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From this prevailing of the political character of the Sicilian question and from the ambiguous mix of purported scientific analysis and ideological instrumentalization, between militant research and moral denunciation, the sacrifice of the history of Sicily was consumed for the benefit of history of ideas and imagery about Sicily. This certainly does not want to delegitimize the wealth of knowledge accumulated by a long intellectual tradition, which sometimes expressed important civil and political concerns, as much as recovering and giving historical depth to a history that has been more a subject of controversy than a field of investigation

Раздел I. Когнитивно-дискурсивные аспекты вербальной коммуникации: параметры, стратегии и тактики дискурса ; Политический дискурс – это, главным образом, предвыборный дискурс. Во время предвыборной кампании политические партии прибегают к использованию в своих программах разнообразных лингвистических стратегий и тактик с целью увеличения количества своих избирателей. В статье рассматриваются способы аргументации и манипуляции в испанском предвыборном дискурсе. ; Political discourse is mainly electoral discourse. During the election campaign, political parties resort to using a variety of linguistic strategies and tactics in their programs to increase the number of their voters. The article discusses the ways of argumentation and manipulation in the Spanish election discourse.

This article stages an encounter between contemporary vitalist thought and the work of the controversial zoologist turned political geographer Friedrich Ratzel (1844–1904). The remarkable degree of congruence between Ratzel's ideas and contemporary more-than-human geography, I argue, opens up crucial questions about vitalism as a political project. A discussion of Ratzel's concept and personal experience of war brings into sharp focus a number of problems in the academic language used by vitalism to blur the boundary between nature and society. The article concludes by suggesting that vitalism should pay closer attention to its own place in the history of modern biopolitical thought.

This study examines how American newspapers made sense of the issue of fake news. By analysing newspaper editorials and considering the problem of fake news as a critical incident confronting journalism, this study found that news organizations in the US recognize fake news as a social problem while acknowledging the challenge in defining it. They generally considered fake news as a social media phenomenon thriving on political polarization driven by mostly ideological, but sometimes also financial, motivations. Therefore, they assigned blame for the rise of fake news to the current political environment, to technological platforms Google and Facebook, and to audiences.

This paper attempts to explore some of these issues in the context of national, regional and global geo-political shifts that are influencing Sri Lanka's economic and political ties with China. Section 2 provides a background to Sri Lanka's historic economic and geo-strategic relations with China; Section 3 sets out the main elements of the BRI and Sri Lanka's key related engagements with it; Section 4 addresses the contentious issue of China's role in Sri Lanka's growing foreign debt overhang; Section 5 looks at more recent developments of broader economic engagements via the BRI, and; Section 6 concludes with some policy recommendations.

In recent years, an increasing number of researchers have examined the early history of Argentine socialism. There is still much to be done, however, to analyze in more detail the degree of political and organizational penetration of the Socialist Party in different parts of the country. The goal of this article is to map the spatial distribution of the socialist political centers in the Argentine territory in the period 1894-1910. To do so, the article collects data provided by the party press regarding the location of the socialist centers, systematizes that information in a database and shows those results in a series of maps.

This paper argues that the jihādi ideology draws upon the authentic and normative traditionalist salafi epistemology, which provides a moral and theological justification for militant jihād. In the current climate of political unrest and conflicts in the Middle East, maintaining a nexus between jihād and authentic Islam is crucial for traditionalist salafism in pursuit of authority, relevance and political interests. Through the misappropriation of the Meccan-Medinan trajectory and the concepts of nasẖ (abrogation) and ʾijmāʿ (consensus), the input of salafi scholars and preachers revitalizes the discourse around militant jihād as a legitimate vehicle for change and consequently propels jihādi ideology forward.

The political failure of China's first independent regulator in a strategic industry - the State Electricity Regulatory Commission (SERC), 2002-2013 - provides a natural experiment to uncover fundamental challenges to a gradualist approach to electricity market formation. Taking a political institutional approach, we show that while it was largely predictable that the breakup of the monopolistic power industry in 2002 created bureaucratic and corporate interests that would undercut the institutional role of SERC, subsequent difficulties in reforming electricity pricing, dispatch system, and integrating renewable energy sources strongly suggests that a central regulatory body would be necessary to lead a decisive transition to a market-based electricity market.

The paper discusses the Catholic Reform as a period of change in the Roman Catholic Church in the 16th and 17th centuries, which opposed the Reformation, and which contained a symbiosis of religion and politics. On the path of consolidation, the Roman Catholic Church did not opt for a gospel approach, and therefore implemented a significant part of its measures precisely through political means, which were sometimes aggressive and at times sophisticated. Significant aspects of the Reform were closer to political action than internal reconstruction and reorganization, with such measures the Roman Catholic Church sought to consolidate and protect against Protestantism.

The global burden of mortality and morbidity attributable to noncommunicable diseases (NCDs) now exceeds that of infectious disease. Yet, concern is mounting that global political prioritisation and action have stalled. The failure of NCDs to capture public and political imaginations has been ascribed to a number of reasons, with some recently contending that the very name of the disease classification is to blame. In this piece, I reflect critically on why discourse about NCDs has not compelled global action proportionate to the magnitude of the suffering these diseases cause. Failure to act on NCDs, I argue, is not a failure of terminology alone.

Local governments had to respond to the challenges of the dynamically changing environment. A key element of the rapid adaptation lies in the right leadership. The local governments also recognized that the traditional management principles are found not to be effective in today's economic, political and social challenges. The employees of the organizations are successful in the attainment of leadership, which are planning the next year, performance-based, as well as the leading is diplomatic, charismatic-development, group integrators. The investigated local governments' middle level leaders believe that in the current economic and political situation only those organizations able to keep up, which emphasize the trans-formal leadership.

Our societies of fear go along with an increase of populist movements in politics. This article explains the basics of populism and shows howeasily it joins highly likely political friend-enemy patterns. Anthropologically, we have to deal with parochial altruism undergirded by a static type of religion. A further step deals with the relationship between politics and fear by referring to terror management theory and its insight into the relationship between mortality and fear. The concluding part addresses ways out of fear and in what way a dynamic type of religion helps to avoid scapegoating and political enmity. ; (VLID)5223433 ; Version of record

If most academic debates surrounding the recent boom of ancient DNA (aDNA) so far have concerned conflicting research epistemologies, this article is a call for taking aspects of media and communication more seriously. Analyzing the fates of two recent research papers on Viking Age Scandinavia, we show how aDNA research is communicated, narrated and infused with meaning in the public sphere, particularly in relation to popular narratives and political debates. We observe significant interlacing of scientific, political and media discourses in and around the papers, and conclude that archaeogenetics is a highly mediatized scientific field. ; Code, Narrative, History: Making Sense of Ancient DNA in Contemporary Culture

The purpose of the study is to find out How identity politics conducted by santri's. Through a qualitative approach with the subject amounted to 2 people. The results of this study prove that both subjects developed their political capacity through parliamentary struggle and amoeba political strategy by spreading to strategic posts. In addition there is a unique identity that santri have when plunging in politics, where identity as a santri is a pride because it has more value than other politicians who plunge in politics. In addition to this, politics is also regarded as a way of worship and khodamul ummah, not solely because of the position.

This article examines the extent to which economic or political factors shaped government preferences in the reform of the Economic Monetary Union. A multilevel analysis of European Union member governments' preferences on 40 EMU reform issues negotiated between 2010 and 2015 suggests that countries' financial sector exposure has significant explanatory power. Seeking to minimize the risk of costly bailouts, countries with highly exposed financial sectors were more likely to support solutions involving high degrees of European integration. In contrast, political factors had no systematic impact. These findings help to enhance our understanding of preference formation in the European Union and the viability of future EMU reform.