionnels de la gouvernance de l'énergie et se traduit par deux types de réponses. Nous montrons aussi comment la militance de collectifs associatifs fait émerger un droit à l'énergie, qui n'est pas inscrit dans la législation nationale et qui, sous la pression de nouveaux mouvements sociaux, devient un impératif pour les collectivités locales. Nous montrons enfin la diffusion d'un modèle d'interventions auprès de ménages qui vise à réduire les consommations pour diminuer le montant des factures et limiter le nombre d'impayés d'énergie. Ce modèle expérimental et peu onéreux rencontre les intérêts d'organisations issues de la société civile, de collectivités locales, de fournisseurs d'énergie même s'il représente pour les ménages vulnérables une prolongation de leurs efforts de réduction de leurs factures d'énergie.

The article examines the process of the formation of the Vatican City-State as a result of the signing of the Lateran Agreements, signed on February 11, 1929 between the Holy See (represented by Cardinal Pietro Gasparry, Secretary of State) and the Kingdom of Italy (represented by Prime Minister Benito Mussolini.The author is considering the so-called «Roman question» – about the status of the Vatican after the dissolution of the Pontifical State in 1870, and the historical and political preconditions for the conclusion of the Lateran agreements, which finally resolved it.The author describes the peculiarities of the conclusion, structure (treaty, financial convention and concordat) and the main content of the Lateran agreements. The political treaty was characterized as one of the three parts of the Lateran agreements, which legally consolidated the state status of the Vatican. In fact, under the Lateran agreements, the Pope acknowledged Rome as the residence of the Italian government. Instead, the Italian government guaranteed secular sovereignty of the Holy See, including international affairs (Article 2); provided for the formal recognition of the Vatican status as a sovereign territory, governed by the Holy See, formally calling the Vatican — the City of Vatican City (Citta del Vaticano), whose boundaries are determined by the plan annexed to the treaty (Article 3). A number of articles regulated administrative issues, provisions on special citizenship for the subjects of the Holy See, about the diplomatic corps of the Holy See, etc. Besides that the treaty recognize Catholicism as «the only state religion» in Italy (Article 1).The Financial Convention resolved the issue of compensation to the Holy See for the loss of the Holy See in connection with the liquidation of the Papal region. Namely it provided for the payment by Italy to the Holy See 750 millions of lir as 5-% securities (Article 1); instead, the Holy See abandoned the financial claims to Italy that arose as a result of the formation of an Italian state (Article 2) (this meant the armed capture of the territory of the Pontifical State by the troops of the King of Sardinian, Victor Emmanuel Savoy in 1870, and the proclamation of the Kingdom of Italy in 1871).Concordat regulated the relationship between the Roman Catholic Church and the Italian state. In particular it defined the rights and privileges of the Catholic Church in Italy, the state announced 10 holy holidays as well as Sundays on non-working days (Article 11); bishops are obliged to swear allegiance to the King of Italy as the head of state (Article 20). Other articles envisaged the wide involvement of the clergy in the Italian education system, recognize the organization «Catholic Action», etc.Consequently, the signing of the Lateran agreements put an end to the conflict between the Pope and the Italian state and provided the papal territory with a definite state status. This allowed the Vatican to actively move to the interstate policy. ; Досліджено процес становлення міста-держави Ватикан унаслідок підписання Латеранських угод, які були укладені 11 лютого 1929 року між Святим Престолом (в особі кардинала П'єтро Гаспаррі, державного секретаря) та Королівством Італія (в особі прем'єр-міністра Беніто Муссоліні).Розглянуто так зване «Римське питання» – про статус Ватикану після розпаду Папської держави у 1870 році та історично-політичні передумови укладення Латеранських угод, що нарешті розв'язали його.Висвітлено особливості укладення, структуру (договір, фінансова конвенція і конкордат) та основний зміст Латеранських угод. Охарактеризовано політичний договір як одну із трьох частин Латеранських угод, яка юридично закріпила державний статус Ватикану. Фактично, за Латеранськими угодами, папа Римський визнав Рим як осідок італійського уряду, натомість італійський уряд гарантував політичний і територіальний суверенітет Ватикану, а Святому Престолу – виняткову і необмежену владу та юрисдикцію над Ватика­ном. Фінансова конвенція вирішувала питання компенсації Святому Престолу втрат у зв'язку з ліквідацією Папської області. Конкордат регулював відносини між Римо-католиць­кою церквою та Італійською державою.

У статті на прикладі теократичних ідей Августина Блаженного показано, що політична думка в епоху Середньовіччя була тісно пов'язана з теологією. Обґрунтовується, що головним принципом середньовічної політичної думки, що знайшов своє найбільше вираження у XIII ст., є теократизм, перевага вищої цінності – Бога – над ідеями і держави, і особистості, узятих як цінності. Доводиться, що теократичний принцип, по-своєму сформульований і обґрунтований у вченні Августина, поступово затверджувався й у практичному житті разом зі зміцненням церковної організації. ; В статье на примере теократических идей Августина Блаженного показано, что политическая мысль в эпоху Средневековья была тесно связана с теологией. Обосновывается, что главным принципом средневековой политической мысли, нашедшим свое наибольшее выражение в XIII в., является теократизм, преимущество высшей ценности – Бога – над идеями и государства, и личности, взятых как ценности. Доказывается, что теократический принцип, по-своему сформулированный и обоснованный в учении Августина, постепенно утверждался и в практической жизни вместе с укреплением церковной организации. ; In the article it is illustrated by theocratic ideas of St. Augustine that the political thought in the Middle Ages was closely connected with theology. According to Augustine the course of human history is determined by Divine Providence and is a struggle between Good and Evil. Deity is just a source of goodness, the evil emerges of free will of a human. In accordance with the struggle between Good and Evil the World History is divided into two directions: God 's believers build the City of God, Satan's followers build secular terrestrial State. In his teachings of two Cities Augustine comes out of the theory of the unity of the human being. He explains that the main principle of the political thought of the Middle Ages which has been reflected in the XIII century is theocracy, superiority of supreme value – God – over the ideas of government and identity embraced as values. Augustine emphasized that all kingdoms on Earth are under the authority of God. Augustine tried to distinguish between the running of the country from the point of view of Christian governor and usual terrestrial lords. In terms of the City of God the happiness of the lords consists in that they rule for a long while, die a natural death transferring power to sons, to conquer the enemy countries, to placate or avoid rebellions. Another matter is mission and responsibilities of the Christian emperors which belong to the Kingdom of God. Augustine said we call them happy if they rule fair, fear and worship God, use the power to widespread respect for God and serving His Majesty.It is noted that Augustine attributed to the Christian rulers such qualities as modesty in the manner, a desire to rule over bad inclinations rather than the heathen, offering sacrifices of humility for the sins to God, repentance and prayer. Augustine sure that those people who are truly pious and lead a Christian life, should master the art of managing nations. If by the grace of God they get power, it would be the best for mankind. It is proved, that the theocratic principle, that was, in its own way, formulated and justified in the teachings of Augustine, was being gradually approved in practical life, along with the strengthening of the church. Was analyzed the condition of papal power in the Middle Ages. During this period in a sense in the medieval Holy Roman Empire embodied theologically understandable state model of Augustine. This is a Christian nation that is at the same time a secular state. Inevitable inconsistencies of secular and Christian elements of this kind of state led to difficulties, namely, to the constant struggle between the Emperor and the Pope, that took place with varying success. Widespread in the Middle Ages got another image, that is known as the theory of two swords. The sword symbolized power. The theory of two swords is known in different interpretations. In the interpretation of the church, Christ gives to spiritual (church) leader two swords as symbols of spiritual and secular power. And the spiritual lord himself, gives one of the swords to the secular ruler and therefore has superiority over him.

This book brings together the key scholars in the international practice debate to demonstrate its strengths as an innovative research perspective. The contributions show the benefit of practice theories in the study of phenomena in international security, international political economy and international organisation, by directing attention to concrete and observable everyday practices that shape international outcomes. The chapters exemplify the cross-overs and relations to other theoretical approaches, and thereby establish practice theories as a distinct IR perspective. Each chapter investigates a key concept that plays an important role in international relations theory, such as power, norms, knowledge, change or cognition. Taken together, the authors make a strong case that practice theories allow to ask new questions, direct attention to uncommon empirical material, and reach different conclusions about international relations phenomena. The book is a must read for anyone interested in recent international relations theory and the actual practices of doing global politics.

Under what conditions would authoritarian rulers be interested in the rule of law? What type of rule of law exists in authoritarian regimes? How do authoritarian rulers promote the rule of law without threatening their grip on power? Tying the Autocrat's Hands answers these questions by examining legal reforms in China. Yuhua Wang develops a demand-side theory arguing that authoritarian rulers will respect the rule of law when they need the cooperation of organized interest groups that control valuable and mobile assets but are not politically connected. He also defines the rule of law that exists in authoritarian regimes as a partial form of the rule of law, in which judicial fairness is respected in the commercial realm but not in the political realm. Tying the Autocrat's Hands demonstrates that the rule of law is better enforced in regions with a large number of foreign investors but less so in regions heavily invested in by Chinese investors