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The article reflects on the ways in which it is still possible to engage with the iconic figure of Nelson Mandela, following his death in 2013 and the apparently definitive hagiographic profiles published by himself, by his biographers and a number of cultural historians. The aim is to inquire whether there are still stories that may be told about Mandela that we have not heard before, or that may be retold from alternative angles, and to intercept signs of his undergoing interventions of historical, biographical or political revision. The article argues that literature and the arts are producing new ways of 'reading' and 'seeing' Mandela, and it analyzes his appearance in a recent documentary by Rehad Desai, Miners Shot Down (Uhuru Productions, 2014), which is about the massacre that took place at the Lonmin platinum mine in Marikana, South Africa, on 16th August 2012. Besides being a precious record of history in the making, the film is a unique exploration of the collusion of local and global economic and political interests governing South Africa in the current phase. The film pits the Marikana story against the rainbow nation's 'democratic' narrative, and goes a long way towards deconstructing the monumental historical frame which has Mandela at its core, thus initiating a process of revision of the myth, if not yet of the man. Miners Shot Down substantiates what Mark Gevisser observed at the turn of the last decade, that in contemporary South Africa there exists a widespread awareness that "the Mandela years had been the era of the dream", the following presidency of Thabo Mbeki were the years "of the dream deferred", and the present is "a time beyond dreams" (Gevisser 2009: 320). The film registers the betrayal of the dream in this time beyond dreams, where something like Marikana could happen, and joins hands with a great tradition of South African films – such as Chris Curling and Pascoe Macfarlane's Last Grave at Dimbaza (1974), Betty Wolpert's Awake from Mourning (1981) and Lindy Wilson's Last Supper at Horstley Street (1983) and Gugulethu Seven (2000) – which successfully combine social observation, historical research, and political commentary.

Disclosed Augustine intentions of individual and collective synchronization in the area of policy. In order to harmonize the contradictions of individual and collective approach to improving and theologian offered a number of social and political concepts. He advised, despite the sinful nature of the state, actively using it in the common cause of salvation. In this case, consider the fact that the state is complex onto-social phenomenon that exists in the dynamics, which changes its nature depending on the historical processes and goals change all its social components. St. Augustine considered the nature of the state from all sides - it can be a bunch of thieves, contractual association of social institutions, providing peace and improvement of citizens; serves as a hierarchical and ordered integrity, force provides a stable level of cohabitation foolish subordinates; and finally a political space of the design and implementation of the will of God chosen between the king and the people. However, the defined features of the state, for the theologian is transcendental manifestations of harmonization and intrinsic aspirations of individuals and the collective, historically the established in the earthly existence.Improving the political realm for St. Augustine is a matter of individual - those who have received rulers the gift of illumination. This concept was the basis of the theory in the Middle Ages pastoral state, the idea of a single "social body", where the king played a key communicator will of the Creator and the church. Along with this theologian did not deny the possibility of diverse associations and virtuous people to actively intervene in the affairs of states and coordinate its true purpose. ; В статье раскрываются интенции св. Августина в вопросе синхронизации индивидуального и коллективного в области политического. Для гармонизации противоречий индивидуального и коллективного и приближения к добродетельному усовершенствованию богослов предлагал ряд государственных концептов. Он рекомендовал, несмотря на греховную природу государства, научиться использовать ее в общем деле приближения к Граду Божьему. ; У статті розкриваються Августинові інтенції синхронізації індивідуального і колективного в царині політичного. Для гармонізації протиріч індивідуального і колективного та наближення до доброчесного вдосконалення богослов пропонував ряд державницьких концептів. Він радив, незважаючи на гріховну природу державної влади, навчитися використовувати її в спільній справі наближення до Граду Божого.

The problematic issue of the Directory agricultural policy coverage is researched nowadays in the way of overcoming stereotypes which were formed in the Marxist historiography concerning Ukrainian agrarian relations in 1917 – 1921. The initial information on the agricultural policy and peasants' insurgencies during the period of the Directory was delivered by the Kharkiv-based Litopys Revoliutsii Journal founded in 1922. The researchers of the journal considered the unsolved agrarian issue to be the major driving force of the insurgencies. Also they believed that in the final count the UNR Directory policy was aimed at preserving of the landowner property. Throughout 1920s – 1930s Soviet historians basically dwelled on the issues related to the local councils (soviets) and Committees of Poor Peasants (kombeds) activities to eliminate "non-labour" landowning and creation of collective farms. Incidentally the Directory land laws were analysed and interpreted by Soviet historians as such that had been developed for the benefit of affluent farmers who had been considered the UNR social basis and its army reserve. The 1940s – 1950s saw the Soviet power agricultural policy reflected in the works by the Ukrainian historians as a constituent part of the political project known as the union of the working class with peasantry. So, the political, social, and legal aspects of the agrarian relations, particularly the criticism of the UNR Directory land reforms, were dependent of the Soviet historiography class paradigm. In the 1950s – 1980s Soviet historians actively utilised materials from the periodical press, central and local archives, and thus managed to introduce numerous facts into scientific use. The interpretation of the Ukrainian village social and economic processes was extended though Directory's land laws and agricultural policy wasn't given any considerable coverage. The Directory's agricultural policy was not well-defined in the Soviet Ukrainian historiography as a subject of research. Although its study reveals the acuteness of the land issue, estimate the political forces strategies in their fight for the influence on peasantry, establish the reasons of the Directory's agricultural policy failure as evaluated by the opposing side. ; У статті висвітлено проблеми потрактування земельної політики Директорії Української Народної Республіки 1918 – 1920 рр. у працях радянських істориків. Акцентується увага на методологічних основах досліджень українських учених та їх практичному значенні.

In the aftermath of Cold War, the system of United Nations (UN) Peace Missions assumed new proportions, by adjusting the nature of political developments, which characterized the international relations stage in this period. In the peace-keeping agenda of these missions, special focus was given to issues related to "international state-building" in the post-conflict situations, as well as attempts to prevent and manage consequences of the state's failure. In pursuit of these goals and as part of this agenda, it is believed that liberal western values, especially as part of the "liberal peace thesis", have become ever more widespread and commonplace. The models of state-building, according to this thesis, include combination of values of liberal democracy and principles of the market economy, as precondition to overall social development, which would contribute to long-term peace. According to this conception According to this conception, it is clear that the transitional process from war to peace and that of state-building, in addition to the political dimensions, also has significant economic dimensions. Therefore, the authors of this study are focused on and aim to analyze and explain the role the economic sector plays in the construction and functioning of the state system in a post-conflict society, as is the case of Kosovo. At the contextual level, the study consists of understanding the role played by UNMIK, as international administration, in the direction of this sector. One part of the study is dedicated to analysing immediate and long-term strategies and approaches of the peacekeeping mission, aimed at reconstruction, i.e. the development of the economic sector from scratch, which would impact directly and indirectly on the creation of an enabling socio-political environment for a lasting peace. But the rest of the study focuses on macroeconomic indicators such as GDP level, monetary policy, as well as import and export situation (trade balance, which realistically reflects the current status of economic development in Kosovo, as well as for measuring the gap between the expected targets and achieved concrete results. This means that these indicators reflect the degree of success or failure of the mission in relation to the fulfillment of this objective. Finally, by analysing the previous and current results, we will try to explain development trends of Kosovo's economy in the short-term.

Сравнительный анализ гражданской идентичности в России и Украине показывает ее зависимость от особенностей политического процесса, степени выраженности социокультурных расколов и социоэкономической дифференциации, а также от эффективности государства. В России, несмотря на ее социокультурную разнородность, в нулевых годах сложился базовый консенсус относительно роли государства, фигуры президента и отчасти политического курса. В результате здесь уровень гражданской идентичности существенно превышает уровень региональной и местной идентичности. При этом в так называемых русских регионах гражданская и локальная идентичности уже не конкурируют, как это было в 1990-х гг. Для гражданской идентичности в России последствия кризиса в Украине и присоединения Крыма, а также конфронтации с Западом скорее всего будут иметь краткосрочный позитивный эффект. В Украине гражданская идентичность выражена более слабо из-за наличия социокультурных расколов (центр, юго-восток и запад), нестабильности политического курса и низкой эффективности государства. Утрата Крыма означает для Украины достаточно ощутимое уменьшение доли нелояльного к концепту украинской гражданской (и этнической) идентичности населения. Но геополитическая и социально-экономическая нестабильность в Украине не позволяет новой власти использовать противостояние с Россией в интересах общенациональной консолидации.Comparative analysis of civil identity in Russia and Ukraine shows its dependence on the characteristics of the political process, the severity of social and cultural schisms and socio-economic differentiation, as well as on the effectiveness of the state activities. In Russia, despite its socio-cultural diversity in the 2000s, a basic consensus on the role of the state, the figure of the President and, in part, the political course was formed. As a result, the level of civil identity significantly exceeds the level of regional and local ones. In so called Russian regions civic and local identity no longer compete, as it was in the 1990s. The consequences of the crisis in Ukraine and affiliation of Crimea, as well as confrontation with the West will have likely a short-term positive effect for civil identity in Russia. In Ukraine civil identity is more weakly expressed due to social and cultural schisms (centre, south-east and west), instability of political course and low efficiency of the state. The loss of Crimea means for Ukraine quite noticeable decreases population disloyal to the concept of Ukrainian civil (and ethnic) identity. But the geopolitical and social and economic instability in Ukraine does not allow the new government using confrontation with Russia in the interests of national consolidation.

ABSTRACT: The notion of participation is closely linked to that of power. Popular participation and action are synonymous in democratic politics. Hence the popular action in a democratic state, always be the possibility that popular sovereignty can be really exercised. Thus, from the theoretical field it can be said that participation is an action through which social actors involved (or participate) in the overall course of social or political processes to assert their interests or to generate a collective consensus in the social and political fabric. This ability to intervene and influence, of establishing a relationship of power in interaction with other social actors. The intervention therefore constitutes the most direct and elementary form of social participation, is, briefly speaking, the concrete form as a social actor interacts with all stakeholders of society (including the state, obviously). So, then, say participation is able to impose or to agree on a political or social logic determined by a ratio of powers. Since an inverse reflection chosen by me, Laswell said: "Power is the participation in decision-making". ; RESUMEN: La noción de participación está estrechamente ligada a la de poder. Participación y acción popular son sinónimos en la política democrática. De ahí que la acción popular, en un Estado democrático, sea siempre la posibilidad de que la soberanía popular pueda ser ejercida realmente. Así, desde el campo teórico se puede afirmar que la participación es una acción a través de la cual los actores sociales intervienen (o toman parte) en el curso global de los procesos sociales o políticos para hacer valer sus intereses o para generar un consenso colectivo en la trama social o política. Esta capacidad de intervenir y de incidir, supone establecer una relación de poder en interacción con otros actores sociales. La intervención constituye pues, la forma más directa y elemental de participación social, es, sucintamente hablando, la forma concreta como un actor social interactúa con el conjunto de actores sociales de la sociedad (incluido el Estado, obviamente). Así, entonces, decir participación es decir capacidad para imponer o para consensuar una determinada lógica política o social en una relación de poderes. Desde una reflexión inversa a la escogida por mí, Laswell ha dicho: "Poder es la participación en la adopción de las decisiones".

Даются ответы на вопросы, почему политический диалог между Россией и Эстонией, не существующий сегодня, едва ли возникнет в ближайшие пять лет, а также почему Эстония может за этот период утратить свое значение для российской внешнеполитической риторики и российских средств массовой информации. Все выводы сделаны в соответствии с прогнозом изменения места Эстонии во внешней политике России на среднесрочную перспективу, рассчитанным по методологии сценарного политического прогнозирования, согласно которой современные методы политического прогнозирования позволяют делать выводы не о будущих состояниях элементов политического мира, а лишь о тенденциях их развития, получивших название «сценарии». Рассматриваются четыре возможных сценария изменения места Эстонии во внешней политике России, оценивается их привлекательность с точки зрения развития российско-эстонских отношений, а также указываются факторы, влияющие на вероятность реализации каждого из сценариев. Показывается, что место Эстонии во внешней политике России зависит не только от конкретных действий эстонской элиты, например по изменению позиции в вопросе участия российских соотечественников в демократическом процессе принятия решений в Эстонии или в оценке спорных событий прошлого, но и от того, какое значение будет придано этим действиям российской элитой. ; This article shows why the non-existent political dialogue between Russia and Estonia will hardly develop in the next five years and why Estonia can lose its significance for the Russian foreign policy rhetoric and Russian mass media. This conclusion is drawn from a medium-term forecast about the changing role of Estonia in Russian foreign policy. The forecast is based on the scenario methodology, which suggests that the modern means of political forecasting make it possible to make conclusions not about the future states of political phenomena, but rather about the trends of current states, which are called scenarios. The article describes the four possible scenarios of changes in the role of Estonia in Russian foreign policy that are evaluated from the perspective of the development of Russian-Estonian relations and factors affecting the probability of each scenario. It is shown that any change in the role of Estonia in Russian foreign policy depends not only on the specific actions of the Estonian elite, for example their readiness to change their position on the participation of Russian-speaking population in the democratic decision-making process or the evaluation of controversial events of the past, but also on the meaning that will be attached to these actions by the Russian elite.

Using oral interviews, archival documents and a review of literature, this paper explores the 1960s colonial relocation of black people in Namibia from the Kavango River villages to Nkarapamwe Black Township in Rundu. The paper considers the relevance of the political situation in Namibia at that time, specifically the political insecurity situation along the Kavango River as part of the factors that led to the relocation. The aim is to analyze why people refused to move to the township and what strategies the colonial state used to achieve its objectives of relocation and how the relocation impacted on the economic and social aspects of the community. In the case of the riverside villages in Rundu, the motives for relocation were political in nature to monitor the ongoing frontal war by SWAPO along the Kavango River and although the authorities gave other benign reasons for relocation people hardly found them convincing and discerned their own reasons for being relocated. People initially refused to be relocated because they believed and feared rightly so that the houses in the new township were too small for their family and cultural practices and that they would have no ownership of the house and they would be compelled to pay for all costs of developments in the new black township. While some people moved voluntarily to Nkarapamwe Township in 1968 there are indications that the relocation was a force to many who had initially refused to move but were eventually forced to do so by the threat of having their homesteads burned and losing their jobs. The naming of their community by a proverbial name Nkarapamwe asserted the residents' desire to work closely together to avoid bringing each other into trouble or disrepute with the township administration officials. The paper asserts that relocation impacted negatively on people's economic aspects as it meant finding ways to recover costs of their loss of properties. Equally, it impacted on the people's social aspects as old interpersonal relations and social structure were irretrievably destroyed. This case study is significant as it provide an example of colonial relocation which can be a lesson to the post-colonial township authorities in Namibia on how relocation impacts on people and why authorities should become more considerate of community plights before, during and after relocation process.

The existence of characters in Joyce's dream world of Finnegans Wake rarely proves their singular presence in the text. As readers we are led to incorporate different characters into our interpretation of any one character; the temporal and historical circularity of the Wake is then personified in a whirlpool of characterization. Comprising both the motion and consistency of this whirlpool, Anna Livia is most certainly the nexus of activity for the otherwise sleepy Earwicker narrative. Yet, recognizing the textual motion of both the character and concept of ALP, (or even simply the potential for signifying motion within the text) as the imperative force of the Wake destabilizes the relationship between reader and text and redefines the way we generate meaning, the way we read, analyze and write. The experience of such recognition can often be uncomfortable; Joyce's evocation of textual nonlinearity within the Wake is intensely present for the reader in a way that it is not in many other twentieth-century novels, especially in its embodiment of both the political history of Ireland and the aesthetics of that history. In the discussion that follows, I will suggest that the discomfort of reading the Wake is a generative process that typifies not only the function of writing and why we continue to write about books like Finnegans Wake, but also the interminable continuation of the discursive archive, which manifests in the Wake as both a reproductive, memorializing motion and an impotent, often destructive representation of memory. I employ the concept of archive in this reading to signify not only the literal collection of information in the Wake, but, more importantly, the powerful aesthetic experience that the consumption of that information may engender. As Carolyn Steedman articulates, this experience is at once historical, linguistic, and political: "In a proper and expanded definition of 'archive' this system of recording (listing in particular), storage and retrieval, is an aspect of the history of written language, and the politics of that history." Joyce's text, particularly in the Anna Livia chapter, embodies simultaneity both in its story, riddled with the dreaming language of portmanteau, and in its engagement with the very system that lends order to all forms of storytelling, historical, political, or otherwise: the archive.

В статье анализируется понятие глобального гражданского общества, действие актёров глобального гражданского общества, рассматриваются причины и формы гражданского сопротивления власти в условиях глобализации; идея влияния виртуальных социальных сетей на развитие гражданского сопротивления власти как тенденции развития глобального гражданского общества. Актуальность выбранной темы объясняется разными тенденциями развития, среди которых обострение социально-политической ситуации в государствах Северной Африки и Ближнего Востока, кризис мультикультурализма в государствах Европейского Союза, обострение социально-экономической и политической жизни в Украине. Главная цель статьи выявление форм реализации гражданского сопротивления власти неолиберальному капитализму, анализ роли виртуальных сетей в организации гражданского сопротивления. Делается вывод, что в условиях гражданского общества формируются тенденции к гражданскому сопротивлению, которые вызваны преимуществами глобализации только для развития транснациональных корпораций, влиятельных международных организаций, которые усиливают пропасть в развитии между государствами богатого Севера и бедного Юга. Феномен «твиттерных и фейсбук революций», процессы информатизации глобального гражданского общества являются важной современной тенденцией формирования гражданской ответственности народа перед властью в условиях политического, социально-экономического, культурного кризиса. ; This article analyzes the concept of global civil society action actors of global civil society, discusses the reasons and forms of civil resistance against the authorities in the context of globalization, the idea of the impact of virtual social networks on the development of civil resistance against the authorities as development trend of global civil society. Relevance of the topic chosen due to different trends in the development, among them worsening socio-political situation in North Africa and the Middle East crisis in the European Union countries, worsening social, economic and political life in Ukraine. The main objective of the article revealing forms of realization of civil resistance to the authority of neoliberal capitalism, the analysis of the role of virtual networks in civil resistance. It is concluded that in the context of civil society formed tendency to civil resistance, which are caused by globalization benefits only for the development of transnational corporations, influential international organizations that enhance the development of the gulf between the rich countries of the North and the poor South. The phenomenon of "Twitter and Facebook revolutions" informatization processes of global civil society are important modern trend of formation of civil responsibility of the people to the authorities in the face of political, socio-economic and cultural crisis.

Описаны религиозно-реформаторские, политические и социально-реформаторские толкования идей «Бхагавадгиты», предложенные М.К. Ганди. Мыслитель продолжает традицию неортодоксального толкования текстов, возникшую в эпоху Индийского Ренессанса. Герменевтика священного текста у Ганди показана как попытка обнаружить её изначальные духовные смыслы для обоснования взаимосвязи религиозной и социальной практики, в том числе его концепции сатьяграхи. ; Religious-reformist, political and social-reformist interpretations of Bhagavadgita's ideas by M. K. Gandhi are presented in the article. The thinker continues the Indian Renaissance's tradition of unorthodox interpretation of scriptures, connected with the process of rethinking Indian religious and cultural legacy as a Response to the Western challenge (A. J. Toynbee). Gandhi's hermeneutics of sacred texts is shown as an attempt to discover original spiritual meaning of the scripture, which was lost or distorted by multitude of interpretations. Gandhi denies the brahman monopoly for interpretation of scriptures and gives heterodox and original treating of Bhagavadgita. It is expressed in the presenting of the poem's plot as the grand allegory, which symbolical depicts man existence in the world. The philosopher denies both historicity of the Kurukshetra combat and traditional Hindu avatara doctrine. According to Gandhi, deep non-violent meaning of Bhagavadgita is hidden behind description of war in the external part of the plot. Author of the article presents this idea as free from contradictory and proves such vision as in compliance with Gandhi's soteriological views. Author suggests, that the soteriological idea is the main plot of Gandhi's social-philosophical consideration. According to Gandhi's allegorical interpretations of the poem, the main value of Bhagavadgita's ideas is in the symbolical ground of human life vanity and offering paths to escape this limited empirical reality. Social and political development of country are comprehended by Gandhi in his comments on Bhagavadgita as both a condition and a natural result of society's movement to the main goal realization of Divine. According to this approach to the Gandhi's philosophy, his social-philosophical conception is presented as anti-Utopian in it's foundation and Gandhi himself as a realistic philosopher. Ideas in Gandhi's comments on Bhagavadgita are the organic part of his satyagraha conception. Its practical value are connected with his political and social-reformist activities. Gandhi treats to Bhagavadgita ideas for grounding his non-cooperation movement (in the beginning of 1920 th) and struggle against social unequality, un-touchability and oppression of women.

La biodiversidad cultivada es un elemento clave para la conservación de agroecosistemas sostenibles que debe abordarse tanto desde una perspectiva ecológica como también desde una perspectiva social. Ambos componentes, natural y social, se conjugan coevolutivamente para dar como resultado una amplitud de sistemas agrarios diversos y adaptados a las condiciones locales de los lugares de asentamiento de las poblaciones. Sin embargo, factores técnicos, económicos, sociales y políticos han tenido gran influencia en la grave erosión de las diferentes diversidades que componen los agroecosistemas. La cuestión de la conservación no debe ser solo técnica; la complejidad funcional y estructural de los sistemas agrarios conlleva tener en cuenta los componentes sociales y políticos que soportan dicha complejidad. Sin ellos, se corre el riesgo de enfocar la problemática de la conservación desde una perspectiva reduccionista que atomice los elementos del sistema y que no genere soluciones integradoras. Se trata de pasar a otra propuesta de abordaje científico que acepte la diversidad de conocimientos y el diálogo de saberes y que integre las dimensiones ecológica, sociocultural y política: la Agroecología. ; Crop biodiversity is a key element in the design and conservation of sustainable agroecosystems. It must be raised under an ecological and a social perspective. Both the natural and the social crop biodiversity components interact in a coevolutionary process. The results of this coevolution are the vast number of agrarian and diversified systems, which are adapted to the local conditions where human settlements are established. However, technical, economic, social and political factors have influenced the enormous degradation of these vast number of diversified agroecosystems. In this regard, the biodiversity conservation must not be raised only under a technical perspective. The functional and structural complexity of the agrarian systems takes into account both social and political components, that have a very important influence in this complexity. If not, we run the risk of considering the conservation issue under a reductionist perspective. It will entrain the atomisation of the system elements and partial solutions. We propose to build solutions under a scientific perspective that, on the one hand, accept the diversity and validity of different epistemological approaches and, consequently, a knowledge dialogue; and on the other hand, integrate the three dimensions: the ecological, the social and de political/cultural. This scientific approach is proposed to be the Agroecology.

Dynamic Linear Models are a state space model framework based on the Kalman filter. We use this framework to do seasonal adjustments of empirical and artificial data. A simple model and an extended model based on Gibbs sampling are used and the results are compared with the results of a standard seasonal adjustment method. The state space approach is then extended to discuss direct and indirect seasonal adjustments. This is achieved by applying a seasonal level model with no trend and some specific input variances that render different signal-to-noise ratios. This is illustrated for a system consisting of two artificial time series. Relative efficiencies between direct, indirect and multivariate, i.e. optimal, variances are then analyzed. In practice, standard seasonal adjustment packages do not support optimal/multivariate seasonal adjustments, so a univariate approach to simultaneous estimation is presented by specifying a Holt-Winters exponential smoothing method. This is applied to two sets of time series systems by defining a total loss function that is specified with a trade-off weight between the individual series' loss functions and their aggregate loss function. The loss function is based on either the more conventional squared errors loss or on a robust Huber loss. The exponential decay parameters are then estimated by minimizing the total loss function for different trade-off weights. It is then concluded what approach, direct or indirect seasonal adjustment, is to be preferred for the two time series systems. The dynamic linear modeling approach is also applied to Swedish political opinion polls to assert the true underlying political opinion when there are several polls, with potential design effects and bias, observed at non-equidistant time points. A Wiener process model is used to model the change in the proportion of voters supporting either a specific party or a party block. Similar to stock market models, all available (political) information is assumed to be capitalized in the poll results and is incorporated in the model by assimilating opinion poll results with the model through Bayesian updating of the posterior distribution. Based on the results, we are able to assess the true underlying voter proportion and additionally predict the elections. ; At the time of doctoral defence the following papers were unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 3: Manuscript; Paper 4: Manuscripts

В отечественных и зарубежных политологических исследованиях за последние годы значительно возросло число научных трудов, касающихся влияния интернет-среды и новых медиасредств на актуальную политику. В них в основном обсуждаются проблемы трансформации электоральной системы в развивающейся медиасреде, механизмов самоорганизации общества и развития гражданской идентичности по коммуникационным сетям, а также вопросы разгосударствления и распределения властных ресурсов среди отдельных групп общества. В данной статье на основе сравнительного анализа рассматривается двойственная природа распространенных подходов к воздействию медиасреды на политические процессы и на примере актуальных событий в западных странах и арабском мире исследуются мобилизационные, интегрирующие, демократизирующие и интервенционные возможности современной медиасреды. Также анализируется практика применений новых медиасредств со стороны стран-лидеров в информационно-коммуникационном пространстве в качестве инструментов осуществления стратегии «мягкой силы» на национальном и международном уровнях. По результатам исследования авторы приходят к выводам, что в современном мире функциональный аппарат Интернета, несмотря на архитектурную открытость и безграничный социально-политический потенциал, ограничен деятельностью медиаэлит, что препятствует подлинному гражданскому участию, а преждевременно объявленный демократизирующий характер медиасреды ослаблен коммерциализацией и консьюмеризацией медиапространства. Более того, часто используемая категория обратной связи в качестве важнейшего мобилизационного инструмента носит ситуационно-событийный характер и имеет краткосрочное воздействие на формирование общественно-политических взглядов. ; In the given article on the basis of comparative analysis is studied the dual nature of the widespread approaches to influence of media sphere upon political processes by the example of actual events in western countries and Arab world. The authors investigate mobilization, integration, democratization and intervention capabilities of the modern media sphere. The practices of application of the new media means by the leading countries as specific tools of soft power strategies at national and international levels have been thoroughly analyzed in the article. The authors come to conclusion that in the modern world the functional apparatus of the Internet despite it architectural openness and infinite socio-political potential is limited by the activities of media elites that hinder true civil participation. Untimely proclaimed democratic character of media sphere is weaken by commercialization and consumerism of media space. The category of "feedback" as an important mobilization tool has situational character and has the short-term impact upon political views and perceptions.

Анализируется политика советских властей в области высшего и среднего технического образования по проведению реформы 1928-1929 гг. на примере нового промышленного района Средней Волги. Отсутствие в нем технических учебных заведений до 1930-х гг. и решительные действия региональных властей в этой сфере способствовали радикализации методов проведения реформы. Минимизация требований к абитуриентам, примитивизация процесса обучения, острая нехватка научно-педагогических кадров, максимальное сокращение сроков обучения привели к катастрофическому падению качества подготовки инженеров того времени. ; This article analyzes Stalin's policy on higher technical education during the Great Break in the Middle Volga — a new industrial region. The goal of the educational reform of 1928—1929 was not only to cover the massive deficit of qualified technicians and managers in quickly growing Soviet industry, but also to transform the social and political structure of that professional group. This policy opened the possibilities to make managerial career for many undereducated but politically loyal workers. The total absence of higher technical schools in the Middle Volga before the 1930s and frantic activities of the regional powers in this sphere were responsible for radicalizing the mechanisms of the reform. During two years (1930-1931) in the Middle Volga eleven higher and thirty one secondary technical schools were founded without any scientific, pedagogical and material resources. The number of the students skyrocketed. The situation was complicated by minimizing admission requirements and reducing the education period. As in the whole country, in the Middle Volga technical schools the radical simplification of the learning process was observed. The traditional lectures were replaced by the brigade-laboratory method without any real individual control of education quality and quality theoretical education. The huge deficit of scientists and professors was compensated by engaging the engineers from local industrial enterprises and even school teachers. The great downgrading of professional skills of engineers in the 1930s was the main result of this educational experiment. It was so obvious that the Soviet government began a counter-reform of the higher education system four years after the start of the reform. It was the return to the traditional principles of higher education. But the main social result of that radical experiment was that in the Soviet Russia a new generation of engineers with working-class roots, great political loyalty to Stalin's régime, and new specific technical culture appeared. A great political future was reserved for them.