Suchergebnisse

THIS ARTICLE OUTLINES THE EUROPEAN UNION'S (EU) ANTI-DUMPING REGIME, AND CONTRASTS THE PROCESS WITH THE EU'S OWN COMPETITION REGIME AND WITH THE ANTI-TRUST AND ANTI-DUMPING SYSTEMS IN THE U.S.A. THE ARTICLE ARGUES THAT ATTEMPTS TO "JUDICIALIZE" ANTI-DUMPING ALONG THE LINES OF COMPETITION PROCEDURES ARE UNREALISTIC OWING TO THE UNDERLYING DIFFERENCES IN THE POLICIES. MOST IMPORTANTLY, THE ROLE OF THE MEMBER STATES IN EU ANTI-DUMPING POLICY IS MORE SIGNIFICANT THAN MIGHT AT FIRST APPEAR. THE LACK OF A COMMON IDEOLOGICAL POSITION AMONG THE MEMBER STATES MEANS THAT THEY WILL BE UNWILLING OR UNABLE FOR THE FORESEEABLE FUTURE TO DEVISE A PURELY LEGALISTIC AND DEPOLITICIZED SET OF RULES WHICH WOULD BE NECESSARY FOR APPLICATION OF THE ANTI-DUMPING REGIME TO BE SOLELY DELEGATED TO THE COMMISSION.

The main problems and priorities of regional social and economic development in Lithuania and other East –and Central European countries are described in the article. Innovation activities as the most important direction ofregional development are analyzed too.The main priorities of regional development oriented policy are characterized as follows:• specialization of regional social, economic and technological development,• establishing and modernization of the networks and infrastructure of industrial enterpises and industrialknots, multiindustrial clusters, social oriented groups of factories as well as innovation centres, businessincubators, science and technologies parks, investment and regional economic development agencies,• interregional and international cooperation with different regional economic and innovation systems, especiallyin EU.Idea of "oazis" policy in the regional development.Possibilities and necessity to prepare and realize regional development oriented national innovation policy aredescribed in the article as well.

The paper proceeds as follows: The first section sketches some main theoretical arguments concerning the dynamics of executive governance: first a set of arguments based on organisation theory is developed, after which we look into how policies can determine politics. The subsequent section outlines how executive governance has developed in EU research policy, reviewing the studies that form the basis for claims of technocratic dominance, segmentation and path dependence particular to EU research policy. Finally an overview is given of some main developments in the executive governance of research policy in the last decade, looking first into change and stability in its structure and capacity at the European level and then on empirical patterns of executive governance in committees and networks as evidenced in data on the Commission's expert group system. (author's abstract)

This article outlines some of the major EU security and defence policy initiatives and the role of the European Commission within these. The article focuses especially on those initiatives outlined in the draft document for the EU Strategic Compass that have a bearing both on the Commission's role and on other defence-related initiatives in 2022. The article also discusses the role of technological development and geo-economics in this new era of great-power competition. It concludes by discussing some of the implications of these developments for the political role of the European Commission and for the democratic and political accountability of the Union.

Newer approaches of industrial policy that focus on catalytic and facilitating interventions of government have become a rivalling model to neoclassical laissez-faire approaches. Inspired by the success stories of East Asian newly industrialised economies (NIEs), newer approaches advocate a more experimental policy stance. Newer industrial policies, including the concept of the &ldquo ; entrepreneurial state&rdquo ; call upon governments to play a catalytic and facilitating role in increasing innovation and, thus, economic growth. During the past three decades, countries have experimented with some of these new approaches, and so has the European Union (EU). Currently, two major policy frameworks of the EU, Horizon 2020 and smart specialisation, shape the European approach to industrial policy and are gaining in importance for enlargement and neighbourhood countries, too. At the same time, these countries outside the EU have pursued their own experiments in industrial policy. The article argues that to better understand what contributes to the success or failure of industrial policies, learning from experiences made both by the EU and its neighbours is valuable. The article draws conclusions from three countries in the EU&rsquo ; s neighbourhood, Israel, Tunisia, and North Macedonia. In particular, the article examines the role EU approaches and programs, such as smart specialisation or Horizon 2020, can play in anchoring more entrepreneurial industrial policies in enlargement and neighbourhood countries and addresses problems to be expected when governments are to engage in policy experimentation.

Purpose: The article aims to create a typology of transport platforms according to Gawer`s concept in the EU, their assessment through the prism of the concept of sustainable development and regulatory challenges. Design/Methodology/Approach: It is a conceptual paper based on the desk research method. The first step of the research was a literature review and critical analysis of the reports of research agencies devoted to transportation platforms phenomena. Next, building on established platform types' model from Evans and Gawer, the verification of different transport platforms available on the EU market was conducted. Data were collected from case studies, exchange, and logistics platform websites, reports, and scientific literature. Several practical examples were studied and verified from the perspective of the theoretical platforms types' model. Then the discussion is conducted on the value creation of each type of platform identified in light of sustainable development impact in the EU. Findings: Identification with examples in the EU transport market of transactional, innovative, integrated, and investment platforms. Presentation of economic, social benefits – the greatest for integrated platforms. Formulation of proposals for changes in the approach to regulation of the transport sector in the EU would 1) stimulate the development of platforms, 2) counteract the negative aspects of this phenomenon. Practical Implications: Classification of transport platforms that unable identification leading players of the transportation and logistics services available in the virtual world. Additionally, the way of further transportation platforms' development can be observed based on the study results. It can also help to include the transport platform solutions within activities dedicated to improving sustainable development strategies. Originality/Value: The article indicates a new approach to classify transport platforms. It discusses how these types of business models can bring added value in light of their sustainable development. It points out the actions that the EU should undertake to improve sustainability by enhancing the role of digital solutions. ; peer-reviewed

In order to shed light on the interactions between the sectoral policies and heritage protection objectives, this article focuses on the preservation of agricultural landscapes within the EU rural development policy, the second pillar of the CAP, which is often put forward as being powerful instrument in transforming the European agricultural landscapes. Based on the analysis of the EU 1305/2013 Regulation, rural development plan of Liguria and semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders, the article highlights the points of weakness and strength of the communitarian rural development policy in regards to the preservation of heritage agricultural landscape.

This paper addresses recent developments in the area of EU territorial cohesion. A first section is dedicated to the emergence of the place-based approach as a new paradigm of the EU cohesion policy, and the subsequent need for vertical, horizontal and territorial integration of policies. In a second step, progress recently made in the framework of the EU Territorial Agenda revision process towards a better understanding of, and recognition of the need for, territorial cohesion and policy integration is commented upon. Finally, a case is made for tangible steps to be taken to reform formal EU policy making, to strengthen the territorial dimension of both the overall policy approach and relevant sectoral policies.

When trade and environment are jointly considered, relaxing environmental standards can nurture economic growth. Among several instruments to balance trade and the environment, free trade agreements (FTAs) have been increasingly employed. This is particularly a priority policy of some developed countries when negotiating FTAs, other non-commercial commitments are conditioned for granting market access to goods from developing countries. Using Chapter 13 of the European Union and Vietnam free trade agreement (EU-Vietnam FTA) as a case study, this article argues that the EU's model of sustainable development is either a trade-off to gain market access for Vietnamese goods, or a meeting point between the EU's priority policy and Vietnam's internal need of addressing trade and sustainability. We further suggest that the sustainable development chapter in the prospective ASEAN-EU FTA, which would share great similarities with that in the EU-Vietnam FTA, could be agreed upon when the EU's perspective meets ASEAN's internal needs.
EU-Vietnam FTA, EU FTAs, sustainable development, Vietnam's internal needs

In this article, we identify Brexit as a critical juncture, wherein the EU has had the opportunity to reflect on and reinforce its identity, as a promoter of gender issues within the security domain. It draws on this identity from a foundational myth of the EU as gender equality polity, resulting in the creation of a socio-legal order and sustained discourse on gender inclusivity in all policy areas. Existing scholarship has drawn attention to the EU's particular success in gender equality promotion in the areas of social inclusion at member state level, including in the UK. But, is the EU's reach comprehensive beyond this policy sphere? We examine the ways in which gender is manifested in the area of foreign policy, an area where the UK has consistently shown some leadership on the integration of gender perspectives in its foreign policy through its international development programmes and the implementation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda. It is therefore timely to consider what impact Brexit has on EU policies, practices and the promotion of gender equality in this policy domain. Using a critical feminist lens, this article looks at the evolution of gender equality as a dimension of EU foreign and security policy in the context of EU–UK relations, and the divergences, opportunities and constraints that are crystallised by the Brexit process.

Following the stagnation of negotiations with the African, Caribbean and Pacific states, the centrepiece of the European Union's (EU's) trade and development strategy has been a reform of the Generalised System of Preferences. Although policy-makers in the Commission's Directorate General for Trade have argued they are 'refocusing' these preferences on the 'neediest', by rendering a significant proportion of emerging economies' exports ineligible for the scheme, this article argues that the reform is actually part of a broader 'reciprocity' agenda being pursued in the context of the current economic crisis. This is about ensuring the EU possesses sufficient offensive leverage in ongoing free trade agreement negotiations, rather than representing any mercantilist move towards greater domestic protection. In arguing that the EU's developmental trade agenda is increasingly subordinated to commercial imperatives, this article adds to a literature that has situated the study of EU trade and development policy within the field of political economy. Adapted from the source document.

Äquatorial-Guinea leidet immer noch unter den wirtschaftlich ruinösen Folgen der Gewaltherrschaft Francisco Macias Nguemas. Der seit 1979 regierende Staatspräsident T. Obiang N'guema Mbasogo versucht, die Ökonomie mit marktwirtschaftlichen Reformen wieder anzukurbeln, trifft aber, trotz einiger Erfolge, auf politischen Widerstand. Drei Artikel, Interviews mit dem Staatspräsidenten und dem Planungsminister Mba Ondo. (DÜI-Spe)