The relationship between voters' perceptions of party leaders' personality traits & their subsequent party identification & voting behavior was examined in the Nov 1981 Belgian national elections based on evaluations made by 201 voters of 4 well-known leaders of the main Flemish political parties. Factor analysis reveals 3 main dimensions of personality traits -- reliability, expertness, & self-control -- & 4 types of voters -- convinced, policy-oriented, routine, & indifferent. Party leaders' personality traits variably affected voting behavior depending on voter type. Overall, the personality profiles of each leader were quite similar; however, Rs identified with a certain party tended to rate politicians from that party more favorably, particularly on reliability & attractiveness dimensions. 6 Tables, 1 Figure. Modified HA
Rodni režim Europske unije je distinktivan režim specifične geneze, osebujnih pravila i kompleksnih procedura. Javne politike koje mu pripadaju čine portfelj rodne jednakosti država članica i kandidatkinja. Nužno je stoga biti upućen u njihov sadržaj, ali i povijest. U članku se analizira kompleksni nastanak politike rodne jednakosti obilježen političkim borbama oko suprotstavljenih vizija jednakosti, utjecajima drugih međunarodnih režima te internim institucionalnim sukobima. Glavno je pitanje: kako se u posljednjih šezdeset godina razvijala politika rodne jednakosti EU-a te kakve su njene ocjene i projekcije za njenu budućnost? U odgovaranju na ovo pitanje koriste se originalni javnopolitički dokumenti EU-a, kao i uvidi bogate literature iz politologijskog područja roda i politike. Članak se zaključuje uvidom kako nakon pola stoljeća razvoja, koji je bio obilježen epizodama javnopolitičkih inovacija (u kojima EU nije bila puka sljedbenica, već dapače predvodnica napretka na globalnoj sceni), dolazi do zabrinjavajućeg zastoja u formulaciji i implementaciji politike rodne jednakosti. ; Gender regime of the European Union is a distinctive regime characterized by a specific genesis, particular rules and complex procedures. Public policies belonging to the regime represent the gender equality portfolio of member states and candidate countries. It is, therefore, essential to be familiar with their content, as well as their history. The paper analyses the complex creation of the gender equality policy, marked by political conflicts over opposing visions of equality, influence of other international regimes and internal institutional conflicts. The main question is the following: how has gender equality policy developed in the last sixty years, how is it evaluated and what are the projections for its future? In order to address this question, original EU public policy documents are used, as well as insights from rich literature covering the politological aspect of gender and politics. The paper ends with a conclusion that after half a century of development, marked by episodes of public policy innovation (in which the EU was not a mere follower, but rather a leader of progress on the global scene), there is a worrying stagnation in the formulation and implementation of gender equality policy.
The main research problem of this article is whether the political message, that was addressed to voters in the presidential election from 2015, was based on the results of the evaluations or of the socio-economic researches were conducted by the research centers. The political views and slogans, which were presented by the candidates for the President of Poland during the campaign in 2015, were analyzed to answer the main research problem. The theoretical framework of the evaluation and the process of evaluation researches on the example of the managing authority of the operational program were described in the first part of this article. The European experience of utilization the evaluation results by the political class and the analysis of the presidential campaign from 2015 in reference of constructing political arguments with the results of the evaluation were presented in the second part. The author concludes that the results of the evaluation were marginally used during the campaign. The political arguments, that were used by candidates for the President of Poland, were mostly limited to recall simple figures, expert and public opinion, although in some cases the politics referenced to the results of the studies and reports. However, it is impossible to conclude if one of these studies was an evaluation research.
BACKGROUND: A randomized controlled trial of the SMART4MD tablet application was conducted for persons with mild cognitive impairment (PwMCI) and their informal caregivers to improve or maintain quality of life. OBJECTIVE: The objective was to conduct economic evaluation of SMART4MD compared to standard care in Sweden from a healthcare provider perspective based on a 6-month follow-up period. METHODS: Three hundred forty-five dyads were enrolled: 173 dyads in the intervention group and 172 in standard care. The primary outcome measures for PwMCI and informal caregivers were quality-adjusted life years (QALY). The results are presented as incremental cost-effectiveness ratios, and confidence intervals are calculated using non-parametric bootstrap procedure. RESULTS: For PwMCI, the mean difference in total costs between intervention and standard care was € 12 (95% CI: -2090 to 2115) (US$ = € 1.19) and the mean QALY change was -0.004 (95% CI: -0.009 to 0.002). For informal caregivers, the cost difference was - € 539 (95% CI: -2624 to 1545) and 0.003 (95% CI: -0.002 to 0.008) for QALY. The difference in cost and QALY for PwMCI and informal caregivers combined was -€ 527 (95% CI: -3621 to 2568) and -0.001 (95% CI: -0.008 to 0.006). Although generally insignificant differences, this indicates that SMART4MD, compared to standard care was: 1) more costly and less effective for PwMCI, 2) less costly and more effective for informal caregivers, and 3) less costly and less effective for PwMCI and informal caregivers combined. CONCLUSION: The cost-effectiveness of SMART4MD over 6 months is inconclusive, although the intervention might be more beneficial for informal caregivers than PwMCI. ; CC BY-NC 4.0 Correspondence to: Zartashia Ghani, PhD-Candidate, Applied Health Technology, Department of Health, Blekinge Institute of Technology, Lumavägen 1, 371 50 Karlskrona, Sweden. Tel.: 0046733420237; E-mail: zartashia.ghani@bth.se. The authors are grateful to everyone who volunteered to participate in the SMART4MD trial as well as ...
Introduction -- An MMPI-2-RF overview -- Assessing protocol validity with the MMPI-2-RF -- Assessing personality and psychopathology with the MMPI-2-Rf -- Foundational requirements in preemployment assessments -- Special considerations and interpretive guidelines for using the MMPI-2-RF in preemployment screening of public safety candidates -- The MMPI-2-RF Police Candidate Interpretive Report (PCIR) -- Using the MMPI-2-RF in psychological screening of police and public safety candidates -- Foundational requirements in fitness-for-duty evaluations -- Special considerations for using the MMPI-2-RF in fitness-for- duty evaluations -- Using the MMPI-2-RF to assess fitness for duty
Teza se bavi ispitivanjem uticaja sadržaja i sponzorstva negativnih političkih reklamnih poruka na stavove mladih glasača u Srbiji prema političkim kandidatima koji su meta ili sponzor tih poruka, zavisno od trajne i situacione političke involviranosti glasača i stepena njihove potrebe za kognicijom. Problem je razmatran u svetlu Teorije verovatnoće obrade. Cilj istraživanja bio je ispitati uticaje navedenih varijabli na stavove glasača prema sponzoru i meti negativne reklame, kao i na pojavu tzv. bumerang-efekta, nepovoljnijeg stava prema političkom kandidatu kada je sponzor negativne nego kada je sponzor pozitivne reklame. Izvedene su tri eksperimentalne studije: dvofaktorski mešoviti nacrt (situaciona involviranost, valenca poruke), jednofaktorski nacrt sa ponovljenim merenjima (sponzorstvo), i trofaktorski mešovit nacrt (situaciona politička involviranost, sadržaj poruke, sponzorstvo). Utvrđeno je da se u populaciji mladića studenata u Srbiji javlja bumerang-efekat. Efekti negativnih političkih reklama zavise značajno od trajne i situacione političke involviranosti, kao i od redosleda izlaganja poruka, sadržaja i sponzora reklamnih poruka, ali ne i od potrebe za kognicijom. Nalazi ukazuju na to da je upotreba negativnih političkih reklama neopravdana iz psihološke i šire društvene perspektive, osim pod posebnim uslovima. Objašnjavanjem psiholoških procesa pri izloženosti individua političkim reklamama, istraživanje direktno potvrđuje postulate Teorije verovatnoće obrade i njenu prediktivnost u oblasti političkog marketinga, na uzorku u Srbiji. Doprinos ove disertacije ogleda se i u tome što je ovo jedna od početnih studija istraživanja fenomena negativnih političkih reklama u Srbiji i psiholoških reakcija jednog segmenta glasača u Srbiji na njih ; The thesis examines the effect of the content and sponsorship of negative political advertising messages on the attitudes of young voters in Serbia towards political candidates who are the target or the sponsor of these messages, depending on the enduring and situational political involvement of voters and the level of their need for cognition. The issue has been considered in the light of Elaboration Likelihood Model. The aim of the research was to examine the effects of the mentioned variables on the attitudes of voters towards the sponsor and the target of negative advertisement, as well as on the occurrence of the so-called backlash effect, a less favorable attitude towards a political candidate being a sponsor of negative advertisement in comparison with himself being a sponsor of a positive advertisement. Three experimental studies have been carried out: two factor mixed design (situational involvement, message valence), single factor repeated measures design (sponsorship), and three factor mixed design (situational political involvement, message content, sponsorship). It has been determined that a backlash effect occured in population of young students in Serbia. The effects of negative political advertisements depend significantly on enduring and situational political involvement, as well as of the order of display of messages, content and sponsors of messages, but not on the need for cognition. The findings indicate that the use of negative political advertisements is not justified from a psychological and broader social perspective, except under special conditions. By explaining the psychological processes of individuals being exposed to political advertising messages, the research directly confirms the postulates of Elaboration Likelihood Model and its predictiveness in the field of political marketing, on a sample in Serbia. The contribution of this dissertation is also reflected in the fact that this is one of the initial research studies into the phenomenon of negative political advertisements in Serbia and psychological reactions of one segment of voters in Serbia to them
The EU pre-accession funds available to EU candidate countries play an important role in their adjustment for membership. Croatia, as a candidate country, used the Special Pre-Accession Program for Agriculture and Rural Development and the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance – Rural Development, one of the goals of which was to strengthen the competitiveness of businesses in the agriculture and food production sectors. The usage period covered two EU programming periods, as well as a recession period in Croatia that lasted from 2009 to 2014. An insight into the available literature reveals a lack of rigorous research and evaluation of the results of using these funds in Croatia as well as in other beneficiary countries. This paper evaluates the effect of pre-accession EU grants on beneficiaries in the agri-food sector using a quasi-experimental approach on the case of Croatia. The grants were shown to have a positive effect on firm survival, as well as positive effects on obtaining bank loans and increasing turnover, value added, employment, and total factor productivity. Heterogeneous treatment effects show that the grants resulted in the greatest additionality for micro-sized firms located in Central Croatia. Cost-benefit analysis estimates an increase in the value added, which outweighs scheme-induced costs by 120 percent in the short run and 90 percent in the mid run.
Partisanship is strongly correlated with attitudes and behavior, but it is unclear from this pattern whether partisan identity has a causal effect on political behavior and attitudes. We report the results of a field experiment that investigates the causal effect of party identification. Prior to the February 2008 Connecticut presidential primary, researchers sent a mailing to a random sample of unaffiliated registered voters who, in a pretreatment survey, leaned toward a political party. The mailing informed the subjects that only voters registered with a party were able to participate in the upcoming presidential primary. Subjects were surveyed again in June 2008. Comparing posttreatment survey responses to subjects' baseline survey responses, we find that those reminded of the need to register with a party were more likely to identify with a party and showed stronger partisanship. Further, we find that the treatment group also demonstrated greater concordance than the control group between their pretreatment latent partisanship and their posttreatment reported voting behavior and intentions and evaluations of partisan figures. Thus, our treatment, which appears to have caused a strengthening of partisan identity, also appears to have caused a shift in subjects' candidate preferences and evaluations of salient political figures. This finding is consistent with the claim that partisanship is an active force changing how citizens behave in and perceive the political world.
Concludes a collection of essays studying the impact of leadership personalities & personality traits on individual voters' decisions in the US, UK, France, Canada, Germany, & Russia. The seemingly narrow focus of the book's intent is noted before offering an estimate on which elections over the past 40 years have & have not been decided on the basis of voter's evaluations of leadership & candidates. Some country-specific points are addressed, & then the implications of the estimations are explored. It is found that, in general, it is rather unusual for leaders' & candidates' personalities & other traits to determine election outcomes. In addition, hypotheses presented in Chapter 1 are revisited in light of the estimations, & some complications are introduced. It is concluded that, for the six countries, personality factors impact election outcomes far less than generally assumed. 1 Table. J. Zendejas
The development of physiological models that reproduce SARS-CoV-2 infection in primary human cells will be instrumental to identify host-pathogen interactions and potential therapeutics. Here, using cell suspensions directly from primary human lung tissues (HLT), we have developed a rapid platform for the identification of viral targets and the expression of viral entry factors, as well as for the screening of viral entry inhibitors and anti-inflammatory compounds. The direct use of HLT cells, without long-term cell culture and in vitro differentiation approaches, preserves main immune and structural cell populations, including the most susceptible cell targets for SARS-CoV-2; alveolar type II (AT-II) cells, while maintaining the expression of proteins involved in viral infection, such as ACE2, TMPRSS2, CD147 and AXL. Further, antiviral testing of 39 drug candidates reveals a highly reproducible method, suitable for different SARS-CoV-2 variants, and provides the identification of new compounds missed by conventional systems, such as VeroE6. Using this method, we also show that interferons do not modulate ACE2 expression, and that stimulation of local inflammatory responses can be modulated by different compounds with antiviral activity. Overall, we present a relevant and rapid method for the study of SARS-CoV-2. ; This work was primarily supported by a grant from the Health Department of the Government of Catalonia (DGRIS 1_5). This work was additionally supported in part by the Spanish Health Institute Carlos III (ISCIII, PI17/01470; PI19CIII/00004; PI21CIII/00025 and COV20-00679 (MPY 222-20)), the Spanish Secretariat of Science and Innovation and FEDER funds (grant RTI2018-101082-B-I00 [MINECO/FEDER]), the Spanish AIDS network Red Temática Cooperativa de Investigación en SIDA (RD16/0025/0007 and RD16CIII/0002/0001), the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), the Fundació La Marató TV3 (grants 201805-10FMTV3 and 201814- 10FMTV3), the Gilead fellowships GLD19/00084 and GLD18/00008 and the Becas Taller Argal 2020. M.J.B is supported by the Miguel Servet program funded by the Spanish Health Institute Carlos III (CP17/00179). N.M. is supported by a Ph.D. fellowship from the Vall d'Hebron Institut de Recerca (VHIR). The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, the decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript. ; No
Obama's re-election margin, though smaller than his first victory in 2008, was still a healthy five million votes, while his electoral-college margin -- 332 to 206 -- constituted a modest landslide. That so many pundits considered the race to be a toss-up showed a way of a rather inexact attitude towards hard numbers. Obama's re-election meant that the Democratic candidate had won the popular vote in five of the past six national elections, spanning almost one-quarter of a century. It raised the possibility that the conservative realignment that took hold from Richard Nixon's narrow victory in 1968, through the two terms of Ronald Reagan and the single term of George H.W. Bush, had been superseded by a new, more liberal era in American politics. Adapted from the source document.
An evaluation of Hillary Clinton by thirty women writers considers her political career and prospects from supportive and less favorable perspectives, in a volume that includes contributions by such names as Deborah Tannen, Susan Cheever, and Lorrie Moore
